arts Article Singing to Emmanuel: The Wall Paintings of Sant Miquel in Terrassa and the 6th Century Artistic Reception of Byzantium in the Western Mediterranean Carles Sánchez Márquez 1,2 1 Department of Art and Musicology, Autonomous University of Barcelona, 08193 Bellaterra, Barcelona, Spain; carlos.sanchez.marquez@uab.cat 2 Terrassa City Council, 08221 Terrassa, Spain; carles.sanchezmarquez@terrassa.cat  Received: 24 July 2019; Accepted: 13 September 2019; Published: 29 September 2019  Abstract: Since the late 19th century the wall paintings of Sant Miquel in Terrassa have drawn attention due to their singularity. From the early studies of Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1867–1956) to the present, both the iconographic program and the chronology of the paintings have fueled controversy among scholars. In particular, chronological estimates range from the time of Early Christian Art to the Carolingian period. However, a recent technical study of the paintings seems to confirm an early date around the 6th century. This new data allows us to reassess the question in other terms and explore a new possible context for the paintings. First, it is very likely that the choice of iconographic topics was related to the debates on the Arian heresy that took place in Visigothic Spain during the 5th and 6th centuries. Secondly, the paintings of Sant Miquel should be reconsidered as a possible reception of a larger 6th-century pictorial tradition linked to the Eastern Mediterranean, which is used in a very particular way. However, thus far we ignore which were the means for this artistic transmission as well as the reasons which led the “doers” of Terrassa to select such a peculiar and unique repertoire of topics, motifs, and inscriptions. My paper addresses all these questions in order to propose a new Mediterranean framework for the making of this singular set of paintings. Keywords: Terrassa; Sant Miquel; wall painting; Emmanuel; Byzantium; Egypt 1. Introduction The Church of Sant Miquel de Terrassa forms part of the complex of the Ancient Episcopal See of Egara. It is composed of three churches, all of which present a pictorial decoration in their apses: Santa Maria (Saint Mary), Sant Miquel (Saint Michael), and Sant Pere (Saint Peter). The latest archaeological studies undertaken as part of the Pla Director de les Esglésies de Sant Pere (Director’s Plan for the Churches of Sant Pere) (1995–2009) have enabled us to place the date for the start of the building of this artistic ensemble at the time when the ancient Roman municipality of Egara was designated an Episcopal See (ca. 450–465). During the bishopric of Ireneus, construction began on a great complex for the Cathedral of Santa Maria, the funerary building of Sant Miquel, and the parish church of Sant Pere (Figures 1 and 2). Arts 2019, 8, 128; doi:10.3390/arts8040128 www.mdpi.com/journal/arts Arts 2019, Arts 2019, 8, 8, xx FOR FOR PEER PEER REVIEW REVIEW 22 of of 31 31 coincides with the completion of the construction project at the see of Egara, and by extension, with the construction of the actual Church of Sant Miquel. The main objective of this article is to show that the 2019, Arts pictorial 8, 128 decoration of the apse of Sant Miquel is contemporary with the construction of 2 ofthe 30 building (6th century). Figure 1. Figure 1. The Ancient Episcopal See of Egara. © ©Museu Museude deTerrassa Terrassa (with (with kind kind permission). permission). Figure 2. Episcopal See See of of Egara Egara(Terrassa). (Terrassa).Virtual reconstruction.©©Dualmultimedia, Virtualreconstruction. Dualmultimedia,according to to according G. Garcia, G. A. A. Garcia, Moro, andand Moro, F. Tuset (with F. Tuset kind (with permission). kind permission). Archaeological Nonetheless, it study has demonstrated is important to emphasize that that whenthethechronology project for the Cathedral of the of Santa paintings Maria was decorating the as yet unfinished, apses of the three thechurches original tripartite has beenchancel of the building the subject of debate.was transformed Following theinto a chancelofconsisting discovery the wall of a singleJosep paintings, apse, Puig withiaCadafalch contained(1936, rectangular 1948, pp. exterior 25–33)andwasa the semicircular interior. first scholar to carryArchaeologists out a minute date this to analysis, in the which6th century (Garciathe he defended Llinares et al. stylistic 2009). (and The building therefore of this apse chronological) coincides identities withwall of the the paintings of Sant Miquel and those of the Church of Santa Maria in the same episcopal complex: the completion of the construction project at the see of Egara, and by extension, with the construction of actual Church of Sant Miquel. The main objective of this article is to show that the pictorial decoration The technique’s identity, as well as some of the ornamental themes, compel us to believe of the apse of Sant Miquel is contemporary with the construction of the building (6th century). that the twoit paintings Nonetheless, is important [Santa Maria and to emphasize Sant that the Miquel] of chronology should be considered the paintings decorating tothe beapses contemporaries and perhaps to be the work of the same hand. of the three churches has been the subject of debate. Following the discovery of the wall paintings, Puig The author related i Cadafalch the style (1936, 1948, pp.and iconography 25–33) was the firstof the paintings scholar to those to carry out a of Syria and minute Coptic analysis, in Egypt, which butdefended he also to the themosaics stylisticof(and Ravenna, which therefore led to situating chronological) the pictorial identities ensemble of the wall of Santa paintings Maria of Sant and Miquel and those Sant Miquel of in thetheChurch of Santa 6th century. Maria incounterpoint Running the same episcopal complex: to the chronological hypothesis posed by Puig i Cadafalch and supported on one side by the historiography (Cirici i Pellicer 1945; Garcia Llinares et The technique’s identity, as well as some of the ornamental themes, compel us to believe that al. 2009; Ferran 2015), Josep Pijoan situated the paintings to be from the Carolingian Period (Pijoan the two paintings [Santa Maria and Sant Miquel] should be considered to be contemporaries and Gudiol 1948, p. 43). and perhaps to be the work of the same hand. In the wake of Pijoan, and based solely on iconographic and stylistic aspects, some authors who have The studied author the pictorial related theensemble style andhave proposed a later iconography of thedates for theto paintings paintings;near those of Syria theand endCoptic of the Egypt, but also to the mosaics of Ravenna, which led to situating the pictorial ensemble of Santa Maria and Sant Miquel in the 6th century. Running counterpoint to the chronological hypothesis posed by Puig i Cadafalch and supported on one side by the historiography Arts 2019, 8, 128 3 of 30 (Cirici i Pellicer 1945; Garcia Llinares et al. 2009; Ferran 2015), Josep Pijoan situated the paintings to be from the Carolingian Period (Pijoan and Gudiol 1948, p. 43). In the wake of Pijoan, and based solely on iconographic and stylistic aspects, some authors who have studied the pictorial ensemble have proposed a later dates for the paintings;near the end of the 9th century (Ainaud de Lasarte 1959, 1976; Guardia 1992; Mancho 2012, 2018), circa the year 900 (Grabar 1945), in the 10th century (Barral i Altet 1981), and even at the end of the 10th and beginning of the 11th centuries (Cook and Gudiol 1950, p. 22). It is well worth remembering that the last proposal for a later date (Mancho 2012, 2018) casts doubt on the technical and methodological data given for the different interventions, such that it is only based on a series of stylistic arguments defending the position that the paintings are from the time of Frodoí, Bishop of Barcelona (861–890), from the second half of the 9th century, when Egara had ceased to be an episcopal see. Thus, since the studies of Puig i Cadafalch, the paintings of Sant Miquel have been the subject of a polarized historiographic debate between those who defend a Carolingian chronology (9th century) and those who situate them in the Late Antiquity. To this end, the interventions carried out on the ensemble in recent years by archaeologists, restorers, epigraphists, and art historians under the aegis of the Director’s Plan for the Churches of Sant Pere have provided new data that leads us toward a later date—the 6th century. In this context, this paper is divided into three parts: First, it outlines the creation of the Bishopric of Egara, the discovery of the paintings of Sant Miquel and its iconographic interpretation. Then, it looks into the historical and artistic framework of the paintings. Finally, the paper discusses about the chronology. 2. The Creation of the Bishopric of Egara The founding of the Episcopal See of Egara dates back to the middle of the 5th century. At that time, Nundinarius, Bishop of Barcelona, decided to divide his diocese into two parts: the coastline (for the diocese of Barcelona) and the interior, where he created the new diocese of Egara, with Ireneus as its first bishop (Mundó i Marcet 1992, pp. 41–49; Martí i Bonet 1992; 2004, pp. 77–107; Ferran 2009, p. 59). We know of the details of the foundation of the diocese of Egara thanks to the correspondence maintained between the Pope Hilarius (451–458) and Ascanius, Archbishop of Tarragona, with regard to the controversial appointment of Irineus (Bishop of Egara) as Bishop of Barcelona in the year 465.1 After the celebration of the Council of Santa Maria Maggiore of Rome, Pope Hilarius sent a letter to the Archbishop of Tarragona (30 December 465) which showed his disapproval of the bishops of Tarragona due to the appointment of Irineus as Bishop of Barcelona and ordered his immediate return to the See of Egara, which had been created only a few years earlier. These documents lead one to think, therefore, that the terminus ante quem for the founding of the bishopric would be the year 465. The granting of the Episcopal category to the old municipium flavium of Egara favored the formation of a grand construction campaign, beginning during the times of Irineus and ending the following century. The new project conceived the building of a grand episcopal complex organized into three terraces (Garcia Llinares et al. 2009). On the first terrace, located to the south, new offices and spaces designed for the episcopal residence were built, as well as a private chapel dedicated to Saints Just and Pastor. On the second terrace, the Cathedral of Santa Maria was built, with two distinct areas: the baptistery and the basilica itself. To the north of the cathedral, the funerary Church of Sant Miquel (Figures 3 and 4) can be found. Finally, on the third terrace, to the north, the parish Church of Sant Pere was built. In the western sector, and closing out the complex, a double funerary corridor was raised 1 The minutes of the Council of Santa Maria Maggiore, the letters of the bishops of Tarragona and the response from Pope Hilarius are found in the Collectio Canonum Hispania from the 7th century, the work of Saint Isidoro in the year 634. See (Migne 1844–1855, pl. 58, col. 12–20; 67, col. 315–20). Arts Arts 2019, 2019, 8, 8, x x FOR FOR PEER PEER REVIEW REVIEW 44 of of 31 31 The The Muslim Muslim invasions invasions ofof the the Iberian Iberian Peninsula Peninsula would would mark mark thethe end end ofof the the golden golden ageage ofof glory glory of of the monumental complex and the end of the Bishopric of Egara. After the conquest of Barcelona in the monumental complex and the end of the Bishopric of Egara. After the conquest of Barcelona in the the year year 801 801 by by the the Franks, Franks, the the country’s country’s stability stability allowed allowed for for certain certain episcopal episcopal sees sees to to be be reinstituted reinstituted Arts 2019, 8, 128 4 of 30 (Soler (Soler ii Jimenez Jimenez 2003, 2003, pp. pp. 90–81), 90–81), with with the the exception exception of of Egara Egara and and Empúries. Empúries. In In the the 12th 12th century, century, the the complex complex was was the the subject subject of of aa new new building building campaign. campaign. On On 22 January January 1112, 1112, the to new new Romanesque theconnect the baptistery Romanesque Church with of Church theSanta of parish Santa Maria church, Maria was consecrated, wassuch that all ofreintegrating consecrated, the buildings reintegrating the apse were the of of the the ancient apseconnected by a ancient Episcopal central cathedral, garden that with its functioned wall as apaintings. cemetery. In the Today, same way, important toward vestiges the of end the Episcopal cathedral, with its wall paintings. In the same way, toward the end of the 12th century, of the episcopal12th century, buildings areaa new still Romanesque newpreserved: Romanesque the nave was apse of nave wasthebuilt at at Sant Cathedral built SantofPere Santain Pere the the same inMaria complex, and the same which baptistery; complex, which thewas fit fit into entirety was the of the into ancient thebuilding ancient trefoil of Sant apse of Miquel; the Episcopal and the apse trefoil apse of the Episcopal phase. phase. of the parish Church of Sant Pere (Figure 5). Figure 3. Church Figure 3. Church of of Sant Sant Miquel Miquel (Terrassa). (Terrassa). © © Teresa © Teresa Llordés Teresa Llordés (with kind permission). (with kind permission). Figure 4. Church Figure 4. Church of of Sant Sant Miquel Miquel (Terrassa). © Teresa (Terrassa). © © Teresa Llordés Teresa Llordés (with (with kind kind permission). permission). The Muslim invasions of the Iberian Peninsula would mark the end of the golden age of glory of the monumental complex and the end of the Bishopric of Egara. After the conquest of Barcelona in the year 801 by the Franks, the country’s stability allowed for certain episcopal sees to be reinstituted (Soler i Jimenez 2003, pp. 90–81), with the exception of Egara and Empúries. In the 12th century, the complex was the subject of a new building campaign. On 2 January 1112, the new Romanesque Church of Santa Maria was consecrated, reintegrating the apse of the ancient Episcopal cathedral, with its wall paintings. In the same way, toward the end of the 12th century, a new Romanesque nave was built at Sant Pere in the same complex, which was fit into the ancient trefoil apse of the Episcopal phase. Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 31 Arts 2019, 8, 128 5 of 30 Figure 5. Architectural phases of the complex of Terrassa. According to G. Garcia, A. Moro, and F. Figure 5. Architectural phases of the complex of Terrassa. According to G. Garcia, A. Moro, and F. Tuset. © G.Garcia, A. Moro and F. Tuset (with kind permission). Tuset. © G.Garcia, A. Moro and F. Tuset (with kind permission). 3. The Recovery of a Forgotten Beauty: Discovery and First Studies of the Paintings 3. The Recovery of a Forgotten Beauty: Discovery and First Studies of the Paintings The existence of the wall paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa has been known since the late 19th The existence century. of the wall On 25 December 1892,paintings the weeklyof magazine Sant Miquel depublished Ègara Terrassa has been known an article entitledsince the late “Scientific and 19th century. Artistic Movement On 25in December 1892, the Terrassa”, echoing theweekly presencemagazine Ègara of pictorial published remnants in the an apse article of theentitled church.2 “Scientific As can beand ArtisticinMovement observed in Terrassa”, a photograph from theechoing the presence year 1878, of pictorial the paintings remnants were found in the hidden apse a under oflayer the church. 2 of lime thatAs can be observed covered the entireinapse. a photograph from over It was presided the year by a1878, Gothicthe paintingsdepicting altarpiece were found Saint hidden Michael, Arts under a 2019, 8,created layer of by the x FOR PEER lime that covered the entire apse. It was presided over by a Gothic altarpiece painters Jaume Cirera and Guillem Talarn in the year 1450 (Figure 6). 6 of 31 REVIEW depicting Saint Michael, created by the painters Jaume Cirera and Guillem Talarn in the year 1450 (Figure 6). Despite the fact that the pictorial decoration was known to exist since the end of the 19th century, it was not until the 1920’s that the first intervention was undertaken to restore its memory. During the years 1927 and 1928, the paintings were restored as part of the restorative work at Sant Miquel, directed by architect and historian Josep Puig i Cadafalch (Castellano i Tresserra et al. 1993). At this moment, all of the building’s interior facing was re-surfaced and the paintings were subjected to their first restoration, financed by Lluís Plandiura, consisting of the pictorial reintegration of the figures that could be seen beneath the layers of lime that had been removed. Figure 6. Inside of the church of Sant Sant Miquel, Miquel, c. c. 1878. Author: Adrià © Museu Adrià Torrija. © Museu de de Terrassa, Terrassa, MdT 18955. The area of the apse located under the window line was also re-surfaced and covered with a new 2 2 Egaralayer plaster Weeklyfor Egara Weekly the definitive Magazine, Magazine, Year I, presentation Year I, núm.5. Terrassa, 25of núm.5. Terrassa, theDecember restoration December 25 1892. of the building by Puig i Cadafalch in 1892. 1929 and 1930. Consequently, if the lower area of the apse was also decorated with wall paintings, these were lost after the elimination of the plaster as part of the first intervention. After the restoration, the pictorial cycle attracted the attention of the scholars, who undertook the first analysis of the ensemble. As well as the first study was undertaken by local historian Josep Soler i Palet (Soler i Palet 1928, p. 119), researchers such as Charles Kuhn pointed out the extraordinary discovery (Kuhn 1930, pp. 9–11). After these first analyses, Josep Puig i Cadafalch Arts 2019, 8, 128 6 of 30 Despite the fact that the pictorial decoration was known to exist since the end of the 19th century, it was not until the 1920’s that the first intervention was undertaken to restore its memory. During the years 1927 and 1928, the paintings were restored as part of the restorative work at Sant Miquel, directed by architect and historian Josep Puig i Cadafalch (Castellano i Tresserra et al. 1993). At this moment, all of the building’s interior facing was re-surfaced and the paintings were subjected to their first restoration, financed by Lluís Plandiura, consisting of the pictorial reintegration of the figures that could be seen beneath the layers of lime that had been removed. The area of the apse located under the window line was also re-surfaced and covered with a new plaster layer for the definitive presentation of the restoration of the building by Puig i Cadafalch in 1929 and 1930. Consequently, if the lower area of the apse was also decorated with wall paintings, these were lost after the elimination of the plaster as part of the first intervention. After the restoration, the pictorial cycle attracted the attention of the scholars, who undertook the first analysis of the ensemble. As well as the first study was undertaken by local historian Josep Soler i Palet (Soler i Palet 1928, p. 119), researchers such as Charles Kuhn pointed out the extraordinary discovery (Kuhn 1930, pp. 9–11). After these first analyses, Josep Puig i Cadafalch published his first contribution, entitled Les pintures del segle VI de la catedral de Égara, Terrassa (The 6th Century Paintings of the Cathedral of Égara, Terrassa), in which the Catalan historian presented a chronological hypothesis which he would maintain during his entire career (Puig i Cadafalch 1936, 1931, 1932a, 1932b). His article is of great importance, as not only does it include the first photographs of Sant Miquel, but Puig i Cadafalch also published the first tracings of its pictorial decoration, which are currently preserved in the archives of the Local Architectural Heritage Service of the Regional Council of Barcelona. Since the 1950’s, the paintings of Sant Miquel have been the subject of new studies (Grabar 1945; Pijoan and Gudiol 1948). The most distinguished among them were undertaken most recently by Guardia (1992), Mancho (2012, 2018), and Ferran (2015). In the years 2001 and 2002 the paintings were the subject of important work in restoration undertaken by the ARCOR company as part of two campaigns: the first during the months of July and August of 2002, and the second between the end of 2001 and the first semester of 2002.3 The work consisted of consolidating the mortars, eliminating inadequate rehabilitation, the treatment of cracks and fissures, cleaning and a minimum of pictorial reintegration. The restoration not only allowed for the consolidation of the paintings but also allowed for the discovery of certain areas of these same paintings that were totally unknown, an important fact to advance in the knowledge of their iconography. 4. Art, Music, and Liturgy at Sant Miquel Before entering into the iconographic and interpretive debate of the paintings of Sant Miquel, it would be worth carrying out a preliminary descriptive examination of their represented motifs. The decoration of the apse is organized into two registers, separated by two wide red-colored bands (Figures 7 and 8). The upper area presents a grand mandorla held by four angels, featuring the image of enthroned Christ inside, in which he holds a book with the remnants of an illegible inscription in his left hand. He is shown haloed, with a cross decorated by lines inside it and with three arms, among which the inscription EMA/VV [ . . . ] can be read, which should be translated as Em(m)anu(el) (Figure 9). As part of the restoration undertaken in 2001 and 2002, images of the Sun and Moon, cosmic symbols of eternity, were discovered on both sides of the mandorla. It is a very simple representation of two radial circles: the one situated to the left was identified as the Sun, while a similar one was on the right, but featuring a human face. This latter image still has the vestiges of a rectangular cartouche with an inscription LUNA (MOON) (Figure 10).4 3 See (ARCOR 2001, 2002). Information preserved in the archive of the Museum of Terrassa. 4 In pagan monuments, the Sun was represented as a radiated disc, or in Syria as a rosette with outspread petals, or as a cross limited by points. The Moon, for its part, appears represented as a rosette in the form of a helix or in its crescent shape, among which the inscription EMA/VV […] can be read, which should be translated as Em(m)anu(el) (Figure 9). As part of the restoration undertaken in 2001 and 2002, images of the Sun and Moon, cosmic symbols of eternity, were discovered on both sides of the mandorla. It is a very simple representation of two radial circles: the one situated to the left was identified as the Sun, while a similar Arts 2019,one 8, 128was on the right, but featuring a human face. This latter image still has the vestiges7 of of30a 4 rectangular cartouche with an inscription LUNA (MOON) (Figure 10)4. Figure 7. Figure 7. Sant Sant Miquel de Terrassa, Miquel de Terrassa, wall wall paintings paintings of of the the apse. apse. © © author. author. rts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of FigureFigure 8. Drawing 8. Drawing of thepaintings of the wall wall paintings of SantofMiquel Sant Miquel © ARCOR (Terrassa). (Terrassa). © ARCOR (withpermission). (with kind kind permission). 44 In pagan monuments, the Sun was represented as a radiated disc, or in Syria as a rosette with outspread petals, or as a cross limited by points. The Moon, for its part, appears represented as a rosette in the form of a helix or in its crescent shape, at times alone and at other times inscribed in a circle. These representational forms were quickly adopted by Christian artists, and we have preserved good examples of them in the Rabbula Gospels (6th century). Figure 9. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Inscription Em(m)anu(el). © ARCOR. Figure 9. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Inscription Em(m)anu(el). © ARCOR. at times alone and at other times inscribed in a circle. These representational forms were quickly adopted by Christian artists, and we have preserved good examples of them in the Rabbula Gospels (6th century). Arts 2019, 8, 128 8 of 30 Figure 9. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Inscription Em(m)anu(el). © ARCOR. Figure 10. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Image of the moon. © ARCOR. Figure 10. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Image of the moon. © ARCOR. The lower area is occupied by the apostles presented in profile, kneeling and wearing clothing The lowerthat is clearly area of a Roman tradition: is occupied a tunic, a praetexta by the apostles toga, and presented insandals. profile,In the central dividing kneeling andband wearing clothin several tituli with the names of six apostles appear: Petrus, Andreas, Iacobus, Iohannes, Philippus, and hat is clearly of a Roman Bartholomeus tradition: (Peter, Andrew, a tunic, James, a Philip, John, praetexta toga, and In and Bartholomew). sandals. the centralInpart theof central this band,dividing ban everal tituli with the with coinciding names ofcircles the five six apostles of the lower appear: Petrus, register, there are linesAndreas, Iacobus, that correspond Iohannes, to decorative motifs Philippus, an and next, there is another large band that would hold the inscriptions of six more apostles, which have artholomeus (Peter, Andrew, James, John, Philip, and Bartholomew). In the central part of this band disappeared. In the extreme right, we can only identify an “S”, followed by a cross which we should oinciding with the relate five circles to Paulus of Paul). (the Apostle the lower register, there are lines that correspond to decorativ motifs and next, thereFinally, is in the space located another large between bandthethattwo groups would of apostles, hold the five circles with concentric inscriptions linesmore apostle of six are represented. The central one has eight spokes and probably would be interpreted as being a hich have disappeared. Crismon, while In the the extreme remaining right, four allude to,we as wecanshallonly identify see, the wheels ofanthe“S”, visionfollowed of Ezekiel. by a cross whic e should relate to Paulus (the Apostle Paul). 4.1. A Synoptic Theophany Finally, in the space located between the two groups of apostles, five circles with concentric line Identification of the iconographic theme represented in the apse of Sant Miquel has been the re represented. The subject central of debate amongone haswho scholars eight havespokes and dwelt on the probably paintings. would (1936) Puig i Cadafalch be interpreted interpreted as being rismon, whilethethe remaining scene four as a theophany allude derived fromto, as wevision the second shallofsee, theandwheels Ezekiel ofthethe identified vision of Ezekiel. 12 characters from the lower register as being “people of varying social conditions of Jerusalem”. On the other hand, Charles Kuhn defined the iconography as a combination of an apocalyptic 1. A Synopticvision Theophany and that of Ezekiel, converting the Apostles into the Elders of the Apocalypse, reduced from 25 to 12 (Kuhn 1928, 1930, pp. 9–11). However, the epigraphic study undertaken by the team of the ICAC Identification and theof the iconographic Universitat theme Rovira i Virgili in represented 2015 has in the allowed us to read thedidactic apsecharacter of Santinscriptions Miquel has been th ubject of debate among that appear scholars together whoin the with the figures have lowerdwelt on the register (López paintings. Vilar and Puiga fact Gorostidi 2015a), i Cadafalch that (193 allows us unequivocally identify Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW the figures as the Apostles (Figure 11). 9 of 31 nterpreted the scene as a theophany derived from the second vision of Ezekiel and identified the 1 haracters from the lower register as being “people of varying social conditions of Jerusalem”. On the other hand, Charles Kuhn defined the iconography as a combination of an apocalypt sion and that of Ezekiel, converting the Apostles into the Elders of the Apocalypse, reduced from 5 to 12 (Kuhn 1928, 1930, pp. 9–11). However, the epigraphic study undertaken by the team of th CAC and the Universitat Rovira i Virgili in 2015 has allowed us to read the didactic characte nscriptions that appear together Figure 11. Sant Miquel dewith the Terrassa, Terrassa, figures wall wall paintings.in paintings. the lower Epigraphic register inscription: inscription: PETRVS.(López © Vilar and Gorostid © Jordi López and Diana Gorostidi (with kind permission). 015a), a fact that allows us unequivocally identify the figures as the Apostles (Figure 11). The third interpretation was that of André Grabar (1945), who identified the scene as being the Ascension of Christ as a cultural act in the contemplation of God.5 In my opinion, in the apse of Sant Miquel de Terrassa, we find a synoptic theophany that fuses two textual sources in one theme: the Ascension of Christ and the Vision of Ezekiel. Although the primary and hierarchic source of the paintings is the Ascension of Christ (Mark XVI, 19; Luke XXIV, Arts 2019, 8, 128 9 of 30 The third interpretation was that of Grabar (1945), who identified the scene as being the Ascension of Christ as a cultural act in the contemplation of God.5 In my opinion, in the apse of Sant Miquel de Terrassa, we find a synoptic theophany that fuses two textual sources in one theme: the Ascension of Christ and the Vision of Ezekiel. Although the primary and hierarchic source of the paintings is the Ascension of Christ (Mark XVI, 19; Luke XXIV, 50–51; Acts I, 9–12),6 we find elements of the vision of Ezekiel, specifically the four wheels of the cart and the throne (Ezekiel I, 4–28; X, 1–22). The image resulting from this fusion has lost its meaning as a specific biblical episode, to become a synoptic theophany emphasizing the presence and the divinity of Christ. The historic episodes of the Ascension and the vision of Ezekiel are only a pretext, simple starting points that allow us to explain the theological truths on the Nature of Christ. What is the origin of this iconographic model? Varying evidence leads me to think that the patrons of Terrassa knew of an Eastern model that may have inspired the paintings of Sant Miquel, specifically found in the theophanies predominant in the Syrian/Palestinian and Coptic art of the 6th-7th centuries. On one hand, some of the iconic elements, such as the four angels holding the mandorla, where Christ ascends to heaven as a “basileus celeste”, remind us of the Syrian-Palestinian Ascensions, whose best example is the Rabbula Gospels from the 6th century (Florence, Laur., Plut. 1. 56, c.13v) (Figure 12). In this same way, the imago clipeata of Christ being taken to heaven by four angels also appears in some of the ampullae, a pilgrimage flasks from the Holy Land, dating from the 6th–7th centuries, as in the case of those housed in the Museum of Duomo di Monza (Figure 13),7 which preserves the representation of Artsthe Ascension 2019, of Christ. 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 10 of 31 Figure 12. 12. Rabbula Gospels from the the 6th 6th century century (Florence, (Florence, Laur., Laur.,Plut. Plut. 1.1. 56, c.13v). © 56, c.13v). © Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana (with kind permission). 5 Christe (1969, p. 69), Mancho (2012, pp. 343–94), and Ferran (2015) accepted the identification of the theme as that of the Ascension. 6 Regarding the iconography of the Ascension, see (Dewald 1915; Van der Meer 1938, pp. 185–88, 196–98; Belting-Ihm 1960, pp. 95–112, 1989, pp. 43–59; Schiller 1971, pp. 141–64; Schmidt 1991, pp. 572–77). 7 Regarding the ampullae from the Holy Land housed in Monza and Bobbio, see (Grabar 1958). Figure 12. Rabbula Gospels from the 6th century (Florence, Laur., Plut. 1. 56, c.13v). © Biblioteca Arts 2019, 8, 128 10 of 30 Medicea Laurenziana (with kind permission). ◦ 1 of Monza, reverse. 6th century. © Treasury of Monza Cathedral (with kind permission). 13. Ampulla Figure 13. Figure Ampullan nº1 of Monza, reverse. 6th century. © Treasury of Monza Cathedral (with kind permission). However, we would have to search in the Coptic theophanies of the 6th century for the closest model to the scene at Terrassa, such as those at Qubbet al-Hawa, the lintel of El-Moallaka, or those However, we would have to search in the Coptic theophanies of the 6th century for the closest found at the monastery of San Apolo of Bawit: Chapel 17 (Figure 14) and apses of halls 6 and 20 ofofthe model Arts 2019,to8,the scene x FOR PEERat Terrassa, such as those at Qubbet al-Hawa, the lintel of El-Moallaka, or11those REVIEW 31 Coptic Museum of Cairo (Figures 15 and 16).8 We can find one of the most similar examples on the found at the monastery of San Apolo of Bawit: Chapel 17 (Figure 14) and apses of halls 6 and 20 of apse of Hall the apse 6 of6 the of Museum Hall Coptic of the CopticMuseum Museum of Cairo, where 8 We we wesee seeaaone repetition of oficonographic elements the Coptic of Cairo (Figures 15of Cairo, and 16). wherecan find repetition of the most iconographic elements similar examples on like enthroned Christ, the clipeata like the enthroned Christ, the clipeata images of the Sun and Moon, and the Apostolic College with the images of the Sun and Moon, and the Apostolic College with inscriptions inscriptions identifying identifying each each one one ofof the the characters. characters. 8 For the latest published studies on the pictorial decoration of Bawit, see (Iacobini 2000). The author considers that in the images of Bawit, there is a hierarchic relationship between the different textual sources, with the Figure14. Figure 14.Bawit Bawit(Egypt), (Egypt),chapel chapel17. 17. Aquarelle copy. After Clédat Clédat (1904) (1904) vol. vol.1,1,part parttwo. two.pl. pl.XLI. XLI. 8 For the latest published studies on the pictorial decoration of Bawit, see (Iacobini 2000). The author considers that in the images of Bawit, there is a hierarchic relationship between the different textual sources, with the vision of Ezequiel as their primary source of inspiration (Iacobini 2000, pp. 107–19). On the contrary, Van der Meer (1938, pp. 266–71) proposed a liturgical matrix for the theophanies of Chapels XVII and XXVI of Bawit. The presence of the Trisagion in the book of Christ leads him to think that the theophanies of Bawit are the evocation that figures in the introduction of the Trisagion sung in the liturgy. Figure 15. Cairo, Coptic Museum: wall paintings of chapel 6 of Bawit (Egypt). 6th century. © Coptic Museum (with kind permission). Arts 2019, 8, 128 11 of 30 Figure 14. Bawit (Egypt), chapel 17. Aquarelle copy. After Clédat (1904) vol. 1, part two. pl. XLI. Figure 14. Bawit (Egypt), chapel 17. Aquarelle copy. After Clédat (1904) vol. 1, part two. pl. XLI. Figure 15. Cairo, Coptic Museum: wall paintings of chapel 6 of Bawit (Egypt). 6th century. © Coptic Figure Figure 15. Cairo, 15. Cairo, Coptic Coptic Museum:wall Museum: wallpaintings paintings of chapel chapel66ofofBawit Bawit(Egypt). 6th6th (Egypt). century. © Coptic century. © Coptic Museum (with Museum kind (with permission). kind permission). Museum (with kind permission). Figure 16. Bawit Figure (Egypt), 16. Bawit apse (Egypt), apseof of salle 20,atatthe salle 20, the present present in Coptic in the the Coptic Museum, Museum, Inv. NoInv. 8012.No 8012. (with kind(with Figure 16. Bawit (Egypt), apse of salle 20, at the present in the Coptic Museum, Inv. No 8012. (with kindpermission). permission). kind permission). Nevertheless, other iconographic details incorporated into the chapels of Bawit such as the Tongues of Fire, the Tetramorph, the Virgin, and in some cases even the Prophet Ezekiel (Chapel XLV), do not appear at Terrassa. Therefore, in comparison to the Coptic theophanies, the scene at Sant Miquel vision of Ezequiel is more syntheticas their and primary source of inspiration (Iacobini 2000, pp. 107–19). On the contrary, Van der hermetic. vision of Ezequiel as their primary source of inspiration (Iacobini 2000, pp. 107–19). On the contrary, Van der Meer (1938, pp. In anypp. 266–71) case, proposed I believe a liturgical that both matrix the Coptic for the theophanies theophanies of Chapels and those found XVII at Sant and XXVI Miquel couldof Bawit. Meer (1938, 266–71) proposed a liturgical matrix for the theophanies of Chapels XVII and XXVI ofbe Bawit. The presence to considered of theexamples Trisagion in athe booktype of Christ leads him to think that the theophanies with some of Bawit are the The presence of bethe Trisagion of single in the of stereotypical book of Christ leads him toimages, although think that the theophanies variations, of Bawit are the evocation that figures that emerged duringin theend introduction of the 4thof the Trisagion withinsung in the liturgy. evocation that figures inthe the introduction ofcentury, the Trisagion the framework sung of the Trinitarian conflicts, in the liturgy. such as Arianism, which shook the Eastern and Western Mediterranean. In the case of Terrassa, the historical episode of the Ascension is a pretext to explain, via a “theophany”, theological truths about the reality of the incarnation and divinity of Christ—themes which were widely debated in the great ecumenical councils of Nicea (325), Ephesus (421), and Chalcedon (453). Furthermore, the emphasis on a theophany makes the paintings of Terrassa tie in with a broad tradition of apse imagery that includes not only the Coptic Frescoes from Bawit and Saqqara but also the mosaics at Hosios David (Figure 17) and Monastery of St. Catherine at Sinaí. The 5th-century mosaic in the apse of Hosios David at Latomos monastery in Thessaloniki shows the vision of the prophet Ezekiel. The center of the composition depicts Christ enthroned on a rainbow, set within the aureole of blue light. The symbols of the four evangelist holding books are emerging from the aureole. ecumenical councils of Nicea (325), Ephesus (421), and Chalcedon (453). Furthermore, the emphasis on a theophany makes the paintings of Terrassa tie in with a broad tradition of apse imagery that includes not only the Coptic Frescoes from Bawit and Saqqara but also the mosaics at Hosios David (Figure 17) and Monastery of St. Catherine at Sinaí. The 5th-century mosaic Arts 2019,in the apse of Hosios David at Latomos monastery in Thessaloniki shows the vision 12 8, 128 of ofthe 30 prophet Ezekiel. The center of the composition depicts Christ enthroned on a rainbow, set within the aureole of blue light. The symbols of the four evangelist holding books are emerging from the aureole. In his In his right right hand hand Christ Christ holds holds aa scroll scroll with with written written words. words. The The prophets prophets in in the the composition composition are are Ezekiel Ezekiel and Habakkuk, and that the composition represents The Old Testament Theophany. 99 and Habakkuk, and that the composition represents The Old Testament Theophany. Figure17. Figure 17. Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, mosaic mosaic at at Hosios David. © Manuel Castiñeiras (with kind permission) Hosios David. permission). examples show The exhibited examples show that that at at Sant Sant Miquel Miquel wewe do do not not find a Western Ascension of a Hellenistic variety, which shows Christ ascending into Heaven from a mountain, as we see in the Munich Diptych Diptychfrom fromthethe 5th century. 5th century.In my In myopinion the wall opinion the paintings of SantofMiquel wall paintings does notdoes Sant Miquel present not similarities present with thewith similarities preeminent Carolingian the preeminent Ascensions, Carolingian as represented Ascensions, in a miniature as represented of the Drogo in a miniature of the Sacramentary Drogo (9th century), Sacramentary in which (9th century), ChristChrist in which ascends to thetotop ascends theof a mountain top of a mountain top and reaches top and the reaches dextera domini, which emerges fromfrom a cloud, 10 nor with the the Ascension of San Joan de Müstair (mid-9th the dextera domini, which emerges a cloud, 10 nor with Ascension of San Joan de Müstair (mid- century), 9th a pictorial century), ensemble a pictorial ensemblethat has thatbeen associated has been with the associated with paintings of Terrassa the paintings (Mancho of Terrassa 2012). (Mancho 2012).To this respect, Christe (1969, p. 79) suggested that Eastern Ascensions—Coptic, Syrian or Palestinian—were not accepted in the West before the 9th century. Contrary to this idea, I believe that these dogmatic images could have arrived at the Western Mediterranean in the 6th century and would 9 have been Regarding used of the mosaic in Hosios those contexts David seein(Snyder which1967, the debate overPentcheva pp. 145–52; the nature of Christ 2000, wasSemoglou pp. 139–53; relevant. As we shall 2012, pp. see later, 231–39; in the 6th Vinulović century 2018, in the Iberian Peninsula was the setting for the dispute between pp. 175–86). 10 Dewald Arians and recognized threethe Catholics over predominant iconographic double nature types of the Verb, andwithin Carolingian in particular his art: (1). Christ divine nature,ascending which hadto the top of a mountain top in the presence of angels, the Apostolic College and the been put in doubt by the Arians. The theophany of Terrassa possesses a dogmatic character that is in Virgin; (2). Christ, shown linewith withhistheback to the spectator, theological thinking walking of thistoward the top also time, which of a coincided mountain ofwithrockstheand timeraising hisexistence of the left hand of to Heaven; and (3) Christ emerging between the disciples and raising his left hand toward the dextera domini. the Episcopal See of Egara (5th–8th centuries). See (Dewald 1915, pp. 296–97). Finally, I think that to have a complete understanding of the meaning of the paintings of Sant Miquel, it is essential to place them in relation to the building’s functionality. In this sense, archaeological excavations have shown Sant Miquel to be a funerary building (Garcia Llinares et al. 2009, pp. 127–45; Garcia Llinares et al. 2015). I believe that the vision of Christ must be specifically associated with the funerary space. In this way, and in the eyes of the faithful, the paintings were also possibly conceived to be a synthetic image with a clear message of salvation: the ascending Christ is at once an evocation of the Resurrection of Christ and of the Second Parousia. Christ as the savior and judge at the end of time, ideally fulfilled its function to intercede on behalf of the souls of the deceased donors. In the Acts of the Apostles, it is written that at the moment of the Ascension, “two men dressed in white 9 Regarding the mosaic of Hosios David see (Snyder 1967, pp. 145–52; Pentcheva 2000, pp. 139–53; Semoglou 2012, pp. 231–39; Vinulović 2018, pp. 175–86). 10 Dewald recognized three predominant iconographic types within Carolingian art: (1). Christ ascending to the top of a mountain top in the presence of angels, the Apostolic College and the Virgin; (2). Christ, shown with his back to the spectator, walking toward the top of a mountain of rocks and raising his left hand to Heaven; and (3) Christ emerging between the disciples and raising his left hand toward the dextera domini. See (Dewald 1915, pp. 296–97). Arts 2019, 8, 128 13 of 30 appeared to the Apostles and said: that same Jesus who ascended into Heaven before you, shall come again in the same manner in which you saw Him depart to Heaven (Acts, I, II)”. From the Eastern liturgies of Saint Mark and Saint Basil, there arose a clear correspondence between both themes. In the sacrament of the Eucharist, the priest invokes the Second Coming of Christ through the Ascension: “For as often as you eat this bread and drink from this cup, you proclaim the Lord’s death until He comes,” and then pronounced, “you confess my resurrection and my Ascension”.11 . In an essential way, the Ascension was always understood, too, as the promise of the Second Coming as the angels tell the apostles that he will come again in like manner, which was understood to mean that that place was where Christ’s return and judgment are always imminent. The paintings of Sant Miquel gave a tangible form to ideas of death and salvation. 4.2. Theophany as Presence The paintings of Sant Miquel have an element that, in my opinion, has not garnered the attention it deserves. In the apse’s lower register, framing the depiction of the Apostolic College, we find two draperies enriched with segmenta and gathered together by a central knot (Figure 18). It is an ornamental resource that was frequently used in Late Antiquity which we can find in examples such as San Vitale or San Apolinar Nuovo of Ravenna (Figure 19), or in the Tomb of the Apostles (s.V) preserved Arts 2019, 8, xinFOR thePEER Archaeological REVIEW Museum of Tarragona (Figure 20). 14 of 31 Figure 18. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, Terrassa, wall wall paintings. paintings. Detail of the the draperies. © Teresa Llordés (with draperies. © kind permission). I believe that in Terrassa, these draperies did not solely serve a decorative purpose, as some authors have suggested (Mancho 2012), but rather served as the evocation of an act of contemplative worship, which used the interior of the church as its setting. It is worth thinking that the paintings of Sant Miquel were probably hidden behind a veil which would be uncovered before the faithful at certain moments. This religious artifice, inherited from the Mystery religions, was used by Christian iconography to show invisibility and to emphasize divine presence (Grabar 1945). As mentioned previously, the goal of the representation of the theophany of Sant Miquel consists not only in commemorating a specific historic episode like the Ascension but to also bring the faithful before the very manifestation of divinity: the worshipper becomes an eyewitness to the theophany. Consequently, the unveiled image must be contemplated as a ritual revelation, having its value as a mystical apparition. 11 See (Notre messe 1963, pp. 61, 68–69). Figure 19. Mosaic of Sant’Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna (Italy). Sixth century. Abraham, Abel, and Melchisedec © Author: Sailko. Figure Figure Arts 2019, 18. 18. Sant 8, 128 Sant Miquel Miquel de de Terrassa, Terrassa, wall wall paintings. paintings. Detail Detail of of the the draperies. draperies. © © Teresa Teresa Llordés Llordés (with (with 14 of 30 kind kind permission). permission). Figure Figure 19. 19. Mosaic Mosaic of of Sant’Apollinare Sant’Apollinare in in Classe, Classe, Ravenna Ravenna (Italy). (Italy). Sixth (Italy). Sixth century. century. Abraham, Abraham, Abel, Abel, and and Melchisedec © Melchisedec © Author: © Author: Sailko. Author: Sailko. Sailko. Figure 20. Sarcophagus of the Apostles. 5th century. Museu Nacional Arqueològic de Tarragona ©MNAT Figure (with kind permission). Figure 20. 20. Sarcophagus Sarcophagus of of the the Apostles. Apostles. 5th 5th century. century. Museu Museu Nacional Nacional Arqueològic Arqueològic de de Tarragona Tarragona ©MNAT ©MNAT (with (with kind kind permission). permission). With this idea in mind, archaeology has demonstrated the existence of frames enclosing the opening of the apse in various churches of Visigothic Spain (Rodríguez G. de Ceballos 1965; Schlunk 1971; Bango Torviso 1997). A curtain was placed over these frames, which restricted access to the altar, adorning the arch of the entryway and hid the apse from view. In the floors of many ancient churches from the Visigothic Period, one can still find, under this access archway which we shall call a “crossing”, signs marking the places occupied by these frames.12 These draperies should be explained thus as being a reference to the “revelation” of a mystery: Christ manifests his supernatural character through the historical episode of the Ascension. This hypothesis is exemplified by a paradigmatic piece of Coptic art, specifically the wooden threshold or lintel of El-Moallaka (Figure 21) where the curtains were also used to unveil an Ascension theophany 12 See the example of San Pedro de la Mata (Casalgordo, Sonseca, Toledo) or of Santa María de Melque (San Martín de Montalbán, Toledo). altar, adorning the arch of the entryway and hid the apse from view. In the floors of many ancient churches from the Visigothic Period, one can still find, under this access archway which we shall call a “crossing”, signs marking the places occupied by these frames. 12 These draperies should be explained thus as being a reference to the “revelation” of a mystery: Arts 2019,manifests Christ 8, 128 his supernatural character through the historical episode of the Ascension.15This of 30 hypothesis is exemplified by a paradigmatic piece of Coptic art, specifically the wooden threshold or lintel of El-Moallaka (Figure 21) where the curtains were also used to unveil an Ascension theophany (Sacopoulo (Sacopoulo 1957;1957; Grabar Grabar1970). 1970).The Thewooden woodenlintel lintel from from El-Moallaka El-Moallaka was was re-dated re-dated some some timetime agoago by by Leslie MacCoull 13 to the 8th century (734–735) on the basis of a correct reading of the inscription. Leslie MacCoull to the 8th century (734–735) on the basis of a correct reading of the inscription. As 13 As Glenn Glenn PeersPeers hashas pointed pointed outout thethe Ascensionis isimplicated Ascension implicatedininaadynamic dynamicunfolding unfolding of of revelation, revelation, through layers of history and ritual, into the present (Peers 2007, pp. through layers of history and ritual, into the present (Peers 2007, pp. 25–46). 25–46). Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 16 of 31 syncretism which has its origins in Pharaonic Egypt, specifically in Ihy, God of Music, who was habitually shown as kneeling and with a finger on his lip (Maniche 1991) (Figure 24). In Ancient Egypt, singers generally appear as being represented by a hand covering their ear, Figureliturgy, Figure and Coptic 21. Lintel 21. byfrom El-Moallaka extension, did the(8thsame (8th century). (Kuhn ©Cairo, © 2014,Coptic Cairo, Coptic Museum Museum pp. 67–77). They(with alsokind (with kind permission). permission). appear to be making different signs with their hands, which make reference to a “quironomia” or pantomime, which 4.3. Singing 4.3. Singing to to Christ Christ Emmanuel Emmanuel represent signs and certain characteristics of songs in the first centuries of the Christian Era. In the mural The The second,and paintings second, andreliefs and trulyfascinating truly fascinating of element Ancient element Egypt ofthe weofcan the see paintings the same paintings of of Sant gestures Sant Miquel Miquelin singersis the is the likegesturing the famous gesturing of of the the Apostles, Iti, or the singer Apostles, represented who appears represented in a position on the tomb in a position of genuflection, Nenchefka, of genuflection, with bothone with one thehand hand Egyptian on Museum on an an elbow ofelbow and Cairoand the the (Figure other other on 25). a on a Therefore, mouth mouth (Figure (Figure 22). 22). that I believe According According the to André to Grabar gestures (1945, of the Grabar p.p. 126), Apostles (1945, of this 126), genuflection Terrassa this do not only genuflection at Terrassa at Terrassa allude has an to the has an Egyptian prayer ritual asasitsits origin 14 . As far as the hand-to-mouth gesture is concerned, itbut was aitgesture mystical silence Egyptian prayerof contemplation, ritual originas14suggested . As far asbythe Henry Maguire15 orgesture hand-to-mouth André Grabar, is concerned, ratherwasthat a accompanying the Apostles gesture the prayer were singing accompanying or reading the before prayerthe of the psalms, revelation or reading of of thetheand at once theophany psalms, a sign and atinonceof protection the apse. a signInofthis against demons sense, I against protection believe that could demons enter the image that through of could theenter the Apostles mouth. through could We the find bemouth.ourselves, an artistic then, We evocation find before athen, of some ourselves, sum of of the liturgical chants before a sum gestures practiced whose in the of liturgical origins Mozarabic are in Coptic liturgy, beEgypt, it in perfectly the recital regulated of the within psalms, a hymnsstrong or tradition: the avoiding Trisagion gestures whose origins are in Coptic Egypt, perfectly regulated within a strong tradition: avoiding the 16, probably entrance of emphasizing evil through the entrance the the mouth divine character while singing of “Christ of evil through the theEmmanuel”.psalms. mouth while singing the psalms. In this sense, and following the hypothesis set forth by Grabar, I believe that the image of Terrassa could well be a type of visual codification of a possible form of chant or specific repertoire, originating in the Eastern liturgies. In favor of this hypothesis, we have the inscription from Chapel 28 of Bawit, in which two monks identified as singers of psalms (ΨΑΛΤΗC) present the same gesturing as at Terrassa: one hand over their mouths (a way of muting?) and the other on their elbows (which makes the sound resonate in the skull) (Figure 23). I am inclined to think that it has a 12 See the example of San Pedro de la Mata (Casalgordo, Sonseca, Toledo) or of Santa María de Melque (San Martín de Montalbán, Toledo). 13 “There dwells all the fullness of the Godhead, on the peak of truly heavenly Sinai/[…]the angels and they ceaselessly honor him with thrice-holy voice singing and saying: Holy, holy, holy are you, O lord: heaven and earth are full of your holy glory/For the are filled with your greatness, O Lord of great mercy, as you are invisible in the heavens amidst manifold powers, and you were content to dwell together with us mortals/ having become incarnate from the Mother of God, Mary, who has never known man. Be a helper to Abba Theodore the patriarch and George the deacon and oeconomus. Pachon 12, indiction 3, year of Diocletian 451”. Transcription by Mac Coull (1986). 14 Carles Mancho considers the Apostles to not be kneeling, but rather seated (Mancho 2012, p. 375), and compares the paintings of Sant Miquel with a Reichenau Gospel from the first quarter of the 9th century Figure 22. Sant SantMiquel MiqueldedeTerrassa, Terrassa,wall wallpaintings. paintings.Detail of the Detail Apostles. of the © Teresa © Teresa Apostles. Llordés (with(with Llordés kind (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod.lat. 23631, fol. 197r), which represents the Apparition of Christ to permission). kind permission). the Disciples (John 20, 19–23). 13 “There dwells all the fullness of the Godhead, on the peak of truly heavenly Sinai/[ . . . ]the angels and they ceaselessly honor him with thrice-holy voice singing and saying: Holy, holy, holy are you, O lord: heaven and earth are full of your holy glory/For the are filled with your greatness, O Lord of great mercy, as you are invisible in the heavens amidst manifold 15 powers, Accordingand to you were content Maguire, to dwell in Middle together with Byzantine us mortals/ art the havingto hand clasped become incarnate the mouth from the Mother in depictions of theofAscensions God, Mary, who has never known man. Be a helper to Abba Theodore the patriarch and George the deacon and oeconomus. Pachon 12, means simple silence or speechlessness. He refers to the indiction 3, year of Diocletian 451”. Transcription by Mac Coull (1986). mid-9th century fresco of the Ascension in S. 14 Clement in Rome, where one of the apostles standing on the right of the scene claps one hand over his mouth, Carles Mancho considers the Apostles to not be kneeling, but rather seated (Mancho 2012, p. 375), and compares the paintings while of Santin his other Miquel with he hold a scroll. a Reichenau Gospel An explanation from of hisofactions the first quarter the 9th may found century in a poem (Munich, by the Bayerische 7th-century Staatsbibliothek, Cod.lat. 23631, fol. 197r), which represents the Apparition of Christ to the Disciples (John 20, 19–23). Pope Honorius I, which describes “The Apostles in Amazement at the Ascension of Christ to the Heavens”. The apostles also cover their mouths with their hands in the tenth-century Ascension painting at Ayvali Kilise in Cappadocia. See (Maguire 1977, pp. 123–74). About the gesture in Byzantium see also (Brubaker 2009, pp. 36–56). 16 The Trisagion is an echo of the biblical passage in which the seraphim sing out to the Lord: “Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord God Almighty” (Isaiah 6,3). It is repeated in the Apocalypse: “Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord God Almighty who was, and is, and is to come” (Apocalypse 4,8). It emerged in Eastern Christianity and was Arts 2019, 8, 128 16 of 30 In this sense, and following the hypothesis set forth by Grabar, I believe that the image of Terrassa could well be a type of visual codification of a possible form of chant or specific repertoire, originating in the Eastern liturgies. In favor of this hypothesis, we have the inscription from Chapel 28 of Bawit, in which two monks identified as singers of psalms (ΨAΛTHC) present the same gesturing as at Terrassa: one hand over their mouths (a way of muting?) and the other on their elbows (which makes the sound resonate in the skull) (Figure 23). I am inclined to think that it has a syncretism which has its origins in Pharaonic Egypt, specifically in Ihy, God of Music, who was habitually shown as kneeling and Arts with8, Arts 2019, 2019, 8,axx finger FOR on REVIEW FOR PEER PEER his lip (Maniche 1991) (Figure 24). REVIEW 17 of 17 of 31 31 Figure 23. Figure 23. Bawit Monastery. Chapel 28. Egypt. Egypt. Aquarelle Aquarelle copy. copy. After After (Clédat (Clédat 1904). 1904). Figure 24. Figure (Egypt). © 24. Relief depicting God Ihy at Dendera (Egypt). © Marie-Hélène Marie-Hélène Cingal. Cingal. In Ancient Egypt, singers generally appear as being represented by a hand covering their ear, and Coptic liturgy, by extension, did the same (Kuhn 2014, pp. 67–77). They also appear to be making different signs with their hands, which make reference to a “quironomia” or pantomime, which represent signs and certain characteristics of songs in the first centuries of the Christian Era. In the mural paintings and reliefs of Ancient Egypt we can see the same gestures in singers like the famous Iti, or the singer who appears on the tomb of Nenchefka, both the Egyptian Museum of Cairo (Figure 25). Figure 25. Ancien Egyptian singer, Iti in Tomb of Nikaw-ra. © Egyptian Museum Cairo. 5. A Program against Arian Heresy? Arts 2019, 8, 128 17 of 30 Figure 24. Relief depicting God Ihy at Dendera (Egypt). © Marie-Hélène Cingal. Figure 25. Ancien Egyptian singer, Iti in Tomb Tomb of Nikaw-ra. © of Nikaw-ra. © Egyptian Museum Cairo. Therefore,against 5. A Program I believe that Heresy? Arian the gestures of the Apostles of Terrassa do not only allude to the mystical silence of contemplation, as suggested by Henry Maguire15 or André Grabar, but rather that the Without a doubt, one of the most singular elements of the paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa Apostles were singing before the revelation of the theophany in the apse. In this sense, I believe that the is the presence of the inscription “Emmanuel” appearing in the halo of Christ. Although the term image of the Apostles could be an artistic evocation of some of the chants practiced in the Mozarabic appeared for the first time in the prophecy of Isaiah about the Messiah (Isaiah, VII, 14), it is Matthew liturgy, be it in the recital of the psalms, hymns or the Trisagion16 , probably emphasizing the divine who reveals the meaning of the name (Matthew, I, 23): character of “Christ Emmanuel”. 5. A Program against Arian Heresy? Without a doubt, one of the most singular elements of the paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa is the presence of the inscription “Emmanuel” appearing in the halo of Christ. Although the term appeared for the first time in the prophecy of Isaiah about the Messiah (Isaiah, VII, 14), it is Matthew who reveals the meaning of the name (Matthew, I, 23): The virgin will conceive and give birth to a son, and they will call him Emmanuel (which means “God with us). This is, therefore, a titulus applied to Christ, as the son of a virgin woman and God. In my opinion, both the presence of the titulus “Emmanuel” and the choice of the image of the Theophany-Ascension we find in Terrassa, should be interpreted as an affirmation by the Catholic Church before the Arian heresy that denied the dual nature of Christ. In the Eastern theophanies (Coptic, Syrian or Palestinian) 15 According to Maguire, in Middle Byzantine art the hand clasped to the mouth in depictions of the Ascensions means simple silence or speechlessness. He refers to the mid-9th century fresco of the Ascension in S. Clement in Rome, where one of the apostles standing on the right of the scene claps one hand over his mouth, while in his other he hold a scroll. An explanation of his actions may found in a poem by the 7th-century Pope Honorius I, which describes “The Apostles in Amazement at the Ascension of Christ to the Heavens”. The apostles also cover their mouths with their hands in the tenth-century Ascension painting at Ayvali Kilise in Cappadocia. See (Maguire 1977, pp. 123–74). About the gesture in Byzantium see also (Brubaker 2009, pp. 36–56). 16 The Trisagion is an echo of the biblical passage in which the seraphim sing out to the Lord: “Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord God Almighty” (Isaiah 6,3). It is repeated in the Apocalypse: “Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord God Almighty who was, and is, and is to come” (Apocalypse 4,8). It emerged in Eastern Christianity and was often used as an instrument to combat the heresies that cast doubt on the dual nature of Christ. From the primitive form of Trisagion, Hispanic priests wrote new texts emphasizing the power and royalty of Christ through the use of Apocalyptic texts. Documented for the first time at the Council of Chalcedon (451), it was introduced to the Hispano-Mozarabic liturgy due to the influence of the Eastern liturgies (Pinell 1998, pp. 152–53; Martín-Delgado Sánchez 2018, pp. 64–65), and was recited by ministers serving at the altar, by clerics of the choir and by worshippers. means “God with us). This is, therefore, a titulus applied to Christ, as the son of a virgin woman and God. In my opinion, both the presence of the titulus “Emmanuel” and the choice of the image of the Theophany- Ascension we find in Terrassa, should be interpreted as an affirmation by the Catholic Church before the 2019, Arts Arian heresy that denied the dual nature of Christ. In the Eastern theophanies (Coptic, Syrian 8, 128 18 of or 30 Palestinian) we have seen before, the heavenly triumph of Christ proves the integrity of his divine nature ab aeterno, while the Virgin is proof of his embodiment as a man. we have seen before, the heavenly triumph of Christ proves the integrity of his divine nature ab aeterno, The importance of the name Emmanuel as a proclamation of the dual nature of Christ explains while the Virgin is proof of his embodiment as a man. that this term was widely used at this time by the Christian exegesis to combat the heresies (Arian, The importance of the name Emmanuel as a proclamation of the dual nature of Christ explains Monophysitism, Nestorianism), which were fought in the Great Eastern Ecumenical Councils: Nicea that this term was widely used at this time by the Christian exegesis to combat the heresies (325), Ephesus (431), Chalcedon (453) and Constantinople (381–553). From there we see the presence (Arian, Monophysitism, Nestorianism), which were fought in the Great Eastern Ecumenical Councils: of the inscription Emmanuel not only in great figurative cycles like Terrassa but also in icons17 and in Nicea (325), Ephesus (431), Chalcedon (453) and Constantinople (381–553). From there we see the the ampullae in the Holy Land such as those preserved in Monza and Bobbio (Grabar 1958), dated to presence of the inscription Emmanuel not only in great figurative cycles like Terrassa but also in icons17 be from the 6th century (Figure 26). Some of these ampullae, which religious pilgrims would acquire and in the ampullae in the Holy Land such as those preserved in Monza and Bobbio (Grabar 1958), as “souvenirs”, have on one side a representation of the Adoration of the Magi with an enthroned dated to be from the 6th century (Figure 26). Some of these ampullae, which religious pilgrims would Virgin, along with the inscription EMMANOYHA (Emmanuel), while the other side depicts the acquire as “souvenirs”, have on one side a representation of the Adoration of the Magi with an Ascension of Christ. enthroned Virgin, along with the inscription EMMANOYHA (Emmanuel), while the other side depicts the Ascension of Christ. Figure 26. Ampulla n◦ 1 of Monza, obverse. © Treasury of Monza Cathedral (with kind permission). ItFigure is important to remember 26. Ampulla n°1 of Monza,that although obverse. the doctrine © Treasury of Monzaof Arius was(with Cathedral condemned by the Nicea kind permission). Council (325), in the West it enjoyed a great popularity among the Germanic people, as it did with It is important the Visigoths, to remember who professed that although the Arian faith andthe had doctrine of Arius to contend with was condemned of the Catholicism bythe thepeople Nicea Council (325), in the West it enjoyed a great popularity among the Germanic people, they dominated. The Iberian Peninsula did not keep its distance from heretical conflicts originating as it did with in Visigoths, who the Byzantine East, professed although theythe Arian faith later. did arrive and had to contend Different with the indications Catholicism compel of the people us to reconsider the they dominated. magnitude of theThe Iberian conflict, Peninsula above did notthe all to propose keep its distance hypothesis thatfrom hereticalwill a dogmatic conflicts on theoriginating part of the in the Byzantine East, although they did arrive later. Different Catholic Church hides behind the choice of the iconographic theme of Terrassa. indications compel us to reconsider the magnitude In the first of the conflict, place, above for 37 years theall to propose Arians the hypothesis prohibited that of the celebrating a dogmatic willofonthe the Councils theCatholic part of the Catholic Church Church hides in Hispania. behind After the the choice Council of theoficonographic of Valencia 549, Catholictheme of did bishops Terrassa. not reunite again until In the the reign offirst place, for Recaredo, who37converted years the toArians prohibited Catholicism the We in 589. celebrating know that of 9the Councils Catholic of thewere synods Catholic held Church inthe between Hispania. years 506 After andthe 549,Council but noneof Valencia of 549, Catholic was documented to havebishops existeddid not36 in the reunite yearsagain until afterward the reign of (549–586) Recaredo,2014, (Thompson who p. converted 57). The to Catholicism prohibition, in 589. Wethe recognizing know veto,that was9lifted Catholic synods at the were Council of held between Toledo the years of 589 (Vives 1963,506 pp. and 549, but none was documented to have existed in the 36 years 107–45): And as for many years, the threatening heresy did not permit the celebration of the council of the Catholic Church, God, who was pleased to have extirpated the aforementioned 17 Proof of the term in the East resides in an icon housed in the picture gallery of the Monastery of Santa heresy from our midst, admonished us to restore the ecclesiastic institutions according to the Caterina del Sinai (7th century), where the image of a majestic Christ appears joined by the inscription ancient traditions. E[MMA]NOYHA. See (Weitzmann 1976, p. 41, n.B16). In the second place, Catholic authorities described the reign of Agila (549–555) as an oppressive regime. Afterward Leovigildo (572–586) was accused of persecuting the Catholics in his kingdom 17 Proof of the term in the East resides in an icon housed in the picture gallery of the Monastery of Santa Caterina del Sinai (7th century), where the image of a majestic Christ appears joined by the inscription E[MMA]NOYHA. See (Weitzmann 1976, p. 41, n.B16). Arts 2019, 8, 128 19 of 30 (Thompson 2014, p. 109) and even expelled non-Arian clerics from the cities under his power (Vallejo Girvés 2012, p. 243). Among those exiled to Christian episcopal sees, it is worth mentioning Juan de Bíclaro (c. 540–621), who upon returning to the Iberian Peninsula after a prolonged stay in Constantinople, was exiled to Barcelona in the year 577 on orders from Leovigildo (Vallejo Girvés 2003), and where he remained until 587/588. Later, in 591, he was named Bishop of Girona. As Bishop, he subscribed the Second Council of Zaragoza of 592, the Council of Toledo in 597, the Second Council of Barcelona of 599 and the Council celebrated at the Episcopal See of Egara in the year 614. In the third place, Julia Bertrán de Heredia has recently demonstrated that in the case of Barcelona, we have a data that allows us to propose the hypothesis for a Catholic see and an Arian see in the capital (Bertrán de Heredia 2019, p. 156).18 No less significant is the case of Zaragoza, where Bishop Maximo celebrated the Second Council of 592 with the objective of eradicating the after-effects of the Arian period.19 In the fourth place, during the Council of Braga of 572, any and all suspicion of heresy was urged to be denounced (Vives 1963, pp. 78–106): If any bishop or presbyter or deacon of any bishop engages in a heretical opinion and would be excommunicated for this reason, no bishop shall admit him in his Communion if he does not satisfy all those present before a common assembly with a confession of his faith. This same condition is established for the lay faithful in case they would be accused of heretical Arts 2019, opinions. 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 20 of 31 Inofthis return sense,to the the Verb I believe that divine Father and the iconographic program character of Christ designed in Glory. by the This would creators justify of the her absence pictorial decoration at Sant Miquel. of the apses of Sant Miquel and Santa Maria is neither arbitrary nor can they In bearead independently. context in which the On one hand, controversy in alive was the pictorial decoration in the Iberian of Santa Peninsula in theMaria (which itthe 6th century, is historiography logical to think of a recurrence to an ad hoc iconography as a contribution to the controversyofbySant unanimously situates at the same chronological moment as the paintings the Miquel), the human Catholic Church. nature To this end,ofEastern Christ is underscored, models via the different were employed, as we havescenes seenof inthe Passion Bawit, and his El-Moallaka public or Qubbet al-Hawa (Egypt). It is, without a doubt, a time of the creation of new iconographiesChild, life (Figures 27 and 28). In this respect, the representation of enthroned Virgin and with the Theotokos specific Virgin, meanings anda title conceded intentions, at the Council of dogmatic of Ephesus images (431) becomes that are converted even more remarkable, into mass-media to illustrate and with a very clear the conclusions objective: derived to proclaim from the that Jesus was great ecumenical completely councils God(325), of Nicea and Human Ephesusand thatand (431) his two natures were inseparable. Constantinople (381–553) against the heresies. 20 Figure 27. Santa Maria de Terrassa, Terrassa, wall paintings. © wall paintings. © author. author. 18 According to the Júlia Bertrán de Heredia, it is very probable that when the Visigoths installed themselves in Barcino, they would have occupied the official episcopal nucleus, which today is under the present cathedral and under the Plaza del Rey, and that the Catholics were ousted to Sant Just i Pastor, where an older Church probably already would have existed, a fact that would justify the relocation of the Catholic Episcopal group to this part of the city. 19 Three canons were approved at the Council, stating that presbyters and deacons should be reordained and that Arian churches that had been reconsecrated by Arian bishops without receiving the blessing of a Catholic Bishop must be reconsecrated. See (Vives 1963, pp. 154–55; Escribano Paño 1998, p. 85). Arts 2019, 8, 128 20 of 30 Figure 27. Santa Maria de Terrassa, wall paintings. © author. Figure 28. First tracings of the pictorial decoration of Santa Maria de Terrassa. In the lower register detail of we can see the detail of the the Virgin Virgin and and Child Child surrounded surrounded byby Apostles Apostles and and Prophets. Prophets. Source: Source: Josep Puig i Cadafalch. 1948. Noves Noves descobertes descobertes aa la la catedral d’Ègara. Barcelona: Barcelona: Institut Institut d’Estudis d’Estudis Catalans.6. Catalans.6. The Reception Line of the Byzantine East. To this end, several authors have drawn attention to the absence of the Virgin in the theophanic Ascension 20 of Sant Miquel. In effect, it is a common element of Eastern Ascensions. I believe that this I do not share a belief in the proposal set forth by Professor Carles Mancho, who considered the paintings of circumstance Sant Miquelistoduehavetobeen twocommissioned motives: in theby first place, of the Bishop the figure ofFrodoí Barcelona, the Virgin doesas (861–890), not appear in a response to the the canonical texts of the clerics adhering to Ascension, the ancient and as such Hispanic her presence liturgy, not a sinetoqua who hadisattempted non condition; usurp in theof episcopal rights second those place, Sant Miquel accused represents of heresy. For that,ahe synoptic would theophany have used thethattheme does not aspire of the to underscore Ascension, the reality which would of the equate the Incarnation through the Virgin (already represented in the apse of Santa Maria), but rather the returna Hispanic rite with the Adoptionist heresy, a doctrine that argued that Christ would have been elevated to category of the Verb ofto the thedivine Fatherbyand appointment by God himself divine character through of Christ his adoption. in Glory. This wouldI believe thather justify thisabsence hypothesisat does not Sant Miquel. take two important premises into account. On one hand, Elipando, Archbishop of Toledo and one of the main defenders of the Adoptionist heresy, died in the year 805 at the See of Toledo with no disciple to In a context in which the controversy was alive in the Iberian Peninsula in the 6th century, it is continue his thesis. On the other, in the year 794 at the council of Frankfurt and presided by Charlemagne logical to think of a recurrence to an ad hoc iconography as a contribution to the controversy by the himself, Adoptionism was condemned. Consequently, the conflict involving Adoptionism would be very far Catholic Church. from the time ofTo this end, Eastern models were employed, as we have seen in Bawit, El-Moallaka Frodoí. or Qubbet al-Hawa (Egypt). It is, without a doubt, a time of the creation of new iconographies with specific meanings and intentions, of dogmatic images that are converted into mass-media to illustrate the conclusions derived from the great ecumenical councils of Nicea (325), Ephesus (431) and Constantinople (381–553) against the heresies.20 Since the first studies conducted by Puig i Cadafalch, different researchers have underscored the exceptionality of the paintings of Sant Miquel and Santa Maria de Terrassa for their similarities with the art of the Eastern Mediterranean (Puig i Cadafalch 1936; Grabar 1945; Christe 1969; Ferran 2015). In effect, and as we have seen, we find within the decoration of the paintings of Sant Miquel the marks of a primitive repertory of Christian art very much related to the context of the Eastern Byzantine, especially with Coptic Egyptian art of the 6th century. The paintings of Sant Miquel show revealing similarities to the monastery paintings of Saint Apollo of Bawit and Qubbet al-Hawa in Egypt, whose chronology situates them as being to the 6th century. 20 I do not share a belief in the proposal set forth by Professor Carles Mancho, who considered the paintings of Sant Miquel to have been commissioned by the Bishop of Barcelona, Frodoí (861–890), as a response to the clerics adhering to the ancient Hispanic liturgy, who had attempted to usurp episcopal rights of those accused of heresy. For that, he would have used the theme of the Ascension, which would equate the Hispanic rite with the Adoptionist heresy, a doctrine that argued that Christ would have been elevated to a category of the divine by appointment by God himself through his adoption. I believe that this hypothesis does not take two important premises into account. On one hand, Elipando, Archbishop of Toledo and one of the main defenders of the Adoptionist heresy, died in the year 805 at the See of Toledo with no disciple to continue his thesis. On the other, in the year 794 at the council of Frankfurt and presided by Charlemagne himself, Adoptionism was condemned. Consequently, the conflict involving Adoptionism would be very far from the time of Frodoí. Arts 2019, 8, 128 21 of 30 Today we do not know which the means for this artistic transmission were, as well as the reasons which led the “doers” of Terrassa to select such a peculiar and unique repertoire of topics, motifs, and inscriptions. In this sense, I believe that the assimilation of Eastern repertoires into the paintings of Terrassa cannot be attributed to only one form of reception, but rather that it can be attributed to different ones. In the first place, I believe that we must evaluate to which point the assimilation of Eastern liturgies, within the Mozarabic or Hispano-Visigothic liturgy, could have influenced the selection of certain iconographic themes. D.S. Bäumer was one of the first authors to find a strong influence of Byzantine Eastern liturgies within the Mozarabic liturgies, who attributed the contact of the Goths with the Greeks (Bäumer 1905, p. 243). Although if taken as a whole, the Hispanic Visigothic liturgy is a Western liturgy, imported from Rome (Ferotin 1904, p. 12), various authors have signaled points of contact with Eastern liturgies.21 Father Enrique Flórez attributed such influences to the arrival of people from the Orient, both by land and by sea (Flórez 1754, p. 220). In this respect, it reminds us of the letter that Pope Hormisdas (514–523) wrote to the Joan, Archbishop of Tarragona, in the year 517, in which he spoke of Greek clerics convening in the province of Tarragona22 . According to Flórez, it is from these clerics from which many ceremonies were taken, which had a large influence on the changes in Mozarabic rites.23 In the second place, this news from Father Flórez leads us to propose a second possibility for this context of transference: firsthand knowledge of these themes and iconographies through journeys to holy places in the Byzantine East. Concerning this idea, I believe that the metropolitan See of Tarragona, to which the Episcopal See of Egara was subordinate, could have played a determining role both in receiving clerics coming from the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as in the journeys to the Orient by clerics from the episcopal sees of Tarragona, such as Terrassa. To the example of the clero Graecorum documented in Tarragona in the year 517, we should add other testimonials confirming the contacts, through travel, with Coptic Egypt. It is precisely coming from Tarragona where we find a tombstone (dated from between the 5th–6th centuries) with a funerary inscription attributed to an ecclesiast named Thecla (of Egyptian origin), who was buried in a martyrial basilica dedicated to San Fructuoso, in Tarraco. It read as follows: Haec hic beata Thecla virgo Xρι(στσυ), ei patria Aegypt(us). Vixit ann(is) LXXVII, ut meruit in pace requievit D(omi)ni (hedera). Its epigraph could be translated as: “Here lies the blessed Thecla, virgin of Christ, whose homeland was Egypt. She lived 77 years; as she deserved, she rests in the peace of the Lord”. 24 It is not the only documented case: an inscription—lost today—of an altar table in Tarragona which was transmitted by E. Flórez recalls the Alexandrian origin of a cleric named Esteban: 21 For further information of the reception of Western Liturgies see: (Díaz y Díaz 1967; Blázquez Martínez 1967; Gros i Pujol 1992). 22 Hormisdas, Ep. 24, ad Ioannem Tarraconensem, PL 63,422 i 84, 819–820: “Salutantes igitur caritatem qua jungimur, per Cassianum diaconum tuum signifi camus, nos direxisse generalia constituta, quibus vel ea quae juxta canones servari debeant competenter ediximus, vel circa eos qui ex clero Graecorum veniunt, quam habere oporteat cautionem, suffi cienter instruximus”. In the same letter, Hormisdas expressed that Ioannes deserved the affection of Christians due to his loyalty to the norms of the Catholics and the Fathers. Consequently, he conferred the mission to restore Hispanic churches to the ancient discipline: “remuneramus sollicitudinem tuam, et conservados privilegiado metropolitanorum vices vobis Apostolicae sedis eatenus delegamus.” We can deduce that in Hispania there existed situations of heresy, opposed to the Catholic faith. See (Amengual i Batlle 2013; Gomá 1907, pp. 689–93; Del Amo Guinovart 2001, p. 275). 23 Among the rites most profoundly marked by an Eastern-Byzantine influence, the Greek Trisagion specifically figures (Presedo Velo 2003, p. 116), a rite which Van der Meer saw as the source of the theophanic images from Coptic Egypt, with which Terrassa has an undeniable bond. 24 According to the latest studies (López Vilar and Gorostidi 2015b), no relationship exists between this Thecla and the cult of worship in place during the medieval period of Santa Tecla as patron saint of Tarragona, contrary to what some authors have proposed (Del Amo Guinovart 1997). Arts 2019, 8, 128 22 of 30 Stephanus Alexandrinus in honore Dei et omnius sanctorum die VIII idus Apriles anno tertio ordinationis eius cum suis sub pontificatu Georgii episcopii sanctissimi. Sigillum hic esto. (Flórez 1770, pp. 93–94; Del Amo Guinovart 2001, p. 275) The two cases mentioned here are examples of a movement, which most certainly would have been more widespread. We cannot forget that during the government of Emperor Justinian I (527–565), a favorable context arose in the Mediterranean for circulation and transference. Within the framework of Justinian’s Renovatio imperi, the Byzantine Empire expanded to the West, with the recovery of Northern Africa from the Vandals (533–534), Sicily, Sardinia, and Dalmatia (534), Ravenna (540) and Italy (555). From the year 552 and until the year 625, the Byzantine Empire maintained a strong presence in the south and the eastern part of the Iberian Peninsula, a region that became integrated into the Empire under the name Spania. However, the creation of the Byzantine province of Spania does not appear to have been the way of artistic reception from Byzantium in the Western Mediterranean.25 In my opinion, the existence of foreign communities—Greeks, Syrians, Egyptians—who were well-established in northeastern Spanish society, leads me to believe that one of the reasons for this close Hispano-Byzantine relationship could be the travels of priests.26 However, I believe it would be an error to show relations with Byzantium as being one-way. We cannot forget that the Eastern Mediterranean was also an attractive destination for pilgrims who, beginning on the 4th century, visited places of worship such as the temple dedicated to Saint Thecla of Seleucia (Syria).27 Among others, we must distinguish the work of the Hispanic woman Egeria, who visited it between the years 381 and 384 and wrote a description in Sumerian of her celebrated Itinerarium (Wilkinson 1971, pp. 28–29; Maraval 1982; Arias Abellan 2000, pp. 11–12). From an early date, the worship of Saint Thecla enjoyed widespread devotion in several areas of the Eastern Mediterranean, especially in Egypt, and whose sanctuary was located near the well-known Monastery of Saint Menas, in Abu Mina, in the area of Lake Mariout (Davis 2001, pp. 127–28). The miracles performed by Menas and Thecla converted their sanctuaries into important centers of worship for the Coptic Church in the 6th century. 28 The large amount of ampullae coming from the northern region of Egypt, with the joint representation of Thecla and Menas, has led to thoughts of an interaction between both cults of worship in the same area of the Mariout region, in the environs of Alexandria (Davis 2001, pp. 133–36; Bangert 2006; Anderson 2007).29 These small terracotta flasks contained holy water and were sold in the vicinity of the temples as “curative” souvenirs. Today, hundreds of these ampullae survive in museum collections throughout the Mediterranean world (Figure 29). Commerce and travel to these centers of worship in Coptic Egypt possibly favored the knowledge of certain themes and iconographies, which surfaced after the heretical conflicts that ravaged the East. Regarding contact with Coptic Egypt, I believe that in the 5th century, the existence of a basilica dedicated to Saint Menas in Sentmenat, a place very close to Egara, was extremely significant). In 1992, the archaeological remains of a building of Christian worship, dated from the 5th century, were found on the church grounds of the old church dedicated to “San Mena”, in Sentmenat (Barcelona) (Roig Buxó et al. 1995).30 With the presence of a Christian church from the 5th century related to the 25 For the discussion of this topic see especially (Schlunk 1945, 1964; Vizcaíno Sánchez 2009, 2013). 26 See (Keay 1996, pp. 18–43; Vallejo Girvés 2004, pp. 117–54). 27 For a general description and study of the cult of Santa Tecla, see (Davis 2001; Fitzerald Johnson 2006, pp. 67–112; Semoglou 2014). 28 By the sixth century, Abu Mina had been transformed into a huge pilgrimage center whose focal point was the tomb of the martyr. See (Drescher 1946; Grossmann 1989, 1998, pp. 291–302; Papaconstantinou 2007, pp. 350–67). 29 Davis (2001) includes a catalog of devotional ampullae and the images of Saint Thecla in frescoes and funerary stelae. There are other known manifestations of the worship of Saint Menas in Catalonia: there are two ampullae housed in the Museu Episcopal de Vic and the Museu Arqueològic in Girona. 30 We only know of two churches in Catalonia dedicated to Saint Menas: Sant Mena de Sentmenat (Vallès Occidental) and Sant Mena de Vilablareix (Girona). Arts 2019, 8, 128 23 of 30 worship of San Mena, together with the previous evidence of the presence of Egyptian clerics in Tarragona, we can suppose there was a relatively intense and fluid exchange between one extreme of the Mediterranean and another, and most of all, contact with the Coptic world from very early times. Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW I do 23 of 31 not believe that Terrassa directly copy the prototype of coptic paintings, but the programmer or designer of Sant Miquel contained holy clearly possessed water and an awareness were sold of iconographic in the vicinity traditions of the temples of Early-Byzantine as “curative” souvenirs. period, Today, particularly the Coptic church. We don’t know if the connection was direct, but these hundreds of these ampullae survive in museum collections throughout the Mediterranean world theophanies are part of a (Figure 29).religious and artistic network, larger than the renderings themselves. Figure 29. Pilgrimage Pilgrimageflask flaskwith withthe image the of of image Saint Menas. Saint © Tarragona, © Tarragona, Menas. Museu BíblicBíblic Museu (with(with kind permission). kind permission). 6. Chronology Commerce and travel to these centers of worship in Coptic Egypt possibly favored the knowledge The newofhistorical-artistic certain themes context and iconographies, proposed for thewhich surfaced paintings after of Sant the heretical Miquel conflicts de Terrassa that transforms ravaged the East. Regarding contact with Coptic Egypt, I believe that in the 5th century, this ensemble into a missing link in the reception of the repertories and motifs of the Mediterranean the existence of a in East basilica dedicated the Iberian to Saint Peninsula. Menas in Sentmenat, The knowledge of holy places a place in Egyptveryandclose to Egara,ofwas the receiving extremely iconographies significant). and liturgies,Inas1992, well the archaeological as the remains fascination over of a building Byzantium, createdof aChristian favorableworship, framework datedforfrom the cultural 5th century, were found and artistic transference. on the church grounds of the old church dedicated to “San Mena”, in Sentmenat In this (Barcelona) respect, new(Roig Buxó et al.technical archaeological, 1995). With 30 the presence and epigraphic dataofon a Christian the complex church from of Egara the 5th obtained century related to the worship of San Mena, together with the previous within the Director Plan (1995–2009) seems to confirm an early date around the 6th century.evidence of the presence of Egyptian clerics in Tarragona, we can suppose there was a relatively intense and fluid exchange 6.1. Archaeological between one extremeVerdict of the Mediterranean and another, and most of all, contact with the Coptic world As we have seen at times. from very early I do not the beginning of believe thatthe this article, Terrassa directly excavations archaeological copy the prototype at the Seeof of coptic Egara paintings, but the programmer or designer of Sant Miquel clearly possessed an performed as part of the Director Plan have allowed for us to set a definitive chronological sequence for awareness of iconographic the traditionsHaving episcopal complex. of Early-Byzantine surpassed theperiod, particularly the old historiographic Coptic debates onchurch. Weofdon’t the dating know if the complex, the historiography unanimously places the building of the architectural complex at the moment larger the connection was direct, but these theophanies are part of a religious and artistic network, of the than the renderings themselves. episcopal designation (c. 450–465). During the bishopric of Irineus, construction began on a grand episcopal complex, formed by the Cathedral of Santa Maria (with a basilical plan and three naves), the 6. Chronology funerary building of Sant Miquel and the parish of Sant Pere. Construction ended well into the 6th Thewith century, newthe historical-artistic context of building of the churches proposed for the Sant Miquel, Santpaintings of new Pere and the Santapse Miquel deCathedral for the Terrassa transforms of this In Santa Maria. ensemble the year into 1980,aarchitect missing Ambrós link in the reception i Monsonís of the (1980, repertories 1982a, and motifs 1982b) carried of the out work to Mediterranean consolidate East of the roof in the apse Iberian Peninsula. of Santa MariaThe andknowledge of holy found a great places number of in Egypt and amphorae the receiving embedded in the of iconographies structure, from which andheliturgies, extractedasone well as the A specimen. fascination study by S.over KeayByzantium, allowed forcreated a favorable the setting of a date framework for for cultural these specimens, andtype of the artistic Keay transference. LXIa, that came from Northern Africa, to have a chronology of In this 550–700. With respect, newdata, all of this archaeological, technical the archaeological teamand epigraphic concluded thatdata on the complex the construction of theofexisting Egara obtained apse within of Santa the was Maria Director Plan (1995–2009) produced seems to confirm an early date around the 6th century. in the 6th century. 6.1. Archaeological Verdict 30 We only know of two churches in Catalonia dedicated to Saint Menas: Sant Mena de Sentmenat (Vallès Arts 2019, 8, 128 24 of 30 6.2. The Verdict of the Restorers The proceedings and analyses of the different teams who have worked at the complex have Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW not 25 of 31 only allowed for us to know the pictorial technique, but they have also provided new arguments for the dating Although of wall thepaintings physical and (Figure 30). In the similarities compositional first place, according between the to the works mortar fromin restoration the joints andof the the paintings undertaken in the years 2001 and 2002, the pictorial technique utilized mortar of the layers in preparation for the paint is not an ultimate argument, it is a very reliable sign at Sant Miquel is a specific version of fresco painting, which consists of applying a very thick and irregular to be able to set the chronology of the paintings to the moment of the construction of the apses, where arriccio layer on thethe whole surface architectures datesofitthe cupola. to the After a short time, an intonaco layer was applied, over which the 6th century. decoration 31 We have another factor supportingInthis was applied to the fresco. thehypothesis: second place, according during to the the works indiagnosis excavation, of remnants materials carried out by the restorers, there does not exist any kind of layer between of paint drip spatter in a reddish color, very similar to the pictorial gamma of the apse, were the arriccio and the found stone, in such athe beneath way level thearriccio thatofthe originalpenetrated pavementthe joints work. If of thisthe stoneswere spatter that to compose be fromthe wall ofthe cleaning theactual apse. This led them to believe that the construction of the cupola of Sant Miquel brushes, we could think that the paintings were created before the original building was paved and the application of the arriccio (Garcia most Llinaresprobably were p. et al. 2009, from the same moment (ARCOR 2002, p. 22). 143). Figure 30. 30. Sant Sant Miquel Miquelde deTerrassa. Terrassa.Restoration Restorationof of thethe paintings paintings undertaken undertaken in years in the the years 2001 2001 and and 2002. © 2002. © ARCOR. ARCOR. The hypothesis of contemporaneity between the paintings and their architectural support was supported by a second team of restorers. In 2004 they drafted a restoration project for the wall paintings of Santa Maria, which historiography unanimously dates to the same chronological moment and the paintings of Sant Miquel.32 I believe that the study undertaken by Rudi Ranesi, Lourdes Domedel, and Conxa Armengol is quite suggestive in this respect: Two very similar types of mortar have been detected between them: the one used for joints and the other from the intonaco layer ( . . . ). The composition of the lime studied under the electron microscope has defined the type of material: calcium carbonate ( . . . ). The compositional uniformity of the materials confirms that the different strata correspond to the same time period and are contemporary to the construction of the cupola. (Ranesi et al. 2004, p. 30) The diagnosis of the uniformity of the mortars used in the paintings of Santa Maria was confirmed in the analysis performed by Lluís Vilaseca and Núria Guash as part of the same project (Figure 31), whose conclusions do not harbor any doubts: 31 According to the restorers, this technique is different from the traditional Roman fresco technique described by Vitruvius and is also 31. Figure different from Catalonian Diagnosis Roman frescoes, of the mortars used in which the paintings ofarriccio have a finer Santa and a regular Maria thickness © de Terrassa. in the layer de Museu covering it. See (ARCOR 2001, 2002). 32 SeeTerrassa (Ranesi (with kind permission). et al. 2004). The paintings of Santa Maria were finally restored in the years 2008 and 2009 by the TRACER company (TRACER 2009, p. 42). 6.3. The Verdict of the Epigraphists Conversely, as we have already seen, within the framework of the works in preservation of the Church of Sant Miquel performed in the years 2001–2002 new inscriptions appeared. Diana Gorostidi (Universidad Rovira i Virgili, ICAC) and Jordi López (Catalán Institute of Classical Archaeology) Arts 2019, 8, 128 25 of 30 In light of the obtained data, it is perfectly possible to contextualize the time periods of the paintings Figure 30. Sant Miquel to be contemporary de the with Terrassa. Restoration construction of theofcupola. the paintings undertaken (Vilaseca in the and Guasch years 2004, 2001 and p. 46) 2002. © ARCOR. Figure 31. Diagnosis Diagnosis of the mortars used in the paintings of Santa Santa Maria Maria de Terrassa. © de Terrassa. © Museu de Terrassa (with Terrassa (with kind kind permission). permission). Although 6.3. The Verdict the physical of the and compositional similarities between the mortar from the joints and the Epigraphists mortar of the layers in preparation for the paint is not an ultimate argument, it is a very reliable sign to Conversely, as we have already seen, within the framework of the works in preservation of the be able to set the chronology of the paintings to the moment of the construction of the apses, where the Church of Sant Miquel performed in the years 2001–2002 new inscriptions appeared. Diana Gorostidi architectures dates it to the 6th century. (Universidad Rovira i Virgili, ICAC) and Jordi López (Catalán Institute of Classical Archaeology) We have another factor supporting this hypothesis: during the works in excavation, remnants of paint drip spatter in a reddish color, very similar to the pictorial gamma of the apse, were found beneath the level of the original pavement work. If this spatter were to be from cleaning the actual brushes, we could think that the paintings were created before the original building was paved (Garcia Llinares et al. 2009, p. 143). 6.3. The Verdict of the Epigraphists Conversely, as we have already seen, within the framework of the works in preservation of the Church of Sant Miquel performed in the years 2001–2002 new inscriptions appeared. Diana Gorostidi (Universidad Rovira i Virgili, ICAC) and Jordi López (Catalán Institute of Classical Archaeology) determined that the inscriptions follow forms from the paleo-Christian epigraphy of the Visigoth period, and as such seem to confirm the chronology of the 6th century (López Vilar and Gorostidi 2015a).33 7. Conclusions Since their discovery near the end of the 19th century, the wall paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa have been at the forefront of an intense debate centered around defining their iconography and dating. In the first place, regarding the iconographic theme, although the primary source for the configuration of the paintings of Sant Miquel is the Ascension of Christ, we find other motifs that come from the Vision of Ezekiel (throne, cartwheels) that endowed the image with a whole new semantic meaning. The result is a synoptic theophany in which the patrons wished to underscore the divinity of Christ. In this sense, the presence of the aforementioned motifs, as well as the gesticulation of the Apostles, demonstrates knowledge of Eastern models, and specifically the theophanies predominant in Coptic art from the 6th–7th centuries. In support of this hypothesis, it is well worth underscoring Arts 2019, 8, 128 26 of 30 the exceptionality of the gestures of the Apostles, which probably have their origins in a possible form of a chant or repertoire specific to Eastern liturgies. In the framework of the heretical conflicts that shook the Mediterranean East in the 4th–5th centuries, the Orthodox Church created certain dogmatic images that it held in evidence before the faithful, with the conclusions derived from the great ecumenical councils—Nicea (325), Ephesus (431), and Chalcedon (451)—regarding the divinity of Christ and the divine motherhood of Mary. We have several ancient examples of this type of images, all composed in the same manner and with a chronology situating them in the 6th century. In a context in which controversy was alive in Visigothic Hispania, it is logical to think that they would recur to iconography from the East as a contribution to the controversy by the Catholic Church. One very important avenue of thought to consider when pondering the reception of these images by the Eastern Hispanogoths is that of relationships with the Coptic world. Be it by means of travel to holy places or the arrival of communities from Egypt, what is true is that the province of Tarragona could have played a determining role as a center of reception and diffusion of influences; a veritable bridge between the Western and Eastern Mediterranean. The religious and cultural relationships with the Byzantine East explain not only the rise in travel but also the circulation of iconographic objects and models. Conversely, I believe that the holistic view we have undertaken situates the paintings in a new historical-artistic framework: that of the Mediterranean within the framework of Justinian’s renovation imperi (6th century). With this idea in mind, the technical data obtained from the archaeological interventions, and above all, from the restorative works carried out in Terrassa, seem to confirm this new dating for the paintings. The technical reports point to a contemporaneity between the paintings and their architectural support, to mean that they were created at the moment of supreme splendor of the Episcopal See of Egara, circa the 6th century. We cannot forget that soon after, in the year 615, the Episcopal See of Egara was host to an important provincial synod, before its definitive dissolution by the Muslim invasion (711). This seems to be a favorable framework for the appearance of a complex and a monumental pictorial decoration such as that in Terrassa: a missing link for the reception of painting from the Mediterranean East. The Muslim invasions of the Iberian Peninsula marked the end of the era of the greatest splendor of the monumental complex and the end of the Bishopric of Egara. After the conquest of Barcelona in the year 801 by the Franks, the country’s stability allowed for certain episcopal sees to be reinstituted (Soler i Jimenez 2003, pp. 81–90), with the exception of Egara and Empúries. For this reason, I find it difficult to accept that a pictorial decoration of such monumentality and dogmatic content would have been carried out in the Carolingian Period when Egara was no longer an episcopal see and the complex had begun its spatial and architectural decline. The see of Egara is the only complex among the ancient episcopal sees (5th–8th centuries) still preserved in the West having vestiges of the pictorial decoration in the apses of its three churches. Other episcopal complexes such as those in Valencia, Barcelona, and Mérida (Spain), Aosta (Italy), Geneva (Switzerland), Porec (Croatia), or Grenoble (France), have preserved important architectural vestiges, but not mural paintings. This fact transforms the ensemble at Terrassa into an “hapax” within the study of Western Christian art. Funding: This research received no external funding. Acknowledgments: This contribution is the result of a long period of research that has involved many people and institutions, to all of whom I am immensely grateful. I am indebted to Manuel Castiñeiras for his help and suggestions during the preparation of this text. I would also like to express my most sincere thanks to Mary Kupellian (Helwan University, Cairo); Domènec Ferran and Antonio Moro, respectively Director and Archeologist at the Museum of Terrassa; Maricarmen Gómez Muntané (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona); John McNeill (University of Oxford); Juan Signes (Universidad de Valladolid); Antonio Pizá (Foundation for Iberian Music); Rafael Pérez Arroyo (Universidad Rey Juan Carlos); David Abadías and Gemma Garcia, respectively Dean and Lecturer of the Faculty Antoni Gaudí; Andreu Muñoz (Museu Bíblic de Tarragona); Arturo Palomares (Ajuntament de Terrassa); Antonio Iacobini (Università di Roma La Sapienza); Magdalena Kuhn and Laura de Castellet. 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