Ecological Economics 157 (2019) 175–184 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Ecological Economics journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ecolecon Analysis Not So Natural an Alliance? Degrowth and Environmental Justice T Movements in the Global South ⁎ Beatriz Rodríguez-Labajosa,b, , Ivonne Yánezc, Patrick Bondd, Lucie Greyle, Serah Mungutif, Godwin Uyi Ojog, Winfridus Overbeekh a Institute of Environmental Science and Technology, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain b Energy and Resources Group, University of California at Berkeley, United States c Acción Ecológica, Ecuador d University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa e A Sud, Italy f Nature Kenya—the East Africa Natural History Society, Kenya g Environmental Rights Action | Friends of the Earth Nigeria, Nigeria h World Rainforest Movement, Uruguay A R T I C LE I N FO A B S T R A C T Keywords: Both environmental justice (EJ) and degrowth movements warn against increasing the physical size of the Degrowth economy. They both oppose extractivism and debt-fuelled economies, as well as the untrammelled profit motive Environmental justice which fails to incorporate full environmental and social costs. They both rely upon social movements that have Global South led scholarship in its activities and achievements, in part through challenging power structures. Therefore, some Activism argue the existence of an obvious alliance between degrowth and EJ movements in the Global South. Yet, direct Alliances Socio-environmental conflicts observation unveils concerns from EJ activists in the Global South about the plausibility of alliances until some significant divergences have been examined and reconciled. Activists inspire, promote and disseminate trans- formations that overcome several forms of domination. Their perspectives on degrowth advance informed co- operation. Our aim is thus to systematically evaluate tensions and possible analogies between the scope of action of EJ organisations operating in the Global South and the main propositions of the Degrowth movement. The argument relies on methodical scrutiny of core themes in the degrowth debate by critical thinkers in the Global South. It incorporates insights from EJ struggles in Ecuador, Italy, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Uruguay, with important implications in Brazil, Mozambique, and Indonesia. The paper contributes to an exploration of the implications of the degrowth debate for the Global South, with the purpose of strengthening potential synergies, through an assertive recognition of the barriers to doing so. 1. Introduction Warlenius, 2017). Grassroots organisations leading EJ movements in the South have For more than a decade, the globalisation of the environmental thus contributed greatly to expanding a shared vocabulary which aca- justice (EJ) discourse has been presented either as a case of diffusion demic researchers have also refined in their studies (Martinez-Alier abroad from its formulation in the United States (Carruthers, 2008; Sze et al., 2014). Activists and environmental defenders in the South de- and London, 2008), or as the outcome of claims from diverse move- nounce and resist mechanisms of domination and dispossession in a ments struggling against similar problems around the globe (Sikor and variety of fields, from food to energy production (Giunta, 2014; Obi, Newell, 2014). Today, the two-way nature of this globalisation of ideas 2010). They confront directly the industries and environmental crim- is well established, and made apparent through the infusion of EJ no- inals that operate such mechanisms (White, 2013), despite this threa- tions from movements in the South, in the campaigns of their northern tening their own lives (The Guardian, Global Witness, 2018). EJ orga- counterparts (Agyeman et al., 2016). The central roles of the climate nisations in the South are not only pioneers in initiatives that could debt concept and opposition to financialising emissions in climate jus- reshape international environmental agendas (Oilwatch, 2015), but tice campaigns are cases in point (Schlosberg and Collins, 2014; they also put forward alternative visions and transformative pathways ⁎ Corresponding author. E-mail address: beatriz.rodriguez@uab.cat (B. Rodríguez-Labajos). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2018.11.007 Received 21 May 2018; Received in revised form 22 August 2018; Accepted 8 November 2018 Available online 29 November 2018 0921-8009/ © 2018 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/BY-NC-ND/4.0/). B. Rodríguez-Labajos et al. Ecological Economics 157 (2019) 175–184 for society, from a radically democratic and egalitarian stance (Kothari, different parts of the world. It introduces an activist perspective which 2014). the present authors deem still to be missing in the literature. Understandably, degrowth movements have looked towards these To this end, the following section presents the methods employed. EJ organisations when searching for allies. Besides the trust built as a Subsequently, results and discussion are organised in two sections. The result of consistent counterhegemonic activism in their respective first section develops a nuanced analysis of why the alliance between geographic domains (Hosseini et al., 2017; Loureiro and Layrargues, degrowth and EJ movements is not straightforward. The second section 2013), movements for EJ in the South and degrowth in the North share highlights an assortment of analogies, which provide reason to think further matters of concern. One is the increase in the physical size of the that the start of a conversation between the two movements is possible. economy –a long-held tenet of ecological economics– as well as issues The final section concludes, offering some recommendations which of democracy and social justice (Pueyo, 2014; Sachs, 2002). Extra- might foster such conversation. ctivism and debt-fuelled economies are their common enemies (Brand et al., 2017; Gerber, 2015; Hornborg and Martinez-Alier, 2016). Im- 2. Methods portantly, they both rely on social movements which have led an en- gaged scholarship in its activities and achievements (Demmer and Our argument is based on scrutinising core themes in degrowth Hummel, 2017; Martinez-Alier et al., 2014). debates through semi-structured interviews. Interviewees are critical Some argue the existence of an obvious alliance between degrowth thinkers who worked in environmental justice organisations (EJOs) and EJ movements in the Global South (Martínez-Alier, 2012). Recent involved in the EJOLT project. These EJOs are the Acción Ecológica, A works based on the analysis of different empirical contexts in South Sud, the Center for Civil Society, Nature Kenya, Environmental Rights Asia and Latin America confirm this perspective (Gerber and Raina, Action/Friends of the Earth Nigeria and the World Rainforest 2018; Otto, 2017). This development is also consistent with the turn of Movement. While the claims in this article are informed by the work the degrowth movements –particularly after the 2014 International within these organisations, they do not necessarily reflect the views of Degrowth Conference held in Leipzig, Germany– to explicitly search for specific individuals and organisations, which are as plural as the com- alliances with other critical currents and initiatives around the globe position of the organisations themselves. The views of participants do (Burkhart et al., 2016). not guarantee that all EJ perspectives are represented. Still, the dis- Along with the search for commonalities, there are definite tensions cussion incorporates insights from EJ struggles in Ecuador, Italy, Kenya, between degrowth and transition discourses such as postdevelopment Nigeria, South Africa, Uruguay, with important implications in Brazil, (Escobar, 2015). In a similar vein, direct observation reveals concerns Mozambique, and Indonesia. The interviewees are experienced acti- from EJ activists in the South about the plausibility for alliances, until vists, having worked consistently in their respective fields for periods some significant divergences are examined. These concerns were ori- ranging from ten years to over three decades. As such, they have a solid ginally sparked in discussions within the collaborative project ‘En- knowledge of EJ discussions around mining, industrial plantations, oil vironmental Justice Organisations, Liabilities and Trade’ (EJOLT) and gas extraction, mega-infrastructures, agrodiversity, nature con- (Martinez-Alier et al., 2011). EJOLT united activists and academics in servation, climate change and water management. coproducing a variety of EJ-related studies, such as collective reports on It is worth mentioning that by ‘South’ we mean lower income topics such as tree plantations (Overbeek et al., 2012), mining conflicts countries otherwise referred to as ‘Third World’, ‘Periphery’, or (Özkaynak et al., 2012), and land grabbing (GRAIN et al., 2014). The ‘Developing countries’. Inequalities affect all countries. Therefore, by compilation of a global database of EJ conflicts also initiated at that ‘Global South’ we mean territories both in the South and in the poorer time (Temper et al., 2015), enabled sound analyses about the civil so- regions of the North impacted by a “history of colonialism, neo-im- ciety organisations involved in the conflicts (Aydin et al., 2017). perialism, and differential economic and social change” (Dados and All in all, this space of collaboration served to reinforce the sig- Connell, 2012: 13). nificance of movements with radical views which bring the dominant Once the idea of producing this paper was agreed, the subsequent societal model into question. While doing this, the movements inspire, task was to formulate questions whose answers could be supportive of promote and disseminate transformative actions that tackle the roots an informed rapprochement of degrowth and EJ in the South. In line causes of today's socio-environmental problems. Arguably, gaining such with principles of collaborative research (Jull et al., 2017; Kishk movements' critical perspectives on degrowth is crucial in promoting Anaquot Health Research, 2008), interviewees are acknowledged as co- informed cooperation. Examining perceptions from the South also helps authors and as such were integrated into the research design. The re- counterbalance the fact that most degrowth literature is generated from sulting interview script is presented in Annex 1. high-income countries (Weiss and Cattaneo, 2017). The likely clash of There is no unified set of proposals among degrowth movements, ethical assumptions regarding notions of justice and lifestyles (Muraca, admittedly diverse in their transformative approaches (Eversberg and 2013, 2012) provides another reason to incorporate a southern lens into Shmelzer, 2018). Prior to the interviews, some participants have at- the debate. tended degrowth-related events (conferences or talks). For supple- Therefore, this paper aims to systematically evaluate both the main mentary information, some core themes were identified using the topics tensions and possible analogies between the actions of environmental presented as ‘dimensions of degrowth’ in the website of the organisation justice organisations in the Global South and the propositions of the ‘Research and Degrowth’ (R&D). These topics were used to create degrowth movement. Our purpose is to contribute to a strengthening of working groups at the Second International Conference on Economic potential synergies, through an assertive recognition of the barriers to Degrowth for Ecological Sustainability and Social Equity, in Barcelona. do so. In particular, we offer responses to the following questions: Members of R&D have supported the respective organising committees of the degrowth conferences since 2012. The themes in question are: a) What are the main concerns or critiques from environmental justice time, resources availability, hard infrastructure, finances, institutions organisations in the South about degrowth's propositions? and socio-economic organisation, social comparison, material needs, b) What are the analogies or equivalences between core themes in the and consumer imaginary (R&D, 2010). degrowth debate and environmental justice movements, in the After a round of individual responses (either through face-to-face countries where specific environmental justice organisations op- interviews or email exchange), the verbatim transcriptions were coded. erate? The codes were then structured around arguments against and for an alliance between EJ movements in the South and degrowth. The ar- This paper is intended for audiences that are familiar with the de- guments were further elaborated by the authors after being discussed at growth discourse and want to better understand how it is perceived in several international fora. They are presented below in a discussion 176 B. Rodríguez-Labajos et al. Ecological Economics 157 (2019) 175–184 with the relevant literature. degrowth is not only perceived as ‘missing the point’, but is also in some As a note for self-assessment, the authors are aware of the pervasive ways a ‘luxury’ debate. issue of power relations involved in translations, and in encounters Those who might be willing to discuss this in Southern countries are between possible allies that are distant from each other and have dif- often more middle-class, urban, academic or NGO workers, who do not ferent histories (Lohmann, 2015). This cannot be fully prevented. know poverty from their own experience. In the view of the inter- Where there is disagreement, the different views are reported. The viewees, pushing for a debate on degrowth in Africa or India, or even exercise does not aim to produce consensus, or a comprehensive ac- less advantaged European communities, would not get very far. In these count, but rather to map notions which may be considered as central in places, the overall discourse of ‘degrowing’ might seem farfetched and a the debate. concern of elites. The understanding of the idea requires a context of overall welfare and over-consumption from which to degrow. This is a 3. Not So Natural an Alliance! Really? But Why? major issue. As revolutionary socialists have put it, how can we explain ‘uneven and combined development’ (Davidson, 2017; Justin Mounting evidence shows increasing global inequalities, both in Rosenberg, 1996) in world historical terms, so that the main burden of high-income and low-income countries. Among the 34 OECD members, world degrowth falls upon those who have accumulated most already, the richest 10% of the population earn about 9 times the income of the and the opportunities for meeting social needs and enjoying the benefits poorest 10% (OECD, 2018). Countries that have exceeded expectations of modernisation (electricity, water systems, the internet, etc.) can be in their growth-oriented projects – such as China, with 2.4 m million- transferred to the world's poorest? aires living in the country in 2013, projected to double in 2015 – ob- On the other hand, the use of the term ‘degrowth’ is in itself nega- serve widening inequalities in wealth and incomes (Hassan, 2016). tive and goes against the mindset and basic principles of living and One might imagine that these striking realities could contribute to working hard. Degrowth scholars have responded to this issue of the development of synergies between movements seeking EJ in the framing (Asara et al., 2015) by stressing the need to decolonise the Global South and the critics to growth. In fact, the idea of an ‘obvious’ social imaginary from the never-ending pursuit of accumulation, alliance with degrowth movements bothers some people in EJ move- changing our language to produce, from today, a subversive tomorrow ments of the South. Table 1 compiles some of reasons why this might (Kallis and March, 2015). However, positive meanings of the term be, based on responses from the interviews. A further elaboration of ‘growth’ are also fundamental to the imaginaries and agendas of EJ these ideas follows in the remainder of the section. movements in the South: healthy children grow, staple crops grow, ideas grow, creativity grows, autonomy and sovereignty grow… so why 3.1. Degrowth is Not an Appealing Term in the Global South should the South support the idea of not growing? Should EJ move- ments not grow? Should resistance and alternatives to ecologically In parts of Africa, Latin America and many other regions of the damaging projects not grow? Family and child care systems, should Global South, including poor and marginalised communities in they not grow? What about small-scale organic agriculture, both in the Northern countries, the term degrowth is not appealing, and does not South and in the North? match people's demands. In fact, there are debates about the provoca- This position brings us back to analogous debates among some tive term ‘degrowth’ within the degrowth discourse itself (Asara et al., ecological economists in the North contesting the term Degrowth. They 2015; Drews and Antal, 2016). The cultural and historical differences ask ‘degrowth of what?’, claiming that degrowth gives excessive im- between Northern and Southern countries and their societies, and the portance to changing standard macroeconomic indicators, leaving aside different struggles people and movements have gone through should the real need to recognise the material boundaries of the economic also be considered in this debate. system (Naredo, 2011). In line with some concerns expressed in the On the one hand, ideas like ‘frugal living’ (Manno, 2011; Videira current project, these economists also argue that the term degrowth et al., 2009) or creating ‘beautifully poor’ spaces (Leblanc, 2017) may does not effectively communicate alternatives, which highlights the not be received sympathetically when one has grown up in a slum or a need to think carefully about the labels given to transformative favela with unambiguous deficiencies of sanitation or public education. movements (Drews and Antal, 2016). For many people in the South – especially social movements – ‘de- On the top of the reasons above, the economic crisis and austerity growth’ will not make sense because of their own history and experi- policies play a role in people's reluctance. Voluntary degrowth is di- ences, having often suffered from situations of poverty and scarcity of rected at elites in the North, and its supporters emphasize that it does the most basic needs. Some ‘growth’ to reach more security in terms of not equate to recession (Asara et al., 2015). Yet more and more people survival is regarded logical. Therefore, focusing the struggle on living in precarious conditions both in the North and the South draw Table 1 Reasons against an obvious alliance between degrowth and environmental justice in the South. Key points Associated ideas Degrowth is not an appealing term in the South • Different history/experience of poverty and scarcity • ‘Voluntary’ degrowth, only through crises and urban elites • Against the people's basic principles of living and working hard • Growing (e.g., healthy crops, creativity) is part of EJ agendas • Austerity is a “degrowth strategy for poor people” Beyond detached terms, detached ideas & approaches • Multiple meanings of ideas in multi-cultural, pluri-national countries • Degrowth is too anthropocentric • Issues framed differently from how Southern groups organize and discuss problems Communication (& dissemination) issues • Still scant mention of Degrowth among activist groups in the South • Semantic controversies: denying the opponent actually legitimises it • Other language is suggested: redistribution; appropriate use of welfare… Eurocentric thinking (again!) • Western/high-income countries centred approach ➔ individualistic • Aversion to standardising principles that undermine the flourishing of local initiatives Not radical enough • Degrowth proposals seem to accommodate stances within the boundaries of the system (not shared perspective!): is degrowth anti-capitalist? • Why not move the discourse towards other terms such as eco-socialism, re-commoning, Nature-centred perspective? 177 B. Rodríguez-Labajos et al. Ecological Economics 157 (2019) 175–184 this equivalence between degrowth and austerity measures. For them, the messages of the degrowth debate, the situation is different for austerity is an unwelcomed degrowth strategy for the poor. people involved in EJ struggles, both in the North and the South. In the Global South, the concept of degrowth is relatively new (especially in 3.2. Beyond Detached Terms, Detached Ideas? Africa) and the interviewees reported a very limited presence of the debates within their communities. Together with the barriers of understanding regarding the use of the The most common pathway to learn about degrowth seems to be term ‘degrowth’, the interviewees express concerns on the concepts and participating in conferences or learning about the international de- ideas behind it. Take, for instance, the degrowth proposals on time growth conferences held in the past. This convinced at least one of the allocation. The Western idea of ‘time’ clashes with that of the ‘pueblos’ interviewees of the robustness of degrowth as an intellectual and po- (communities, people), the aboriginal or indigenous temporalities (like litical current. The internet is another source of information, for in- the Andean ‘Pacha’), and the times of nature. What does ‘reduction of stance, through mailing lists or online fora (e.g., on biological con- the working time’ as studied by degrowth researchers (see, e.g., Shao servation or consumption). Direct interaction with degrowthers via and Rodríguez-Labajos, 2016) mean then? other civil society groups, or through common projects (e.g., EJOLT) Questions are raised as to what extent degrowth movements re- was also mentioned. In one case, interaction with degrowth came while cognise and understand the multiple meanings of time(s) in the South, collaborating in the preparation of a documentary series (Story of Stuff). particularly in those countries characterised by plurinationalism, mul- Both during the EJOs' local work with communities and social ticulturality and pluriversality. Conceptions of time allocation involved movements, and with international networks, the interviewees noticed in these debates are categorically diverse and preclude homogeneity few or no mention of degrowth among Southern groups. To compare and comparability. Following this example, the interviewees argue that this with evidence of public attention to degrowth vis-à-vis EJ, we used each of the core topics in the degrowth debates (e.g., limits, resource Google Trends.1 This resource does not unveil patterns for activists availability, and consumer imaginary) may generate a similar reaction. only, who might in fact be reluctant to use corporate web browsers, Ultimately, many ideas present in the degrowth approach are perceived however it helps to get an idea of the general interest on topics over as very anthropocentric, and far too influenced by economic theory. time and in different countries. Two key findings emerge from this. This is in part attributed to degrowth's “insufficiently developed cri- Firstly, environmental justice – an older set of movements – gen- tique of modernity” (Escobar, 2015:456). At this point, the EJ organi- erated twice as much curiosity as degrowth at the beginning of the sations invite degrowth to learn about non-anthropocentric thinking period of recorded data (2004). However, this situation reversed as and practices from people in Latin America when conceiving of radical interest in degrowth increased globally and reached its peak in 2009. At transitions. this time, the gap in relation to the less searched-for EJ terms was Clarification is demanded on the concrete meaning of degrowth around 30%. Presently, both debates generate similar levels of curi- measures. For instance, in Nigeria, and more generally in Africa, energy osity. Unsurprisingly, the number of total queries has vastly increased production is increasing yet there is more inequality and energy pov- over the years, but the comparisons presented here are in relative erty. This seems an analogous problem to that which degrowth pre- terms. As a reference point, the term ‘financial crisis’ generated 4.4 sents. But what would degrowth mean in this context? Freezing pro- times more search interest than ‘degrowth’ over the same period (and duction, increasing equity, increasing assets? Widening access to people ‘terrorism’, 34 times more). who do not have access to energy? Is this just another word for energy Secondly, focussing on the location of the queries, interest in EJ transition? A certain level of contradiction is likely in the answers to dominates over degrowth in the countries of some of the interviewees, these questions. including South Africa, Kenya, Nigeria, and Brazil. In contrast, general As argued below, degrowth generates sympathy among the social curiosity in degrowth is superior to EJ in Ecuador, Uruguay and Italy. movements in the South. However, some degrowth ideas still sound too This points to a diversity of contexts in the countries typically described pragmatic for many groups in the Global South. In the realities which as the Global South, which should be kept in mind when studying links EJOs have been working in (for instance, in Brazil), social movements between (northern) degrowth movements and EJOs in the global South. are concerned with political strategies, and tactics that can contribute At the same time, it is important to reflect on the possible reasons why to them, to transform the dominant model. In this respect, the problem degrowth does not interest those involved in struggles for environ- with the degrowth debate is that it frames the issues very differently mental and social justice in some areas of the world. from how the diverse Southern groups and movements organize and Again, regarding communication issues, there are semantic con- discuss problems. This creates barriers in communication. troversies that come with naming a movement as the inverse of a ‘false Related to this, what would probably call for the most attention is solution’. For example, the term ‘non-white’ is fiercely contested by that the way degrowth ´strategies´ are approached and disseminated. In black leadership as well as grassroots justice organisations in South Southern social movements –which work in terms of what often is Africa, in light of historical exclusionary policies based on race (and the called ‘political strategy’– it would be surprising for a movement to semantics of the oppressor). Here, a concern emerges about the legiti- publish its strategy openly on a website. The set of degrowth proposals macy of the discourses employed in the debate. Branding a movement are seen as a confusing mix of strategies and tactics, a point also made as the denial of that which is being challenged, could contribute to by Cosme et al. (2017). This point is not trivial, because EJOs –as ex- legitimising that existing structure and disempowering the movement perienced political actors– are aware of the ways effective alliances and (by downplaying that which is liberatory about its politics). networks between groups and movements are built (Aydin et al., 2017). Therefore, the language with which degrowth ideas are articulated For instance, another EJO points out the convenience of creating alli- and communicated is critical. When dealing with poor and margin- ances with consumer organisations at the tactical (specific-goal or- alised groups, concepts of redistribution and appropriate use of welfare iented) rather than strategic (generic) level. Building of ongoing joint and resources – in line with principles of EJ – are more suitable. initiatives between organisations in the South and in the North is seen favourably as a learning base for constructing strategic alliances. Therefore, shared approaches to both political and organisational de- velopments are essential. 1 The comparison includes the terms Degrowth’(political ideology); and ‘Environmental Justice’ (topic), supplemented with ‘Justicia Ambiental’ and 3.3. Communication and Dissemination Issues ‘Justiça Ambiental’ (search terms)’ in Google Trends (https://trends.google. com) for the period 1/1/2004–10/5/2018. Data of relative search interest was While formally educated people may not find problems accessing obtained by period and by location. 178 B. Rodríguez-Labajos et al. Ecological Economics 157 (2019) 175–184 3.4. Eurocentric Thinking (Again!) borrowers. In this respect, some interviewees do not perceive a deep, radical A pervasive criticism of degrowth is that its European roots have criticism of capitalism in degrowth. This is not unanimous, but for percolated the type of proposals it makes. Once again, an idea is several EJ activists, degrowth proposals seem to accommodate stances launched to the world with an undeniable Eurocentric (or Northern) within the boundaries of the prevailing system. Then, the question origin. This alone generates logical resistances from groups that employ becomes: is degrowth an anti-capitalist position? Radical proposals decolonial theoretical perspectives (Alimonda, 2011; Grosfoguel, 2011; strongly supported by the EJOS, such as the scheme ‘leave the oil in the Mignolo and Escobar, 2010), and support political projects promoted by soil’ are not only held because they protect vulnerable communities and indigenous movements, landless workers, and those fighting environ- ecosystems, but also because they are concrete steps to start ‘killing mental racism in impoverished settings. This is mirrored in the class capitalism’ and building a radical and idealistic critique of oil-based struggles and claims of unequal access to welfare of EJ organisations civilisation. In contrast to the perception that EJ movements are post- operating in peripheral areas of the North. political (Swyngedouw, 2009), this demonstrates that global EJ To be fair, similar critiques were raised against the language and movements actually encourage radical changes, and actively demand a political implications of EJ when applied outside its North American debate around alternatives to the dominant capitalist development origins, yet this discourse has become global (Carruthers, 2008). De- model. growth, on the other hand, is seen as the epitome of a developed- Then why not move the discourse towards other models of eco- countries centred approach. It applies to contexts of substantial welfare nomic organisation? Some EJ organisations proclaim alternative in rich, high-consumption societies. This is not the case in vast areas of models based on socialism. Aware of semantic issues as raised above, the global South, which makes the overall framework less relatable. and the bad memories that this term calls upon, eco-socialism and la- Alongside this comes the critique of degrowth's approach being too bour de-alienation are proposed instead (Brownhill et al., 2012). The individualistic, like the Western societies themselves. recuperation or creation of gendered commons are also a part of EJ There is an awareness that organisations in the North which have claims, as a way of producing and consuming goods that do not become created solidarity networks with EJOs in the South, support degrowth commodified. In this respect, the ‘decommodification’ of basic needs movements. For instance, the network Ecologistas en Acción, well-known and degrowth strategies will overlap. A consideration of the ecological by one of the interviewees, has endorsed the campaign ‘Menos para vivir debt between the North and the South from a degrowth perspective, mejor’ (Less to live better) for several years. This is seen positively, but with a similar level of refinement to the analyses of debt within does not mitigate the risk that the degrowth proposals become uni- northern countries (Kallis et al., 2012), would be a necessary step for- formalising principles operating against the diversity that EJOs defend. ward. A radical missing topic is the non-anthropocentric/Nature's per- This is not only seen as dangerous for the movements in the South, but spective that leads to an absolute transformation of the relationship possibly also for initiatives in Europe which cannot flourish because between humans and their environments. they are influenced by degrowth too early in their own development. 4. But Still, We Want to Cooperate. From Analogies to Homologies 3.5. Not Radical Enough The combination of factors mentioned above means that currently Although the dominance of the paradigm of economic growth needs the degrowth debate is not a priority for many EJ movements in the to be criticized, to propose ´degrowth´ as the way forward is felt by South. Yet the interviewees saw that several points defended by the some interviewees to miss the point. Some economic studies postulate a ´degrowth´ movement could lead to interesting discussions with growth imperative in capitalist economies (Vergara-Camus, 2017). Southern groups. Evidence from the European semi-periphery indicates Historically, non-capitalist processes also suffered (and continue to that, while limited, there is potential there for degrowth to theoretical suffer) from an obsession for growth (Kallis, 2017), but this is not the frame the EJ movements (Domazet and Ančić, n.d.). Recent attempts to reality that the EJ organisations in many parts of the world face. present degrowth hand-in-hand with other transformative alternatives Drawing on a perspective from Brazil, two different processes are help to illustrate the benefits of this exercise in developing research and observed. On the one hand, capitalists are interested in profit, and not activist agendas (Demaria and Kothari, 2017; Escobar, 2015). necessarily in growth per se. On the other hand, the main problem with Moreover, some economies in Southern countries have embraced the dominant economic growth-based model is the power of a restricted imaginaries of economic growth and are deploying them at a fast pace. group of (capitalist) actors, that benefit from maintaining the present Such is clearly the case in Brazil, now the seventh largest economy in model of extraction (of ´raw materials´), production, commercializa- the world and still maintaining a steady growth rate. Social movements tion, and consumption. Therefore, EJ groups do not pay so much at- there could take up the degrowth discourse to articulate their own tention to ´economic growth´ (and therefore may not see ´degrowth´ as demands. Looking at degrowth proposals may provide a way to link the solution) as the main issue with how capitalism operates in their local struggles with the larger-scale drivers that trigger them. countries. The basic premise for promoting alliances, the interviewees argue, is Scholars respected by some interviewed EJ activists emphasize that that the different proposals do not exclude each other but learn and current ecological and economic crises are both part of the same fun- benefit from each other. A way to approach this can be to identify damental crisis of Western capitalist civilisation, deeply rooted in analogies. An analogy supports the necessary exercise of cross-cultural modern industrialisation (Löwy, 2005). Although national and global encounter and the identification of similar origins, or homologies. It debt bubbles have arisen during the crisis, there are already strong sustains the fundamental idea of unity in diversity, which is a powerful indicators of ‘deglobalisation’ since 2007. These include dramatic de- concept that prevails across cultural contexts and even disciplinary clines in trade/GDP ratios (and the crash of the Baltic Dry Index mea- fields. To this end, the present section presents a summary of responses suring shipping), foreign direct investment/GDP ratios (and rates of to the question ‘What are the analogies or equivalences between the return on such investment), cross-border financial flows, and non-re- core themes in the degrowth debate and environmental justice in the fugee labour migration (Bond, 2018). All these indicators suggest that context of the country(-ies) where your organization operates?’ (also instead of working against the grain of ‘growth’, the degrowth move- presented in Table 2). ment should be preparing for the case that the devalorisation is even more redirected towards the most anti-ecological, anti-social invest- 4.1. Time(s) ments. This includes fossil fuel capital but also over-exposed financial capital in the form of banks' excessive credit-based power over ordinary In response to the question of how to spend or share time, there is a 179 B. Rodríguez-Labajos et al. Ecological Economics 157 (2019) 175–184 Table 2 Identified analogies between degrowth and environmental justice in the South. Core themes in degrowth Analogies with environmental justice struggles Concrete examples in the participant organisation Time Sumak Kawsay Rediscovering citizen's role in society through popular epidemiology Grassroots and political time through political engagement (EPiCentro experiment and Veritas Project) Time needed to socialise, to rediscover the own lost soul Resource availability Campaigns against land grabbing or damaging extractive Leave the oil in the soil, leave the coal in the hole, leave the tar sands projects in the land … plus ‘climate debt’ approach Fair distribution of environmental burdens (reduction) and Paralysed biodiesel (Jatropha) projects in the Tana Delta (Kenya) for benefits Europe's fuel needs Critique of Africa's multiple Resource Curses Biocidio coalition, No Triv coalition Analyses of ways the Resource Curse (including climate change) Hard Infrastructure Struggles against mega-projects & useless infrastructures (dams, Struggle against high speed trains or highways high-speed train) Opposition to mega-projects in South Africa and Nigeria Demand for extension of basic needs infrastructure (International) solidarity work (e.g. ALBA) vs large infrastructures Finances Role of finance in strengthening environmental injustice Arguments to impose capital controls, to lower the ratio of finance to Need to impose capital controls, lowering the ratio of finance to real economic activity and to nationalize financial assets real economic activity, nationalizing financial assets Need to diversify sources of currency against fiscal imperialism Institutions and socio-economic Communities that conquer back territories invaded by tree Promotion of small, local and environmentally friendly production organisation plantations Critiques of the power structures in all global, continental, national Community energy committees in Nigeria (demonstrative stage) and municipal scales (governmental/corporate) Rationalisation of production processes on the basis of real, local needs and local available materials Commons Forests collectively controlled and used by communities National movement for water (and energy) in Italy Protection of communal lands, used for communal purposes only ‘From rights to commons’ Social comparison Fostering equalities in terms of access to basic resources and ‘Stop Biocidio’ coalition and support to sacrificed communities distribution of environmental burdens Anti-xenophobia research and programming Desire to end Africa's artificially drawn borders (of Berlin in Nigeria's National Basic Income Scheme (NaBIS) 1885) Material needs Food and energy sovereignty Growth for basic needs projects (e.g. South Africa's failed Reconstruction and Development Programme of 1994) Consumer imaginary Need to rebuild peoples' imaginaries into appropriate Story of Stuff project (2009) (including on cap-and-trade critique) consumption Critique of hedonistic consumption norms (when applicable) call for using time to socialise, to re-discover the own lost soul, but also More and more extraction is clearly not the solution, especially to expand the active societal role of the self. In the powerful analogy of given its increasingly violent side (The Guardian and Global Witness, ‘living well’, as expressed through the Andean notion of Sumak Kawsay, 2018). Therefore, the interviewees argue that a great deal of un- the use of plural forms of time in community work helps to strengthen necessary natural resource extraction should be halted, especially when social cohesion. There is therefore an invitation to recognise the time the natural resource wealth shrinkage far exceeds profits retained and lived through political engagement as a valuable dimension of time. capital reinvested (Bond, 2018). Stopping the flow of materials and Specific examples are provided in relation to existing popular epide- labour from the South to the North –a selective ‘delinking’, as Samir miology initiatives in Italy, such as allowing citizens to rediscover Amin (1990) put it– is seen as a prerequisite for degrowth in the North. themselves through interaction with others (the EPiCentro In relation to underground materials, the approach is characterised Civitavecchia experiment), or the teamwork between people with by claims of ‘leave it in the ground’ and ‘climate debt’. The campaign cancer, activists, and researchers in areas heavily exposed to environ- for Yasuní is perhaps the most illustrative case (Yasunidos, 2018). There mental pollutants (Veritas project). is also an urge to coordinate actions for the defence of sacrificed zones affected by contamination, and to stop the expansion of the extraction 4.2. Resource Availability frontier, as in the case of the ‘Stop Biocidio’ and ‘No Triv’ coalitions, against oil drilling in Italy. Numerous joint initiatives already exist on Reducing natural resource extraction and consumption is very much projects aimed at halting extractivism. Through them organisations in a core interest of several interviewees. Interesting analogies emerge the North offer concrete solidarity against corporations which are tar- from the evidence of Africa's multiple resource curses, and from the gets of EJ movements in the South (such as Italian organisations against analyses of ways these curses are revealed, including climate change ENI oil drilling in Nigeria and South Africa). aspects. Defended principles here are the fair distribution of environmental Several cases of land grabs in Kenya help to exemplify the local benefits and burdens (or their absolute reduction), fair access to natural impacts of economic growth in other parts of the world. For instance, in resources, and the halting of excessive consumption. Not only bans but the Tana Delta, the company G4 Industries wanted 28,000 ha for bio- also environmental education and communication work are empha- fuel production for the UK; Bedford Biofuels wanted 160,000 ha of sized. Another source of potential alliances relies on the link between Jatropha for biodiesel for Europe, and Kenya Jatropha Energy Limited the claims for EJ in the South and the North, such as mining conflicts in wanted 50,000 ha, some of it indigenous forest. All these schemes the extraction frontier in Canada, Sweden, Spain or Greece, or oil and aimed at satisfying energy needs for Europe, in response to EU re- gas conflicts in Italy. In any case, there is a need to consider what a newable energy policies which clearly cannot be met by Europe's ‘resource’ is, what ‘availability’ is, and how both are conceptualised agriculture. As a result, involuntary ‘degrowth’ occurs in Kenya, and within the degrowth debate. global disparities increase. Therefore, campaigns against land grabbing are identified as a source of analogies with degrowth propositions on resource availability. 180 B. Rodríguez-Labajos et al. Ecological Economics 157 (2019) 175–184 4.3. Hard Infrastructure providing materials for local and regional needs. This in contrast to the export-oriented and developmentalist idea of increasing exports to in- The critique of mega-projects is an important part of the EJ move- crease economic growth. In Italy, new groups promote small, locally ments' agenda, and a rich source of analogies with degrowth. In Nigeria, based and environmentally friendly production, in areas ranging from issues arise as a result of the pressure that subsidy-dependent mega- food to architecture. Cooperatives for managing water systems and infrastructures impose on public financing. In Italy, where struggles energy systems are proposed worldwide. For instance, in Nigeria, against unwanted infrastructures –starting with the high-speed train– community energy committees are piloting forms of local renewable are well known, conflicts entailed a review of the purpose of trans- energy production. portation and its relation to time, because fast is often unnecessary. This Based on high-profile campaigns and discussions, e.g., on the ‘right example also teaches how to connect different resistances, as the local to water’ in South Africa and Italy, it was clear for some organisations struggles related to the construction of a high-speed line cooperated that the human rights approach –based on liberal constitutionalism– with the ‘Stop Biocidio’ coalition mentioned above, which was parti- was too individualistic. It provides a false hope for justice given pre- cularly active in denouncing impacts of environmental contamination vailing power relations in the courts. After losing a Constitutional Court on people lives. battle for water in 2009, Soweto activists resumed sharing of municipal Opposition to large-infrastructure comes together with a demand for water through illegal reconnection as a form of commoning (Bond, the extension of appropriate infrastructures for basic needs, and the 2013). Where possible, this seems to be the most appropriate response creation of networks of solidarity work. For instance, the ‘Movimento against injustices. As another striking example in South Africa is the dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra’ (MST) is a social movement of activist-driven commoning of Intellectual Property so as to supply landless peasants that has huge experience in solidarity work and generic AIDS medicines in the late 1990s. This was followed by sub- missions in other countries. Also in Latin America, it is worth looking at stantial decrease in HIV/AIDS treatment costs in the country and a the ALBA initiative, a cooperation not based on strengthening infra- subsequent life expectancy increase. structure to facilitate exports (like the IIRSA plan for infrastructure Commons are important realities in the day-to-day life of many among South-American countries), but cooperation between countries communities engaged in EJ struggles. Commons do not ‘passively’ exist, based on the social and human dimensions, e.g. through the exchange but rely on their permanent (re)production in the territory. They are of doctors for improving medical assistance, fellowships in universities, rooted in a democratic- and community-based vision that addresses the experiences with certain types of agriculture and other activities, sci- issue of fair resource distribution according to sufficiency and ‘natural’ entific cooperation, and solidarity missions. availability. Traditional commons exist in Nigeria, where land tenure is basically communal and exclusively used for community purposes 4.4. Finance through, customary structures. As with many countries in Africa, this system is not exempt from disputes in relation to tenure arrangements EJ movements emphasize the role of finance in exacerbating en- over land, typically herder-farmer conflicts. Yet importantly, inter- vironmental injustices. The search for economic profit is seen as the viewees emphasize the requirement that communal lands are protected root of environmental and social destruction, commodification of from private uses. nature, and climate change. In the case of Nigeria, an interviewee in- Commons also provide a framework to develop innovative schemes dicates that the concept of gross domestic product (GDP) does not re- of ‘compensation’ in face of climate injustices. The idea is commoning present the economic development ethos of the country or the people. the climate debt through payments from people in the North to people Comparing Nigeria with other countries based on their GDP then be- already impacted by climate change in the South. The experience of the comes another method of financial and fiscal imperialism. Therefore, Basic Income Grant pilot in Otjivero, Namibia, funded by the German there are strong arguments to impose capital controls, lower the ratio of Namibian Evangelical Lutheran church, showed immediate benefits in finance to real economic activity, nationalize financial assets, and di- terms of poverty alleviation and independently earned income versify the sources of currency. (Carnegie Council, 2010). This could be considered as a social pillar for Alternative forms of wealth accounting are also important. the recognition and restitution of the ecological and climate debts, Measuring the rapid decline in Nigeria's non-renewable resources – i.e. complementary to another pillar reliant on the Yasunisation-Ogonisa- the subtraction of natural wealth that is responsible for rising ‘income’ tion strategy. when oil is extracted and sold – through, e.g., the Genuine Progress However, two important warnings emerged from the interviews. Indicator would provide Nigerians a sense of the ecological cost of Firstly, from the Italian experience of political work on water and en- growth. This strategy should deter an economic policy based on ex- ergy, in practice there is no strong and concrete relation between the tractivism and export-led ‘growth’. In most countries of the South en- movements for the commons –very strong between 2011 and 2013 due gaged in primary product exploitation, accounting for natural resource to the national referendum on water– and degrowth. Secondly, there is depletion is far superior to GDP (Gaborone Declaration, 2012). In Africa concern that commons –now a popular topic in research– could become such measurements (even by the World Bank) already suggest a a passing intellectual trend. USD150 billion/annum net loss from extractivist activities (Bond, 2018). 4.6. Social Comparison, Material Needs and Consumer Imaginary 4.5. Institutions, Socio-economic Organisation, and Commons Environmental injustice is clearly related to social and economic inequalities: the poorest and the more marginalised are more at risk of Power structures at scales of global, continental, national and mu- exposure to environmental damage. Impoverished people also lack ac- nicipal governments and corporations are strongly critiqued by EJ cess to basic needs and essential services. Initiatives aspiring to social movements. In the global call for system change, new institutions are equality and redistribution include a campaign launched in Nigeria critically required. Their task is organising the rationalisation of the demanding a National Basic Income Scheme (NaBIS); a stipend of production process on the basis of real local needs and locally available around USD 100 for all unemployed Nigerians. The NaBIS proposal materials, while respecting environmental reproduction times. Several seeks to redistribute wealth and reduce inequality in Nigerian society. examples can be found. In Brazil, communities take back their terri- Interestingly, an analogy emerging at this stage was related to the de- tories that were dispossessed for tree plantations. Areas of tropical sire to end Africa's artificially drawn borders (in Berlin in 1885) and rainforest collectively controlled and used by communities keep pro- their effects, and promote anti-xenophobia research and action. duction at small scales and promote community participation while Trying to push for a more locally sustained economy that respects 181 B. Rodríguez-Labajos et al. Ecological Economics 157 (2019) 175–184 nature is a notion that resonates well with Southern groups in struggles resource that facilitates cross-cultural encounters, since they promote for social and environmental justice. Several of the local ´alternatives´ learning without losing the essence of plurality. Analogies eventually that communities are trying to implement in the global South would help to identify homologies between movements that can become a defend these principles, as in the case (mentioned above) of commu- base for collaboration. nities taking back territories that were dispossessed for tree plantations. Note that ‘a’ global strategic alliance is difficult in a context of In the same line of thinking, food sovereignty is a very much a plurality both in EJ and in degrowth movements. Yet, constructive defended principle by La Via Campesina and the peasant organisations processes are possible. Ideas such as those of subsistence-living, balance that are members. Therefore, it could be become an important source of between all living beings and reciprocity, self-sufficiency and self-re- analogies with degrowth. This is a critically important issue that re- liance open the possibility for debates in which both sets of movements quires making connections with struggles in the North, as it is apparent can contribute. From there, specific alliances on concrete projects may when looking through the products and ingredients on the shelves in flourish around topics such as convivial technologies, critique of debt, most European supermarkets that most of them come from Southern neoliberalism and accelerationism, and the support of alternative countries. Here the notion of commodity chains can help to connect economies. With this in mind, and building on the political experience materially and symbolically the struggles. of the authors, some recommendations are presented so as to further However, there are also social movements in the South whose main progress towards a conversation between movements. concern revolves around wealth redistribution, rather than a locally sustained economy and respect for nature. A case in point would be the a) Alternative terminologies need to be found. Admittedly, it is ne- movement ‘O petróleo é nosso’ (the oil is ours) led by trade unions, cessary to disseminate more broadly and clearly what degrowth is, especially the oil extraction workers one, and other social movements in the South. The heterogeneity and pluralism within degrowth in Brazil that seek redistribution of oil revenues. Here the pro-growth ideas themselves are still little known. Yet, organisations in the spirit percolates the aspirations for social and environmental justice. In South have participated little in the conceptual development of the such cases, the key is respecting sufficiency in the satisfaction of basic degrowth. Leaving aside the well-known critiques about ‘degrowth’ needs. This is exemplified by the ‘Growth for basic needs’ strategy as an unfortunate term, a revised terminology is needed that gives within South Africa's (failed) Reconstruction and Development people in the South an opportunity to contribute. In the termino- Programme of 1994. logical and conceptual exchange, proponents of degrowth need to be This eventually leads to the question of whether or not degrowth explicit about points such as: what should the debate focus on? Who can be applied to high and medium income strata in the global North, needs to degrow? Where and when should degrowth start? For in- regardless of where they are located. There is evidence of extreme in- stance, should it start in places where consumption can no longer be equalities also in Southern countries. In rural and urban areas in the sustained by locally available natural resources? South, most of the population lacks access to the most essential re- b) Recognise diversity of contexts and entry points. Explicit calls from quirements. In some cases, like in South Africa, there is an open critique degrowth researchers calling for an organic alliance between plural from EJ organisations of (mainly white) hedonistic consumption norms movements, rather than imposing a homogeneous model for trans- and evidence of overconsumption. Even amid impoverished commu- formation, do not alter the fact that worldwide interest in degrowth nities, hard earned money is being misused in purchasing expensive has resulted from a body of literature emerging from Northern mobile phones as a symbol of status. What happens to the ‘catch up countries. EJ movements around the globe represent a multiplicity mentality’, where people strive to follow in the footsteps of the ‘de- of grassroots experiences, struggles and strategies, each one coming veloped’? For EJ movements, the whole idea of society tagging along from a different history and territory. There is not a correct strategy with corporations is a deep concern. In fact, there are many analogies in or principle for all movements, even if this is the idea of down- terms of the need to rebuild peoples' imaginaries in line with low and scaling the impact of humans on the planet. Every exchange is appropriate consumption, albeit paying careful attention to the con- embedded in context and experience. As such, there will unlikely be siderations presented in the previous sections. This brings EJ and de- ‘an’ alliance, but specific practices of solidarity with other people's growth movements very close. Clearly, environmental education and struggles and concerns. In each case, the entry point for the dis- communication work is key. An example presented is the ‘Story of Stuff’ cussion may be very different. A corollary for degrowth researchers project which includes a critique of cap-and-trade. The desire to criti- would be to articulate explicitly the contextual nature of their stu- cally influence the consumer imaginary can also foster (tactical rather dies. Generic messages which do not situate the researchers them- than strategic) links between EJ organisations in the South and con- selves and their analysis in a clear manner may be counter- sumers' organisations in the North. productive. c) Aim at tactic alliances based on concrete cases and examples, and 5. Conclusions and Recommendations only then think about strategic alliances. The conversation can start from identifying and exploring practical links. For this, EJ organi- The alliance between the degrowth movement in the global North sations propose to start asking ourselves about the relation between and EJ movements in the Global South has been explained as the logical degrowth and the campaigns and projects EJ movements are cur- consequence of their desire to combat similar disruptive drivers. In this rently engaged in, from transport mega-projects to young people's paper, well-known activists for EJ in the Global South have critically groups opposing oil extraction in the Amazon. These events overlap examined this proposition. Significant differences between movements with degrowth politics and may become key sources of concrete have been highlighted, in regards to terminology, underlying values, alliances. There is also an invitation to examine the alliances that strategies for communication, dissemination and planning, history of degrowth has already created with some local EJ movements in the ideas and political stances. These have been discussed with the explicit North, and to explore together the agreements and disagreements purpose of strengthening positive and constructive convergences be- from such processes. tween degrowth and Southern EJ movements. d) Accept that timing matters in the conversation between movements. These are possible and, as indicated above, desirable, despite the For an understanding of degrowth to flourish in the South, it needs many divergences between the two broadly conceptualised sets of to connect with the identities and realities of the Global South. This movements. However, they will only occur if alliances are mutually is a process and takes time. Degrowth is a useful frame that has been beneficial. Rather than looking for commonalities, analogies between very effective and clearly positive for social movements and in- both sets of movements are presented in relation to core themes of the tellectuals in the North. That was the context for which this tran- Degrowth debate. In this paper, analogies are used as an epistemic sition paradigm was intended. There it has created important 182 B. Rodríguez-Labajos et al. Ecological Economics 157 (2019) 175–184 alliances and has generated strong multiplier effects. Whether it will better than it was five or ten years ago. Alliances with a thriving set of also connect with the movements in the Global South depends on movements such as degrowth is therefore beneficial, and surely wel- the necessity and opportunity of this discussion there. A line of come, as long as they reinforce each other's strengths and do not un- thought indicates that degrowing in the Global North may make intendedly create new forms of intellectual domination. more space for growth in the Global South e.g., in relation to carbon emissions. One could argue that the Global North must degrow Acknowledgements because it is consuming too much. As elaborated above, there are homologous ideas between degrowth and EJ movements, and mu- The authors are grateful to Larry Lohman, Ulrich Brand, and tual learning has already started through existing collaborations. Federico Demaria for insightful conversations regarding the topics ad- This is promising, but it is up to the people of the Global South dressed in this paper, and Joe Herbert for proof-reading. We thank two which ideas to endorse and when. The same goes for movements in anonymous reviewers for constructive criticisms and useful suggestions. the North. An earlier version of the paper was discussed within the members of the Research & Degrowth reading group. The authors thank support for The need for EJ and degrowth movements to work together is open access publication from the Spanish Ministry of Economy and fundamental if they are to become more influential in their respective Competitiveness, through the “María de Maeztu” program for Units of scopes of action, and to offer each other solidarity where feasible. The Excellence (MDM-2015-0552). The lead author acknowledges funding global influence of social movements is undeniable, as witnessed when from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation the green groups walked out of UN climate talks in 2013. However, the Programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie Grant Agreement N° situation today for EJOs in the South is different, and not necessarily 797444 (CLAMOR). Annex 1. Interview Script 1. What are your information sources about the Degrowth debate? Do you consider information gaps as a barrier for an alliance between Degrowth and other movements around the world? 2. Which are your main concerns, or critiques about the Degrowth propositions? [For a short overview (definition, short history, strategies and dimensions) you can check the webpage of Research and Degrowth (R&D) www. degrowth.org]. 3. Which are the analogies between the core themes in the Degrowth debate and environmental justice context that you know the best? a) In the context of the environmental justice struggles in the country(-ies) where your organisation operates? [You can use the table next for answering both questions. The listed core themes are taken from the section ‘Dimensions’ in the R&D webpage, where you can find a brief description of each one]. Core themes in the degrowth debate a) Analogies with environmental justice struggles b) Analogies with current activities in your organisation Time Resources availability Hard Infrastructure Finances Institutions and socio-economic organisation Commonsa Social comparison Material needs Consumer imaginary a Not listed in R&D webpage, added to this list after the exchange with the interviewees. 4. Final comments? References Bond, P., 2018. Ecological-economic narratives for resisting extractive industries in Africa. Res. Polit. Econ. 33, 73–109. https://doi.org/10.1108/S0161- 723020180000033004. (Environmental Impacts Transnatl. Corp. Glob. South). Agyeman, J., Schlosberg, D., Craven, L., Matthews, C., 2016. Trends and directions in Brand, U., Boos, T., Brad, A., 2017. Degrowth and post-extractivism: two debates with environmental justice: from inequity to everyday life, community, and just sustain- suggestions for the inclusive development framework. Curr. Opin. Environ. 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