| Resum: |
Rusia y Costa Rica refuerza esta sorprendente conclusión. Otro resultado que estas encuestas producen es que las cuestiones "troncales", y las otras 50 a 70 cuestiones sobre conflicto social que constituyen el cuestionario cada año no tienen una estructura arbitraria que cambia de una encuesta a la otra. Las cuestiones "troncales" definen cada año una estructura reticular que se repite cada año con muy pocas modificaciones y que mediante sus vínculos (y oposiciones) define una estructura general con dos dimensiones fundamentales: en primer lugar, una oposición entre una postura abierta hacia la sociedad y sus problemas (los problemas sociales y conflictos de pueden manejar y solucionar) y una postura cerrada ("estábamos mejor en el pasado"); en segundo lugar, una oposición entre una reacción emotiva y una reacción no emotiva al conflicto social. Cada individuo o grupo social, posee una red de opiniones sobre conflicto social, opiniones que no son arbitrarias sino que están relacionadas unas con las otras de manera específica formando redes coherentes cuyos vínculos muestran una fuerte resistencia a la deformación por eventos externos. En resumen, las redes específicas de opinión sobre conflicto social se pueden asociar con individuos, grupos sociales o generaciones y los vínculos de la red muestran una fuerte resistencia al cambio a lo largo del tiempo. Hay incluso la posibilidad de medir la "resistencia" de estos vínculos reticulares. |
| Resum: |
For the last twenty years, on a more-or-less annual basis, the French research organization, Agoram‚trie, has surveyed French public opinion on social conflicts. With a unique methodology involving the representative sampling of both the French population and French media discourse concerning social conflicts, a closed questionnaire is constructed and used to collect survey data which is then analyzed using principal component analysis, among other methods. The rather surprizing results of twenty years of research on the same topic are that a small set of approximately 40 "trunk" questions appear in each sampling of media coverage of social conflicts, independent of economic crises, national or political crises, or other environing events. These "trunk" questions -- such as "are there too many immigrant workers", "are doctors trust-worthy", "should women have the same rights as men", "are politicians corrupt" -- appear as basic human interrogations concerning society, and the use of the Agoram‚trie method in Great Britain, Russia and Costa Rica reinforces this surprizing conclusion. Another result that these surveys produced is that "trunk" questions, and the 50 to 70 other questions concerning social conflict which constitute the questionnaire each year, do not have an arbitrary structure which changes from one survey to the next. The "trunk" questions define each year a fundamental network structure that comes back with little modification each year, and in which ties -- and oppositions -- define an overall structure with two fundamental dimensions: first, an opposition between an ouverture toward society and its problems (social problems and conflicts can be addressed and dealt with) and closure ("we were better off in the past"); second, an opposition between emotive and non-emotive reactions to social conflict. Each individual, each social group, possesses a network of opinions on social conflicts, opinions that are not arbitrary but tied one to another to form specific, coherent networks whose ties show a strong resistant to deformation by external events. In short, specific networks of opinions on social conflict can be associated with individuals, social groups and generations, and the network ties show strong resistance to change over time. There is even the possibility of measuring the "resilience" of these network ties. |
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