This is the accepted version of the journal article: «Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness in Andalucía contra Berbería by Emilio García Gómez». , , : 2019. DOI 10.1075/babel.00096.gil This version is available at https://ddd.uab.cat/record/274840 under the terms of the license [2] Anna Gil-Bardají Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness in Andalucía contra Berbería by Emilio García Gómez Anna Gil-Bardají Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona This article analyses the semiotic construction of the Other in the peritexts of three Medieval Arabic chronicles from al-Andalus (the Arabic name for the Iberian Peninsula governed by Muslims from 711 to 1492), published under the title Andalucía contra Berbería by the outstanding Spanish Arabist Emilio García Gómez. Few studies have dealt, from a critical perspective, with the discourse (or discourses) concerning Arabic cultures and societies constructed by European academic Orientalism in general, or by the Spanish Arabism in particular. Assuming that translation, given its hybrid nature, plays a crucial role in the construction of othering discourses, this article attempts to analyse the identification and othering strategies used by García Gómez on the basis of a methodological approach that combines Genette’s notion of paratext (1987), the notions of text, context and pretext proposed by Widdowson (2004 and 2007) and the “Model of semiotic construction of the Other” developed by Carbonell (2003 and 2004), all within the general framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The results of this analysis show a significant othering of Berber and/or African references. This is further reinforced by García Gómez’ identification with al-Andalus, which pivots between his own identification with the medieval authors of the three chronicles, and the parallels he establishes between medieval al-Andalus and the Spain of the first half of the 20th century. Keywords: translation, discourse, semiotics, other, orientalism, al-Andalus 1. Introduction The aim of this article is to analyse the semiotic construction model of otherness and identity in the critical apparatus of a compendium of historical texts from al- Andalus entitled Andalucía contra Berbería (Andalusia against Barbarism). These texts, written between the 10th and 14th centuries by three leading Andalusian Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness [3] chroniclers – Ibn Hayyān (‫)ابن حيان‬, al-Šaqundī (‫ )الشقندي‬and Ibn al-Jatīb (‫)الخطيب ابن‬ – were the subject of an annotated translation from Arabic to Spanish by the distinguished arabist Emilio García Gómez, and published together in a single volume in 1975. The reason for this article stems from the lack of studies which analyse, from a critical perspective, the discourse (or discourses) that European orientalism in general, and Spanish orientalism in particular, have been forging about Arab culture and peoples over the course of the last two centuries. It works from the premise that discourses about the Other do not tend to be isolated nor self- contained, but rather are often accompanied by parallel discourses which imply the Self. The complementary nature of the discourses of otherness and iden- tity, as well as the tensions they generate between them, can be seen particu- larly in those texts which, like translation, are located in a hybrid, bi-cultural and ambivalent space. Generally speaking, orientalist texts make for an ideal space to study the discourse of otherness, be this of an ideological nature or not, while at the same time they provide us with abundant information concerning the conceptions and representations of the self. From within the fabric of orientalist texts, among which we can find sociological studies, philosophical treatises, geographical descriptions, editions of classical texts and so many more, those which attempt to interpret or construct history (and “histories”) of a given people or culture are particularly interesting to observe the way in which they are expressed, through which discursive structures they are constructed and how the image of the “oriental”, “Arab” or “Muslim” Other is conveyed; an image which is in turn the bearer of a given image of oneself and of the self, as argued by Fontana in his now classic study Europa ante el espejo (Europe before the mirror) (Fontana 1994: 10). In the case of Spanish Arabism, the name traditionally given in Spain to the discipline that studies Arab language and culture, to probe into the history of the “Arab” Other inevitably means delving into their own history and studying themselves on two temporal planes: the closed past (that which was) and an open present (that which is). Consciously or unconsciously, all interpretations of the Other encompass a view which to one degree or another defines oneself: what was, what is and what one believes to be. So, discourse analysis is a funda- mental tool to identify how these collective views of the self and the other are constructed within a general semiotic framework. Likewise, a translation appears before our eyes like a vantage point from which we can gaze at both sides of this mirror of projected identities. This study analyses the paratexts in the translation Andalucía contra Berbería by the eminent Spanish Arabist Emilio García Gómez, working from the hypoth- [4] Anna Gil-Bardají esis that it is possible to identify stable and significant discourse structures concerning notions of otherness and identity in this text. Emilio García Gómez – understudy to Julián Ribera and Miguel Asín Pala- cios – is without doubt the most distinguished arabist of the 20th century: the impact of his work (in his wake more than 30 books, 450 articles, 20 prologues, 16 conference papers) not to mention his influence on later generations. A literary scholar, member of the Spanish Real Academia and major specialist in poetry, García Gómez was above all a translator of Arabic literature, leaving us with some 25 translations of poetry, literary prose and essays, in addition to a dozen unpublished translations. Some of these translations transcended the bounds of academic frontiers reaching the general public, as is the case of Poemas arábigoan- daluces (1930), El collar de la paloma (1952), the novel Los días by the Egyptian Tāhā Husayn (1954) and Todo Ben Quzman (1972).1 2. Analytical methodology and theoretical approaches This analysis works from an eclectic perspective combining three distinct, but complementary, methodological approaches: (a) the notion of paratext as proposed by Gérard Genette (1987); (b) the definitions of text, context and pretext as postulated by Widdowson (2004 and 2007) and (c) the semiotic construction model of otherness and identity by Carbonell (2003, 2004). All of these are consid- ered within the general framework of discourse analysis. The concept of paratext was adopted in the now classic study by Gérard Genette, Seuils (literally “Thresholds”), which first appeared in 1987. This notion is based on the assumption that texts do not come to us “divested”, but rather appear in the company of, or supported by, other elements, textual or otherwise. For example, these could be an author’s name, title, prologue, an illustration or table of contents. Regardless of whether these “external” elements belong to the text in question or not, they clearly “adorn” and are an extension to the text, “précisément pour le présenter, au sens habituel de ce verbe, mais aussi en son sens le plus fort: pour le rendre présent” (Genette 1987: 7 italics in the original). For Genette the paratext is, ultimately, that which transforms a text into a book, presenting it as such to the reader. Genette also describes a paratext as the heteroclite combination of distinct discursive practices and qualifies it as “factual” not when it consists of an explicit message (verbal or non-verbal), but rather a fact 1. An appraisal of García Gómez’s translation output is outside the scope of this article. However, it has been brilliantly covered by Pérez Cañada’s doctoral disseration Emilio García Gómez, traductor (Pérez Cañada 2005). Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness [5] which by its mere existence and communicative nature contributes some informa- tion to the text and its reception. Along this line of thought, a paratext is always the bearer of a responsibility, whether the authors’ or one of their collaborators (Genette 1987: 15). As for this study, all the paratexts analysed are textual and limited to basically the most typical peri-texts, namely, the cover page, prologue, introductory notes and introductions. Genette’s understanding of peri-texts is those paratexts which are located in the same space of the book and thus are not what Genette classifies as epi-texts, that is, those located outside the book such as interviews with the authors, critical reviews published by the press, personal diaries of the author etc. The importance of paratexts for translation in particular, and the factors which come into play in their reception, has already been pointed out by Venuti: Whether the effects of a translation prove to be conservative or transgressive depends fundamentally on the discursive strategies developed by the translator, but also on the various factors in their reception, including the page design and cover art of the printed book, the advertising copy, the opinions of reviewers, and the uses made of the translation in cultural and social institutions, how it is read and taught. (Venuti 1998: 68) Other methodological considerations for the purposes of this analysis are the notions of text, context and pretext as defined and studied by Widdowson (2004) in Text, Context and Pretext. These three concepts are not only particularly perti- nent her, but also allow us to understand a text in its diverse dimensions: prag- matic, communicative, intentional, etc. Widdowson defines the term “text” as an epiphenomenon, that is, a symptom of a pragmatic intention (Widdowson 2004: 14). Along similar lines, Brown and Yule hold that any discourse analysis should approach the text as the visible result of a dynamic process in which language has been used as an instrument of communication in a given context by a speaker or author with the aim of expressing certain meanings and achieving certain purposes (Brown and Yule 1983: 26 cit. in Widdowson 2004: 15). As for the term “context”, Widdowson acknowledges the difficulties his defi- nition entails: “The term context is of very common occurrence in the literature on discourse and text analysis and, like the term discourse itself, is elusive of defi- nition” (Widdowson 2004: 36 author’s italics). For Widdowson, all identification of a text as such is determined by its relationship with the surrounding context. Thus, the way in which a text is interpreted will depend on how this relationship is established. What is more, the very meaning of an enunciation, understood as something distinct from the phrase – in its most Foucault meaning – will always be subordinate to the context in which it is produced (Widdowson 2004: 37). We [6] Anna Gil-Bardají should not forget that these enunciations are those located beyond the sentence and whose analysis transcends the strictly linguistic plane. It is at this enunciative and contextual level where the discourse is expressed. Finally, the term “pretext” is directly related to the purpose from which a given text is born, with its perfor- mative nature. For Fairclough (1992) as well as Foucault (1990, 1999, 2001, 2002), all discourse is in itself “constitutive” or “constructive” of a given social structure and not simply an object which is subordinate to it. Working from this approach, Fair- clough proposes three different types of constructive effects: the constructions of the social self or identity; the constructions of social relationships between people; and the constructions of systems of knowledge and belief (Fairclough 1992: 64). Along the same lines, and also working from the premise according to which discourse not only acts as a vehicle of a given “way of seeing the world” but also has the capacity to “construct” certain forms of knowledge, Carbonell (2003) adds the construction of the Other to Fairclough’s spectrum and proposes the following model of semiotic construction: Figure 1. The semiotic construction of Otherness of Carbonell (2003) Carbonell’s model adopts four approaches to the construction of the Other, each of which are associated with given kinds of textual strategies. The first iden- tifies the Other with the Self, that is, the one who conceives of otherness as some- thing which is essentially being self. The strategies corresponding to this first approach, which Carbonell calls “self ”, are those of identification. An example of this type of strategy would be using first person plural personal pronouns linked to the Other – we, our, etc. – or identifying elements a priori other with oneself – one example would be recent statements by a well-known member of a Catalan separatist party in which the Catalans were identified with the Palestinians. Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness [7] The second approach, the “No-Other”, complements the first and constructs the Other as something similar, but not exactly the same as “Self ”. The strategies associated with this approach are “familiarisation”, although these can sometimes include other similar strategies such as “domestication” or “appropriation”. The third approach, which Carbonell calls “No-Self”, is in opposition to the second and is characterised by conceiving the Other as something that is distinct from the Self, even though this Other is endowed with recognisable features in accordance with the Self ’s codes. The strategies which commonly accompany this third approach are “foreignisation”, sometimes known as “exoticisation”. The fourth approach is “Other”, in which this figure is conceived as something which is intrinsically distinct from the Self. This perspective, as opposed to the Self and complementary to the No-Self, embodies the strategies of “othering” (e.g. using third person personal pronouns -they, their, theirs), or distal demonstra- tives (those men, that culture, that language; etc.). With this model I believe that we can address certain methodological ques- tions that have been raised as to identifying ways of thinking about, and conceiving of, the Other. Such questions have already been raised by authors within the field of translation and from a strictly ideological perspective, among them Ian Mason: How are ideologies to be objectively identified? Can they be pinned down in the use of discrete items of language? What should the translator’s attitude be towards whatever is perceived to be ideology of the source text? How far will the perceptions of the readers of the target text match those of the readers of the source text?”. (Mason 1994: 25) 3. Text, context and pretext in the original work The texts assembled in Andalucía contra Berbería are three treatises written by three major Andalusian chroniclers: Ibn Hayyān (‫ )ابن حيان‬al-Šaqundī (‫ )الشقندي‬and Ibn al-Jatīb (‫)ابن الخطيب‬. As regards the first, we know that his life spanned the end of the 10th century and a major part of the 11th (987–1075), he was from Cordoba and the author of, among many other works, one of the most important chronicles to be able to understand the history of al-Andalus, the famous ‫ المقتبس‬al- Muqtabis (literally, “that which is borrowed”). In Emilio García Gomez’ study A propósito de Ibn Hayyān: resumen del estado actual de los estudios hayyaníes con motivo de una publicación reciente (1946), he maintains that Muqtabis was not, strictly speaking, the work of this great historian from Cordoba, but more [8] Anna Gil-Bardají an “edition of previous Arab-Andalusian historiography (García Gómez 1976: 21).2 Whatever the case, the three volumes which make up this work are a monumental rendering of the history of al-Andalus: the first covers the reigns of al-Hakam I and ‘Abd al-Rahmān II; the second mainly deals with the caliph ‘Abd Allāh; and contains part of the palatine annals of al-Hakam II. The latter is of most interest here as it is this part which is translated in Andalucía contra Berbería.3 As regards the second author, Abū-l-Walīd al-Šaqundī, Pons Boïgues (1898, 276) explains that he lived during the 12th and 13th centuries, was from Secunda, a town close to Cordoba, and the author of a famous treatise on the excellent features of his native land entitled ‫( رسالة فﻲ فضل اأألندلس‬literally, “Epistle concerning the excellence of al-Andalus”). As to the circumstances that led to writing this work, Ibn Sa’īd al-Magribī (‫ )ابن سعيد المغربﻲ‬refers to an account by his father who was witness to a controversy in one of the Prince of Ceuta’s chambers between Abū-l-Walīd al-Šaqundī and Ibn Yahyā Ibn al-Mu’alim (‫ )يحيا ابن المعلم‬of Tangiers concerning the merits of their respective native lands, namely, al-Andalus and Morocco. The Emir resolved the argument by proposing that both should write a treatise expounding the virtues of their respective home- lands. This would have been the origin of the famous text by al-Šaqundī, cited in the works of Ibn Sa’īd and al-Maqqarī, and which is included in the compendium Andalucía contra Berbería, which are analysed here. Finally, the third author of this compendium is the highly celebrated Ibn al- Jatīb, author of Descripción del reino de Granada. He was born in Loja, a city close to Granada, around 1313, and is one of the most prominent figures in Andalu- sian historiography. He was a writer, philosopher, chronicler, poet and vizier, who lived most of his life in court, first that of the Nasrid sultan Yūsuf I, and later in the court of Muhammad V, where he befriended Ibn Jaldūn (‫)ابن خلدون‬. He was forced into exile in North of Africa on two occasions resulting from two different court intrigues, and he lived in Salé in the Marinid court in Fez, where he was taken prisoner and finally murdered in 1374. He was the author of more than sixty books, and among his minor works is the text included in this anthology, entitled ‫( مفاخرة مالقة وسال‬literally, “Vainglories of Malaga and Salé). In this brief treatise Ibn al-Jatīb compares the two cities, essentially favouring Malaga. 2. Original quote, “edición hecha por éste de la historiografía arábigoandaluza precedente.” This and all subsequent translation are mine. 3. The first and second volumes of al-Muqtabis have recently been translated by Mahmud Ali Makki and Federico Corriente in 2001. Federico Corriente and María Jesús Viguera had already published the fifth volume in 1981. Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness [9] 4. Text, context and pretext in the translation Andalucía contra Berbería is the title chosen by García Gómez to bring together these three treatises under a common theme: the supposed anti-Berber senti- ments of the Arabs of al-Andalus. This publication was the result of the wish by the Department of Arabic Language and Literature at the Universidad de Barcelona to pay homage to García Gómez on the occasion of his retirement in 1975. In fact, this book is a new edition of some of the studies by this eminent arabist at different stages during his professional life. It seems that the idea to publish an in honour of edition began at the Arab Studies Department in Barcelona, although García Gómez explains in the prologue that the choice of the three monographs was made in agreement with him (García Gómez 1976, 7). These texts had been translated by García Gómez himself during the first half of the 20th century and share a common theme, namely the enmity between Arabs and north Africans during the al-Andalus era. According to García Gómez, “…this anti-Berber feeling was a recognisable trait throughout the entire history of al-Andalus” (García Gómez 1976: 8).4 The three texts which make up this book are: al-Hakam II y los beréberes según un texto inédito de Ibn Hayyān (first edition, 1948); Elogio del Islam español by al-Šaqundī (first edition, 1933) and El parangón entre Málaga y Salé by Ibn al- Jatīb (first edition, 1934). Of these, only the first appears as a bilingual edition. According to García Gómez, Andalucía contra Berbería recounts, broadly speaking, all the studies by him on this topic, except perhaps his conference given at the Real Academia Española entitled Un eclipse de la poesía en Sevilla: la época almorávide, which he says he did not want to include in this compendium as there were already two editions and this belonged to another thematic area, that is, Andalusian literature. In any event, the new edition of these works attempted to resuscitate interest in this theme which, for García Gómez is one of the most important and least dealt with within the field of Andalusian studies (García Gómez 1976: 8–9). 5. Study of the paratexts The paratexts which make up the anthology Andalucía contra Berbería can be divided into two types: those common to all three works (cover page, fore- words notes and prologue) and those specific to each work, which will be dealt 4. “este sentimiento antiberéber constituye un hecho reconocible a lo largo de toda la historia de al-Andalus.” [10] Anna Gil-Bardají with individually. It should be borne in mind, however, that while the general prologue was written ad hoc at the time the anthology was being edited, the paratexts which accompany the translations date from the year when they were first published and were left unchanged in this new edition (García Gómez 1976: 16–17). By this we can conclude that he still considered his ideas to be valid when Andalucía contra Berbería was published. Because of space limitations and content relevance, here I will focus on the general prologue to the book and on the three specific introductions that precede each chronicle. 5.1 The prologue García Gómez opens his prologue with words of thanks to his “buenos amigos y eminentes colegas” (good friends and distinguished colleagues) from the Depart- ment of Arabic Language and Literature at the Universidad de Barcelona, for having proposed re-editing some of his earliest books to mark his retirement. García Gómez explains that, in accordance with his wishes, the lot has fallen on three monographs which have finally ended up in the form a one book under the new title of Andalucía contra Berbería. After this introduction, he goes on to provide a description of the three texts, explaining that the circumstances surrounding the translation and study of each, after which he comes to the central theme of the prologue: the manifest anti- Berber feeling throughout the history of al-Andalus. In García Gómez’ words, this has not been awarded the attention it merits, despite the fact the he himself has been dealing with it assiduously since the 1930s (García Gómez 1876: 8–9). According to García Gómez, this antagonism between “andaluces” (Andalu- sians) and “beréberes” (Berbers) in al-Andalus dates back to its earliest period until the fall of Granada.5 At this point, he then goes to lengths to make it clear that he is referring only to times gone by, although this clarification appears in parenthesis. The antagonism which García Gómez alludes to is illustrated with various examples ranging from popular sayings which circulated in Granada in the times of the Nasrids, to the offense of calling someone “Berber” in the 5. Concerning both communities and the criticism of the facile view of the Arab-Berber antagonism, see Pierre Guichard (1998), Al-Andalus. Estructura antropológica de una sociedad islámica en occidente. Segunda edición. Estudio preliminar de Antonio Malpica Cuello, Granada: Universidad de Granada, esp. pp. 105–107. Regarding North African and particularly Algeria, this antagonism was, as opposed to the case discussed here, representative of a “colo- nial” historiography in which the Berber cultural traits are extolled – amazigha –, often “euro- peanised”, as opposed to thye generally negative “oriental” features. See also Abdallah Laroui (1970), L’histoire du Maghreb, un essai de sunthèse. París, pp. 25–26. Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness [11] caliphate of Cordoba, or the “natural or instinctive repulsion”, the term used by Ibn al-Jatīb to qualify the animosity toward the Berbers. He then goes on to review the three works individually, attempting to trace out what he refers to as a “corriente continua antiberéber” (recurrent anti-Berber theme). Given the ideological content and peculiar discursive traits in epigraph to this book, the semiotic construction of identity and otherness will be dealt with in detail later on and contrasted with García Gomez’ own translations. The prologue ends reflecting on the pertinence of this new edition without the need for substan- tial modifications to the earlier editions, which García Gómez deftly explains in the following manner: I do not believe that leaving the texts untouched, which I am re-publishing at the kind request of the Universidad de Barcelona, is particularly detrimental, because amidst the marked modesty of these works – sadly behind the times as regards bibliography given the many years which have transpired – essentially continues to have the same value.6 (García Gómez 1976: 16–17) 5.2 Introduction to Al-Hakam II and the Berbers In the introduction to the first of the three texts, by Ibn Hayyān, García Gómez begins by referring the reader to one of his articles (A propósito de Ibn Hayyān: resumen del estado actual de los estudios hayyaníes con motivo de una publicación reciente) in which he holds that the most well-known work by this historian from al-Andalus, Muqtabis, was not in fact composed by Ibn Hayyān but rather his role was simply as editor. After arguing the case with numerous examples, García Gómez goes on to talk about the third tome of this chronicle, in which Ibn Hayyān only makes contributions in four the total 135 folios, the others having been written by another chronicler from the period known as ‘Īsā al-Rāzī (‫عيسى‬ ‫)الرازي‬. These four folios, however, prove to be vitally important for García Gomez’ analysis since this is where Ibn Hayyān includes, among other things, “some general considerations about al-Hakim II’s change of attitude towards the Berber cavalry and the consequences of this change of mind.”7 (García Gómez 1976: 22). To García Gómez’s way of thinking, this passage is almost prophetic as Ibn Hayyān tells us in the final lines that the attitude of the Berbers is about to “…put 6. “No creo que el hecho de no haber retocado los textos que reimprimo a amables instancias de la Universidad de Barcelona les perjudique demasiado, porque dentro de su extrema modestia estos trabajos, fatalmente atrasados hoy – por el mucho tiempo transcurrido – en la bibliografía, siguen valiendo sustancialmente lo mismo”. 7. Original citation: “unas consideraciones generales referentes al cambio de actitud de al- Hakam II respecto a los jinetes beréberes, y consecuencias de este cambio”. [12] Anna Gil-Bardají the Iberian peninsula on death’s door, unless God…when the next century ends, wishes to save Islam” (García Gómez 1976: 23).8 This passage would indicate that it was written at the end of the 4th century of the Hegira – that is, around 1008 in the Christian era – meaning that it was written when Ibn Hayyān was only twenty two years old. What follows is an example of the style used by García Gómez to refer to this author: On the basis of two characteristic anecdotes, admirably chosen and most deftly recounted, Ibn Hayyān masterfully portrays al-Hakam II’s change of attitude concerning Berber knights … The brief comment perfectly balances and measures out the influence of certain news, weighting it up and placing it within the general historical perspective, in a highly personalised, refined and admirable prose. (García Gómez 1976: 24 my italics)9 This description ends with García Gómez’s wish to demonstrate the difference between the “…majestic style of the great Cordoban master and the meandering, slow quaint style of”10 ‘Īsā al-Rāzī, the second author of the chronicle. However, he tells us nothing about his choice of title for this fragment. Since there is none in the arabic text which accompanies the translation, and without further evidence, we can only assume that this was the work of the García Gómez as translator, although we cannot be completely sure of this. It would be difficult, however, to conclude these comments on this epigraph without a brief mention of Ibn Hayyān’s text itself. A close reading of this surpris- ingly reveals that the text expresses as many anti-Berber references as pro-Berber, contrary to that which any reader would expect after having read the prologue. In fact, when García Gómez succinctly explains that Ibn Hayyān’s text provides us with “…some general considerations about al-Hakim II’s change of attitude towards the Berber cavalry and the consequences of this change of mind,”, cited earlier, he does not specify at any point in this phrase (nor in the rest of the prologue) what kind of change in attitude this is, nor does he offer any details about the meaning of the end of the text, which is nothing more than to illustrate the Caliph’s admiration for the Berbers after having been contemptuous of them for a long time. 8. “poner a la Península en trance de muerte, a menos que Dios (…) al terminar el siglo próximo a expirar, quiera salvar al islam”. 9. Tomando pie de dos anécdotas características, admirablemente elegidas y muy diestramente contadas, Ibn Hayyān nos pinta de mano maestra el cambio de actitud experimentado por al- Hakam II respecto a los caballeros beréberes (…). El breve comentario equilibra y dosifica de modo perfecto la aportación de noticias concretas y su valoración y situación dentro de la perspectiva general histórica, en una prosa personalísima, refinada y admirable”. 10. “soberano estilo del gran maestro cordobés y la andadura lenta, pintoresca, de corto vuelo”. Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness [13] So, the text leaves no room for doubt. The caliph al-Hakam II, as his father before him, felt an enormous mistrust towards the inhabitants of Ceuta and the “Berbers who lie beyond” since the time his father had occupied this city. Matters remained the same until, a little later, the caliph was obliged to supress a desert Berber clan uprising against him. Despite the small number of insurgents and their lack of wherewithal to defeat him, the Berber cavalry showed such bravery that the caliph could do no less than admit admiration for them and praise their courage. Once the battle was over, al-Hakam II incorporated them into his army, showered them with gifts and even gave them lodgings in his own house. The text also recounts that prior to this occasion the caliph had already done some- thing similar with the black slaves of the governors of Ifriqiya and other men from Ultramar who he welcomed under his own protection, as illustrated by the following quote: In this fashion, by the end of his short reign the caliph gathered by his side, from these three Berber factions… an important army numbering some 700 cavalry, among which there were notable and distinguished individuals who, in a short period of time, managed to rise to high ranks in the army. All of them were Berbers, the same who for so long had been hated and set aside from public power. Instead, now God granted that the supreme authority should welcome them, find their attire to be fine, and hold the lightness of their saddle in great esteem and the agility of their evolutions. (García Gómez 1976: 39)11 This admiration and trust which the caliph bestowed upon his Berber soldiers continued with al-Hakam II’s successors, to the point that Almanzor made use of their support to take control of the army. This complicity was to be broken, however, when Almanzor’s son, Sanchuelo, took the throne, against whom the Berber factions of the army rose up against, leading to the political instability that preceded the era of the Taifas. The notes which accompany the translation are mainly academic and erudite. Some discuss the interpretation of a specific source text term or passage, while others offer bibliographical references to specialised studies – sometimes even in other languages – or provide additional information about certain cultural aspects. 11. De esta suerte, al fin de su corto reinado, el califa reunió junto a sí, de estas tres fracciones berberiscas (…) un importante ejército, que se acercaba a los 700 jinetes, entre los cuales había personas notables y distinguidas, que lograron en breve plazo los cargos directivos del ejército. Todos ellos eran beréberes, los mismos que tanto tiempo había odiado y dado de lado el poder público. Ahora, en cambio, Dios les concedió que la suprema autoridad los acogiera, encon- trara bellos sus atavíos y estimara en sumo grado la ligereza de sus monturas y la agilidad de susevoluciones”. [14] Anna Gil-Bardají 5.3 Introduction to Elogio del Islam español (In Praise of Spanish Islam) Before undertaking an the analysis of the prologue to the second text, Elogio del Islam español, some commentary is necessary on the translation of this work by al-Šaqundī, which as mentioned earlier is ‫( رسالة فﻲ فضل اأألندلس‬literally, “Epistle on the excellence of al-Andalus”). First of all, the question needs to be raised as to what led the translator to choose an noun with so many and varied implications as “Islam”, when it is not only absent in the source text title, but is not even a deci- sive consideration in the source text itself, as will be illustrated later. Secondly, this noun appears accompanied by the adjective “español” (Spanish), which is a lexical anachronism itself and a loaded term which has already been commented on and which will constitute a key element in García Gómez’ translation. Both of these need to be taken into account when analysing the semiotic construction of iden- tity and otherness. García Gómez begins his prologue by informing the reader of the circum- stances surrounding the composition of this treatise. In particular, he cites the passage in which Ibn Sa’īd refers to the dispute between al-Šaqundī and Ibn al- Mu’alim about the virtues of their respective homelands, namely, al-Andalus and what nowadays roughly corresponds to Morocco. For García Gómez, although “from the dispute which began at that Ceuta tertulia emerged one of the master- pieces of Andalusian literature” (García Gómez 1976: 46 italics mine),12 little is known about this author, absent from the majority of the biographies and reviews of prominent figures from al-Andalus or the rest of his works, of which only a few poetic fragments remain which were collected by Ibn Sa’īd. García Gómez concludes that, “al-Šaqundī lives within the Spanish Arabic literature solely based on brief, but fragrant, pages from his Risala” (García Gómez 1976: 49 italics mine).13 The epistle by al-Šaqundī grew out of a mild palatine dispute with no major consequences (nothing is known as to whether Ibn al-Mu’alim fulfilled his part of the treatise). García Gómez’s view is that it is more an apologetic than disputive epistle, although both sides are reflected in his translation of this short treatise. He sees the grounds for the litigation between al-Šaqundī and Ibn al-Mu’alim as “confronting the Andalusian Arabic and African-Berber races”.14 Nevertheless, if 12. “…de la disputa entablada en aquella tertulia de Ceuta salió una de las obras maestras de la literatura andaluza”. 13. “al-Šaqundī vive, pues, en la literatura arábigoespañola exclusivamente por las breves, pero fragantes, páginas de su Risala”. 14. “la oposición de las razas arábigoandaluza y africanoberéber”, and “del valor del Islam español y de su esfuerzo cultural”, respectively. Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness [15] we turn to the passages by Ibn Sa’īd, as well as al-Šaqundī’s text itself, there is no direct reference to the “race” factor. In contrast, it is quite easy to identify the value the author of this short treatise gives to the “cultural” factor, in the widest sense of the term: that which is opposed to ignorance, coarseness and barbarism. In fact, what García Gómez translates as “beréberes” (Berbers) has no other meaning in Arabic than “barbarian”, in other words, “people devoid of culture”. A similar observation can be made of the so oft repeated “Islam español” (Spanish Islam). The misunderstanding here lies in assigning a nation-based qual- ification of the term “Islam” since, as is well-known, this religion cannot be defined in terms of nationality, at least not if we are talking in terms of formal accuracy. Conclusive evidence of this is the “change of nationality” of the Almoravids and Almohads when they conquered al-Andalus. Although aware of this, García Gómez (García Gómez 1976: 52) nevertheless refuses to renounce the importance of the origins of the newly-arrived in terms of either race or religion. It is an undeniable fact that al-Andalus was governed by dynasties which origi- nated from Africa and, as argued by García Gómez, al-Šaqundī is unable to do anything more than reminisce about the past (García Gómez 1976: 51). Once again García Gómez undertakes here the hypothesis that for him amounts to a theme running throughout the Ceuta dispute: the opposition between the Andalusian and Berber races. While he acknowledges that this “thorny” question (to quote his own words) is not openly dealt with in the text but rather handled with great prudence and tact, this does not prevent him from considering that the race issue “constitutes the ideological foundations of the entire booklet” (García Gómez 1976: 51).15 Both aspects, race and religion, converge in the following quote: Under the fallaciously uniform cloak of Islam have always beaten the incorruptible hearts of the indigenous peoples, each at their own pace and often in open compe- tition. These differences explain the politico-Islamic evolution and justify the exal- tation and downfall of the Muslim dynasties. By way of example of the national claims common throughout Islam, it is suffice to refer to the bitter controversies of the 9th century shu’ubismo, the same in Persia as in Spain, where the opposi- tion between the Ibero-Roman and Arab races…could only be reconciled through the intelligent arbitration of the Umayyads. (García Gómez 1976: 51–52 italics mine)16 15. “constituye el subsuelo ideológico de todo el opúsculo”. 16. Bajo el manto, falazmente uniforme, del Islam han latido siempre, cada uno a su compás y a menudo en abierta pugna, los corazones insobornables de los pueblos indígenas. Estas difer- encias explican la evolución política islámica y justifican la exaltación y la ruina de las dinastías musulmanas. Como ejemplo de querellas nacionales comunes a todo el Islam, bastará aludir a [16] Anna Gil-Bardají Having clearly identified the concepts of “race” and “nation” distilled in this quote, an example of which are the “national claims” between the Ibero-Roman and Arab “races”, García Gómez appears to be aware of the imprecision that this state- ment could entail, por lo que a little later on he explicitly denies any relationship between the two concepts, qualifying the quarrel as solely “racial” and alleging that “Arabs have always felt the blood ties (the old tribe) rather than territorial ties” (García Gómez 1976: 52).17 Whatever the case, and summarising his main ideas on this point, we would find ourselves looking at three different races: Ibero- Roman, Arab and Berber. However, the play on identifications is still pending. The following quote likely offers some clues: For this reason al-Šaqundi did not attack North Africa, where there were settle- ments of Arab culture, such as Qairawan – older than Cordoba and very impor- tant –, but instead the Berbers. And with what pride, with what Spanish arrogance, and with what supreme contempt he treats them!. (García Gómez 1976: 52. Italics mine)18 While otherness is clearly defined in this and subsequent paragraphs as the “Berber race”, the translator’s identity appears to lean towards the “Arab- Spanish”·races, or simply the “Spanish”, which would end up as a mix of the Ibero- Roman and Arab races. It will later be shown how this identification runs through not only the prologue, but also García Gómez’s translation. At this point in the prologue, García Gómez sets out a very detailed descrip- tion of the epistle, divided into two parts: the first part of a more contentious nature and the second of an apologetic nature. In the case of the former, he begins by highlighting the resources used to pay tribute the Andalusian culture as opposed to the Berber culture with numerous examples taken from the works of al-Šaqundī. A distinctive feature in this passage is García Gómez’s empathy for al-Šaqundī’s arguments defending the virtues of al-Andalus over Berbería (Barbary), an empathy which is evident through his identifying with the “Spanish” or “Andalusian” elements, as can be seen in the following four passages: las encarnizadas polémicas del shu’ubismo en el siglo IX, lo mismo en Persia que en España, donde la oposición entre las razas iberoromana y árabe (…) sólo pudo conciliarse merced al inteligente arbitraje de los Omeyas. 17. “el árabe ha sentido siempre los vínculos de la sangre (la antigua tribu) y no las ataduras territoriales”. 18. Por eso al-Šaqundi no ataca al África del Norte, donde había focos de cultura árabe, como Qayrawan, más antiguos que Córdoba y de gran importancia, sino a los beréberes. ¡Y con qué orgullo, con qué soberbia española, con qué supremo desdén los trata! Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness [17] In another passage he compares the wise Andalusian instruments (Greek- Persian) with the barbarian tambourines of the Sudanese. (García Gómez 1976: 53. Italics mine)19 This mini-work by al-Šaqundī, through its simple ironies and its Andalusian wit, distils bitterness and reveals the deep and definitive crisis which plagued Spanish Islam under the African dynasties. The great Midday Kingdom – a wonderful paradox of history, “the sun which rose in the West”, as it says in the epilogue to Risala – always navigated between the Escila of the Christians in the north and the Caribdis of the Africans in the south. (García Gómez 1976: 53–54 italics mine)20 Few texts have so elegantly transmitted certain spirituals nuances of this Andalusian agony. (García Gómez 1976: 54 italics mine)21 The Spanish are the pride of al-Šaqundī and his lofty irony; Spanish is also his reclamatory attitude. Spain’s sad destiny has always had to double its efforts, first, in order to create the glories and later defend them. Here al- Šaqundī’s voice rises up against the Africans from the south and in his homage to the pure essence of Spanish Islam, as later in the hours of majestic decadence, later the sad smile of Cervantes not forgetting the chivalrous tradition of Quevedo, other valiant Iberian geniuses will rail against the French to the north who vaccinatedus with their cold classicism. Al-Šaqundi is, mutatis mutandis, a kind of Fornerdel siglo XIII. (García Gómez 1976: 54 italics mine)22 19. En otro pasaje compara los sabios instrumentos músicos (grecopersas) andaluces con los bárbaros panderos sudaneses. 20. La obrita de al-Šaqundī, a través de sus fáciles ironías y de su gracejo andaluz, destila amar- gura y revela la honda y definitiva crisis que atormentaba al Islam español bajo las dinastías africanas. El gran Reino del Mediodía – maravillosa paradoja de la historia, “sol que salió por Occidente, como se dice en el epílogo de la Risala – navegó siempre entre el Escila de los cris- tianos del Norte y el Caribdis de los africanos del Sur. 21. Pocos textos nos transmiten tan finamente determinados matices espirituales de esta agonía andaluza. 22. Españoles son el orgullo de al-Šaqundī y su altiva ironía; española es también su actitud reivindicatoria. Triste destino de España ha sido siempre tener que doblar el esfuerzo, primero para crear las glorias y después para defenderlas. Aquí alza su voz al-Šaqundi contra los [18] Anna Gil-Bardají This identification with al-Šaqundī can also be seen through García Gómez’s laudatory style when speaking of the Arab author, of whom he tells us that in his “beautiful anthology” he shows “admirably good taste” as well an excellent “aesthetic criteria” (García Gómez 1976: 13–14).23 García Gómez then goes on to present the apologetic section of the treatise, which he divides into two parts: one comprising a poetic anthology, and the other a description of the cities of al-Andalus. In the former al-Šaqundī brings to light the best poems from the Andalusian lyrical tradition to illustrate the degree to which al-Andalus excels in what is considered the main art of the Arabs. In the second – the best in the entire treatise according to García Gómez –, he traces out a detailed description of the different cities of al-Andalus, highlighting Sevilla and Cordoba. However, García Gómez’ comments on both parts go way beyond a simple and plain summary. In the passage below he pools his well- known partiality for poetry and its particular lyrical qualities in order to formulate a lavish eulogy to al-Šaqundī, while at the same time praising his taste in poetry characterised in his choice of poems. The italics illustrate the image that García Gómez constructs of the author and the implications that such a construction has for his identifying discourse: Al-Saqundi, man of letters with a fine taste and author of a literary compilation – as has already been pointed out –, does not wish to overlook the elegant laurel of poetry as he weaves the garland of his homeland. The tiny selection of Andalu- sian lyrical poetry which he offers us in Risala, and which represents the least known of it, deserves attention for its quintessential perfection, for the pondera- tion with which classical and contemporary authors are reconciled, of all the social classes and about all the themes, and for the penetrating perspicacity of the aesthetic judgments. (García Gómez 1976: 54–55. Italics mine)24 africanos del Sur y en homenaje a la pura esencia del Islam español, como más tarde, en horas de majestuosa decadencia, después de la triste sonrisa de Cervantes y del caballeresco además de Quevedo, otros valientes ingenios ibéricos clamarán contra los franceses del Norte que nos inoculaban su helado clasicismo. Al-Šaqundi es, mutatis mutandis, una especie de Forner del siglo XIII. 23. “bella antología”, “admirable buen gusto”, “criterio estético”. 24. Al-Saqundi, letrado de fino gusto y autor, como ya se ha indicado, de una compilación literaria, no quiere prescindir, al trenzar la corona de su patria, del elegante laurel de la poesía. La diminuta selección de la lírica andaluza que nos ofrece en la Risala – y que constituye la parte más incógnita de toda ella – merece señalarse por su quintaesenciada perfección, por la ponderación con que se compaginan autores clásicos y contemporáneos, de todas las clases sociales y sobre todos los temas, y por la penetrante agudeza de los juicios estéticos. Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness [19] As regards the second part of the treatise, in which al-Šaqundī deals with describing the cities of al-Andalus, García Gómez once again establishes a clear identification between the terms “Spain” (or “Andalusia”) and “al-Andalus”, as illustrated in the following quote: No people have loved cities as have Muslims, who have courted them like would- be brides in phrases which still resound in the Spanish Romancero ballad tradi- tion. Al-Saqundi echoes this spirit and, by conjuring Spain’s paradises before the uncultured eyes of the guests of the desert, he captures the image of 13th century Andalusia, or better said, the eternal Andalusia, set in many a harmonious synthesis. (García Gómez 1876: 56 italics mine)25 Finally, García Gómez brings his prologue to an end by dedicating a few para- graphs to his translation of the epistle by al-Šaqundī. According to García Gómez, there is no other complete translation of Risala in any European language, other than his. There were some translations of fragments by Dugat (a summary of the work which was later translated into Spanish by Pons Boïgues) and Gayangos, which includes some of the parts in The History of Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain. García Gómez likewise informs the reader of the need for this translation for the collection of literary documents edited by the Escuelas de Estudios Árabes of Madrid and Granada. The prologue then concludes with a dedication to Professor Ign. Kratchkovsky, who he consulted by letter concerning doubts in certain passages. 5.4 Introduction to El parangón entre Málaga y Salé The prologue of the last work, El parangón entre Málaga y Salé by Ibn al-Jatīb, is by far the shortest of the three. The reasons given by García Gómez for trans- lating this work are worth noting, a text which was unknown until 1866 and had not been translated into any European language up to that moment. In García Gómez’s words, the reasons for this translation are grounded in having found evidence of “the persisting anti-Berber feeling among Andalusian Muslims” (García Gómez 1976: 146) in the work of Ibn al-Jatīb.26 The underlying theme is, 25. Ningún pueblo ha amado las ciudades tanto como el musulmán, que las ha cortejado como novias, en frases que aún resuenan en el Romancero. Al-Saqundi responde a este espíritu y, al evocar ante los ojos de los incultos huéspedes del desierto los paraísos de España, apresa, en síntesis felices cuajadas de observaciones menudas, la imagen de la Andalucía del siglo XIII, mejor dicho, de la Andalucía eterna. 26. “la persistencia del sentimiento antiberéber entre los musulmanes andaluces”. [20] Anna Gil-Bardají thus, the same as in the two preceding pieces as well as the approach adopted by the translator. The first aspect to underline brings us back to what was pointed out earlier concerning the treatise by Ibn Hayyān and García Gómez’s interpretation. In that case the argument put forward is that this work contains as many anti-Berber sentiments as pro-Berber. In the case of the work by Ibn al-Jatīb I would also like to qualify the translator’s interpretation of this work when he states that this text is evidence of sustained “anti-Berber feelings”. El parangón entre Málaga y Salé is, to my mind very much a comparison between two cities of similar excellent qual- ities for the author who, as an advocate of the “in praise of” genre, found such a comparison to be a rhetorically interesting challenge. From this emerged the idea of writing a treatise in which reasons are given as to why one of these two cities, Malaga at that time, exceeds the other in beauty. As expressed by the very same Ibn al-Jatīb at the beginning of his short treatise, “a parallel can only be made between those things which are alike, close to each other, similar or correspond” (García Gómez 1976: 149).27 García Gómez’ anti-Berber reading of this text is to say the least interesting, as what appears to him to constitute a central feature in Ibn al-Jatīb’s work is in fact nothing more than a secondary consideration which derives from the dialectic itself in which the author finds himself entangled. This obliges him to choose one city over another, that which due to its excellent qualities holds a predominant position in terms of content and extension. The only point which is arguable – and for which there is insufficient evidence – is whether Ibn al-Jatīb wrote his treatise with the ultimate aim of denigrating the Berbers, that is, as an excuse to give voice to this anti-Berber feeling which García Gómez speaks of. I am of the opinion that this was not the case, but rather that Ibn al-Jatīb made good use of his knowledge on the subject (let’s not forget that he lived in both cities and comfortably at that) to demonstrate his oratory and poetic prowess. The style which runs throughout the book, written in what in Arabic is known as ‫( سﺟﻊ‬saŷ’) – or rhyming prose – attests to this. Furthermore, we have that which Ibn al-Jatīb explicitly maintains in the form of very clear declarations of intentions as illustrated in the following quote in which he summarises his treatise: The sentence form the proceedings is that Malaga has the advantage for its loveli- ness and perfection, for the beauty of its appearance and abundant wealth, for its flickering shadows and illustrious sons and, all said and done, for the exquisite nature of its industries and labours. And Salé is also has its outstanding qualities, but over the analogous, similar or comparable towns of Maghreb. (García Gómez 1976: 162)28 27. “sólo puede establecerse parangón entre aquellas cosas que se asemejan y aproximan o que se parecen y corresponden”. [20] Anna Gil-Bardají 6. Analysis of the semiotic construction of otherness and identity The semiotic construction of identity and otherness on the title page, prologue and introductions to the three translations by García Gómez in Andalucía contra Berbería is expressed around one fundamental notion: anti-Berber sentiments. This serves as a catalyst in the paratexts by García Gómez, for an entire weave of identifications between the Andalusian Arabic race (medieval) and the Spanish (contemporary) race; between Arab (of al-Andalus) nationalism and Spanish (contemporary) nationalism; between the translator-author of the anthology (García Gómez) and the three Arab authors (Ibn al-Hayyān, al-Šaqundī and Ibn al-Jatīb); between the adjectives “andalusí” (of al-Andalus) and “andaluz” (Andalusian) or “Spanish”, and finally between the nouns “al-Andalus” and “Andalucía” (Andalusia) or “Spain”. The following tables attempt to trace out this polyhedron of identities, clas- sifying them according to the parameters that define this analysis. Reading them it can be seen that the semiotic study of García Gómez’ paratexts reveals a clear tendency towards identifying (that of the Spanish arabist with the three Arab authors and that of García Gomez’ place of origin and that of the authors). However, we can also find a coherent and structured construction of the image of the Other (personified in this case by the African and Berber people) and an important familiarisation of elements a priori different, but assimilable. No signif- icant structures have been found which imply foreignisation. SELF (IdENTIFICATION) Castellano English Andalucía (por al-Andalus) (recurrente) Andalusia (for al-Andalus) (recurring) España (por al-Andalus) (recurrente) Spain (for al-Andalus) (recurring) Este soberano estilo del maestro cordobés This majestic style of the master from Cordoba (García Gómez 1976: 24) (García Gómez 1976: 24) El gran historiador granadino (García Gómez The great historian from Granada (García 1976: 45) Gómez 1976: 45) El gran literato cordobés (García Gómez The great writer from Cordoba (García Gómez 1976: 46) 1976: 46) La literatura andaluza (García Gómez 1976: 46) Andalusian literatura (García Gómez 1976: 46) 28. La sentencia del pleito es que Málaga lleva la ventaja por su hermosura y perfección, por la belleza de su aspecto y la copia de su riqueza, por sus trémulas umbrías y sus hijos ilustres, y, en fin, por la exquisitez de sus industrias y labores; y que Salé tiene también superioridad, pero es sobre las análogas, parecidas y semejantes poblaciones del Magrib. Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness [21] SELF (IdENTIFICATION) Castellano English ¡Con qué soberbia española! (García Gómez With what Spanish arrogance! (García Gómez 1976: 52) 1976: 52) Con quien se ensañaban cruelmente los With whom the Spanish were merciless (García españoles (García Gómez 1976: 53) Gómez 1976: 53) Nuestro autor (García Gómez 1976: 53) Our author (García Gómez 1976: 53) Sabios instrumentos músicos (grecopersas) Wise Andalusian musical instruments (Greek- andaluces (García Gómez 1976: 53) Persian) (García Gómez 1976: 53) Su gracejo andaluz (García Gómez 1976: 53) His Andalusian wit (García Gómez 1976: 53) Esta agonía andaluza (García Gómez 1976: 54) This Andalusian suffering (García Gómez 1976: 54) Españoles son el orgullo de al-Saqundi y su Spaniards are the pride of al-Saqundi and its altiva ironía… (García Gómez 1976: 54) lofty irony (García Gómez 1976: 54) Española es también su actitud reivindicatoria Spanish is also his/her/its [?] attitude of protest (García Gómez 1976: 54) (García Gómez 1976: 54) (Hablando de al-Šaqundī) como más tarde (Talking about al-Saqundi) as later other otros ingenios ibéricos (García Gómez Iberian geniuses (García Gómez 1976: 54) 1976: 54) (Refiriéndose a la epístola) constituye un breve (In reference to the epistle) it constitutes a catálogo de los méritos andaluces (García short catalogue of Andalusian merits (García Gómez 1976: 54) Gómez 1976: 54) Las ciudades de España (García Gómez The cities of Spain (García Gómez 1976: 54 and 1976: 54 y 55) 55) La lírica andaluza (García Gómez 1976: 55) The Andalusian lyrical poetry (García Gómez 1976: 55) La admirable escuela valenciana (García Gómez The admirable Valencian School (García 1976: 55) Gómez 1976: 55) Las metrópolis andaluzas (García Gómez The Andalusian metropolises (García Gómez 1976: 55) 1976: 55) Los paraísos de España (García Gómez Spain’s paradises (García Gómez 1976: 56) 1976: 56) La Andalucía eterna (García Gómez 1976: 56) The eternal Andalusia (García Gómez 1976: 56) El orgullo español (García Gómez 1976: 147) The Spanish pride (García Gómez 1976: 147) [22] Anna Gil-Bardají OTHERINg Castellano English Berbería (recurrente) Barbary (recurrent throughout) Beréberes (recurrente) Berbers (recurrent throughout) El sentimiento antiberéber (recurrente) The anti-Berber feelings (recurring throughout) (Hablando de Salé) Una de las bestias negras (Talking about Salé) One of the sworn enemies de los andaluces (García Gómez 1976: 12) of the Andalusians (García Gómez 1976: 12) La raza africanoberéber (García Gómez The African-Berber race (García Gómez 1976: 50) 1976: 50) Los africanos dominan en España (García The Africans rule in Spain (García Gómez Gómez 1976: 50) 1976: 50) Por mandato de un príncipe beréber escribe By order of a Berber prince (García Gómez (García Gómez 1976: 50) 1976: 50) La raza beréber (García Gómez 1976: 51) The Berber race (García Gómez 1976: 51) Las razas iberoromana y árabe (García Gómez The Ibero-Roman and Arab races (García 1976: 51) Gómez 1976: 51) (Sobre los almorávides) Contra ellos arremete (In reference to the Almoravids) Our author nuestro autor (García Gómez 1976: 53) rails against them (García Gómez 1976: 53) Bárbaros panderos sudaneses (García Gómez Barbarian Sudanese tambourines (García 1976: 53) Gómez 1976: 53) Los bárbaros príncipes que gobernaron The barbarian princes who govern Spain (García España (García Gómez 1976: 53) Gómez 1976: 53) Los africanos del sur (García Gómez 1976: 54) The Africans from the south (García Gómez 1976: 54) Los incultos huéspedes del desierto (García The uncultered guests of the desert (García Gómez 1976: 55) Gómez 1976: 55) NoT-oTHER (FAMILIARISATION) Castellano English Islam español (título, García Gómez 1976: 53) Spanish Islam (title, García Gómez 1976: 53) La historiografía arábigoandaluza (García The Arab-Andalusian historiography (García Gómez 1976: 21) Gómez 1976: 21) La España musulmana (recurrente) Muslim Spain (recurring throughout) La enciclopedia arábigoespañola (García Gómez The Arab-Spanish enciclopedia (García 1976: 45) Gómez 1976: 45) Literatura arábigoespañola (García Gómez Arab-Spanish literatura (García Gómez 1976: 49 y 60) 1976: 49 and 60) La raza arábigoandaluza (García Gómez 1976: 50 Arab-Andalusian race (García Gómez y 51) 1976: 50 and 51) Los omeyas cordobeses (García Gómez 1976: 51) The Umayyads from Cordoba (García Gómez 1976: 51) Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness [23] NoT-oTHER (FAMILIARISATION) Castellano English La pura esencia del Islam español (García The pure essence of Spanish Islam (García Gómez 1976: 54) Gómez 1976: 54) Documentos literarios arábigoandaluces (García Arab-Andalusian literary documents (García Gómez 1976: 59) Gómez 1976: 59) Los musulmanes andaluces (García Gómez The Andalusian Muslims (García Gómez 1976: 146) 1976: 146) No-MISMO (FOREIgNISATION) – – 7. Conclusion After analysing the paratexts of the three translations by García Gómez we can see that the discourse of otherness is expressed through three main strategies. The first is a double identification: (a) that which is established between the translator and the authors of the three works in this book, and (b) that which is established between al-Andalus (and by extension among “all things related to al-Andalus”) and Spain (and by extension “all things Spanish”) assimilates the Spanish element. The second strategy is constructed on the basis of a marked othering of the Berber element. This othering is reinforced by the previous identifying strategy, which corroborates Fontana’s postulate according to which all representations of the Other are at the same time bearers of a given image of oneself and of the self (Fontana 1994: 10). The third, and final, strategy used by García Gómez in the Andalucía contra Berbería paratexts consists of the familiarisation of certain elements, through the combining the resources of rapprochement and appropri- ation of part of the other and the self. Examples of these kinds of strategies are phrases like “Spanish Islam”, the “Andalusian Arabic” historiography, the “Muslim Spain” or the “Andalusian Arab” race. In effect, as in the case of other Spanish arabists such as Julián Ribera,29 the term “race” is extensively used by García Gómez, although there is a substantial difference in the referential meaning of this term: while in the case of Ribera the two “races” were the Spanish (latinised and goth) and the “Arab” (without quali- fication), in García Gómez this opposition is established between the “Andalusia 29. Cf. Gil-Bardají, A. (2009) “La construction sémiotique de l’alterité dans les peritextes de la traduction de Julián Ribera de “L’Histoire de la conquête de l’Espagne” d’Ibnal-Qutiyya de Cordue”. Forum. 7 (1): 39–59. [24] Anna Gil-Bardají Arab race” (where the Arab element is in fact exclusively Eastern in origin) and the “African Berber race” (originating from the North of Africa via the Almoravid and Almohad invasions). What remains to be clarified is to what degree the Spanish arabist tradition has resorted to similar strategies in constructing its discourse on al-Andalus, its culture and the Arab and North African peoples. A study of such major proportions which analyses these strategies would be essen- tial to identify the discourse (or discourses) expressed by this tradition; one which López García (1990: 6) called – not without certain irony, “nuestro Oriente domés- tico” (our homegrown Orient). References Carbonell, Ovidi. 1997. “Postcolonial (Re)Visions. The Theory and Practice of Postcolonial Translation”. Revista canaria de estudios ingleses 35: 245–254. Carbonell, Ovidi. 2003. “Semiotic Alteration in Translation. Othering, Stereotyping and Hybridization in Contemporary Translations from Arabic into Spanish and Catalan”. Lingüistica Antverpiensia (new series) 2: 145–159. Carbonell, Ovidi. 2004. “Vislumbres de la otredad. Hacia un marco general de la construcción semiótica del Otro en traducción”. Vasos Comunicantes 28: 59–71. Fairclough, Norman. 1992. Discourse and Social Change. Cambridge: Polity Press. Fontana, Josep. 1994. Europa ante el espejo. Barcelona: Crítica. Foucault, Michel. 1990. La arqueología del saber (Primera edición de 1969). Trad. de Aurelio Garzón del Camino. Foucault, Michel. 1999. Vigilar y castigar (Primera edición en francés 1975). Trad. de Aurelio Garzón del Camino. Barcelona: Círculo de Lectores. Foucault, Michel. 2001. Las palabras y las cosas (Primera edición en francés 1966). Trad. de Elsa Cecilia Frost. Madrid: Ediciones Akal. Foucault, Michel. 2002. El orden del discurso (Primera edición en francés 1971). Trad. de Alberto González Troyano. Barcelona: Tusquets. García Gómez, Emilio (ed.). 1976. Andalucía contra Berbería. Barcelona: Publicaciones del Departamento de Lengua y Literatura Árabes. Genette, Gérard. 1987. Seuils. Paris: Éditions du Seuil. Gil-Bardají, Anna. 2009. “La construction sémiotique de l’alterité dans les peritextes de la traduction de Julián Ribera de L’Histoire de la conquête de l’Espagne d’Ibn al-Qutiyya de Cordue”. Forum 7 (1): 39–59. https://doi.org/10.1075/forum.7.1.02gil López García, Bernabé. 1990. “Arabismo y orientalismo en España: Radiografía y diagnóstico de un gremio escaso y apartadizo”. Awrāq, 11 (Anejo): 35–69. Mason, Ian. 1994. “Discourse, Ideology and Translation”. In Language, Discourse and Translation In The West and Middle East, ed. by R. Beaugrande; A. Shunnaq; and H. Heliel, 23–34. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/btl.7.06mas Looking-glass game or the semiotics of otherness [25] Pérez Cañada, Luis Miguel. 2005. Emilio García Gómez, traductor. Tesis inédita, dir. Salvador Peña Hernández. Universidad de Málaga. Pons Boïgues, Francisco. 1898. Historiadores y geógrafos arábigo-españoles. Madrid: Establecimiento Tipográfico de San Francisco de Sales. Venuti, Lawrence. 1998. The Scandals of Translation. Towards an Ethics of Difference. London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203269701 Widdowson, Henri. 2004. Text, Context, Pretext. Oxford: Blackwell. https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470758427 Widdowson, Henri. 2007. Discourse Analysis. Oxford: OUP. Résumé Cet article analyse la construction sémiotique de l’altéralité dans les péritextes de trois chro- niques arabes médiévales d’al-Andalus (le nom arabe de la péninsule Ibérique gouvernée par les musulmans de 711 à 1492), publiées sous le titre Andalucía contra Berbería par Emilio García Gómez, éminent arabisant espagnol. Peu d’études ont traité d’un point de vue critique du ou des discours concernant les cultures et sociétés arabes, construits par l’orientalisme académique européen en général ou par l’arabisme espagnol en particulier. En supposant que la traduction, étant donné sa nature hybride, joue un rôle crucial dans la construction du discours de l’alté- ralité, cet article tente d’analyser l’identification et les stratégies d’altéralité utilisées par García Gómez, sur la base d’une approche méthodologique qui combine la notion de paratexte de Genette (1987), les notions de texte, contexte et prétexte proposées par Widdowson (2004 et 2007) et le modèle de construction sémiotique de l’altérité développé par Carbonell (2003 et 2004) dans le cadre général de l’analyse critique du discours. Les résultats de cette analyse montrent une altéralité significative des références berbères ou africaines. Ce point est encore renforcé par l’identification de García Gómez avec al-Andalus, qui oscille entre sa propre identification avec les auteurs médiévaux des trois chroniques et les parallèles qu’il établit entre l’al-Andalus médiéval et l’Espagne de la première moitié du XXe siècle. Mots-clés: traduction, discours, sémiotique, altéralité, orientalisme, al-Andalus Address for correspondence Anna Gil-Bardají Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Facultad de Traducción e Interpretación Edificio K Campus UAB 08193 Cerdanyola del Vallès (Barcelona) Spain anna.gil.bardaji@uab.cat