Culture & History Digital Journal 9(1) June 2020, e009 eISSN 2253-797X doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2020.009 Physical Violence, Public Violence: Searching for Mechanisms of Social Domination Rafael Micó Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Departament de Prehistòria. e-mail: Rafael.Mico@uab.cat ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2957-3182 Submitted: 16 October 2018. Accepted: 27 June 2019 ABSTRACT: The explanation of the worldwide spread and long-term maintenance of economic asymmetries and centralized and hierarchical political structures is a major concern for sociological and humanistic disciplines. This problem may be formulated as a paradox when exploited and victimized groups overtly support the social order that subdues them. Archaeology is able to address this problem from a broad and long-term perspective. The aim of this paper is to discuss the implications of public, lethal physical violence in the context of class societies. These are characterized by economic exploitation, centralization of political power, labour specialization and heavy restric- tions of vital and cognitive perspectives for most of the population. It is suggested that key social relations under these conditions could be similar to the hostage-captor bond. Henceforth, inferences based on social and psychobio- logical reasoning are suggested in order to solve the aforementioned social paradox. KEYWORDS: Violence; Social Classes: Civilization: Seclusion: Victimization: Appeasement; Social Control. Citation / Cómo citar este artículo: Micó, Rafael (2020) “Physical Violence, Public Violence: Searching for Mechanisms of Social Domination” Culture & History Digital Journal, 9 (1): e009. https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2020.009 RESUMEN: Violencia física, violencia pública: a la búsqueda de mecanismos de dominación social.-La explica- ción de la expansión mundial y el mantenimiento a largo plazo de disimetrías económicas y estructuras políticas centralizadas y jerárquicas constituye un tema fundamental para las disciplinas sociales y humanas. Esta problemáti- ca puede formularse como una paradoja cuando los grupos explotados y victimizados apoyan abiertamente el orden social que los somete. La arqueología tiene la capacidad de abordar este problema desde una perspectiva a largo plazo. El objetivo del presente artículo es analizar las implicaciones de la violencia física letal y pública en el contex- to de las sociedades clasistas. Estas se caracterizan por explotación económica, poder político centralizado, especia- lización laboral y severas limitaciones en cuanto a las perspectivas vitales y cognitivas para la mayoría de la pobla- ción. Se propone que algunas de las relaciones clave bajo dichas condiciones pueden asimilarse al vínculo entre rehén y captor. A partir de ahí, se plantean inferencias basadas en argumentos psicobiológicos a fin de resolver la paradoja social antes mencionada. PALABRAS CLAVE: Violencia; Clases sociales; Civilización; Reclusión; Victimización; Apaciguamiento. Copyright: © 2020 CSIC. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) License. 2 • Rafael Micó INTRODUCTION: SOME KEYS TO DEFINE damage would go unnoticed to the observer. Under other AND INVESTIGATE ‘VIOLENCE’ more favourable conditions, psychological damages are suggested as a hypothesis, after an inference process from The role of violence in human societies is an issue of indirect elements. The investigation would therefore permanent interest. In Western academic institutions, this leave more room for uncertainty. interest has increased during recent decades possibly as a With greater or fewer empirical difficulties, if the in- result of (a) the outbreak of new, bloody and geographi- vestigation is able to certify physical and/or psychologi- cally close military conflicts and, (b) the recent debates cal damage, and connect it to specific material means and concerning forms of violence that are tolerated institu- to human promoters, it would be correct to classify a giv- tionally, scarcely problematized or even socially unno- en social relationship under the label ‘violence’. Under- ticed to date (i.e., male violence against women, mob- lining the ontological priority of attesting damage leads to bing, gentrification, grooming and bullying). Prehistoric two key epistemological consequences: archaeology has shared this concern and, given its chron- ological coverage, has been involved in debates about the 1. Identifying certain damage and, therefore, a victim, controversial ‘origins’ of aggressive human behaviour, must be the first aim of the investigation. The next violence in general, cannibalism, war, warriors, heroes, step will be to identify the agent responsible for the soldiers and armies. As a consequence, the reassessment damage, that is, the entity called ‘aggressor’. of archaeological objects and contexts linked to armed 2. ‘Victim’ and ‘aggressor’ will be recognisable enti- conflicts1, as well as new osteological analysis focused on ties regardless of the hypothetical conscious con- the diagnosis of trauma caused by physical aggressions, sideration of their protagonists about their respec- has been undertaken. Single-case studies and general syn- tive roles. ‘Victim’ and ‘aggressor’ are the result of thesis have reviewed and assessed the first evidences re- an inferential process based on empirical observa- lated to aggressions between humans, from the early epi- tions, not on the conscious statements of the sub- sodes dating back to the Palaeolithic, to the wars and jects involved in the facts; in other words, subjec- military conquests within the context of the first civiliza- tive (self)awareness is not the main research tions2. requirement. However, like any scientific discipline seeking to push forward the knowledge of human violence, archae- I have just pointed out that the identification of dam- ology must define which criteria serve to identify spe- ages, of the material means directly linked to them and of cific facts as related to ‘violence’. Dodging this theoreti- the human promoters serves to attest a violent relation- cal task or taking for granted that the definition of ship. If this relationship maintains a constant directional- ‘violence’ is common sense or widely shared, might ity over time, it could be labelled as ‘violence without re- open the doors of ambiguity and confusion and, hence, sponse’, with unawareness, at least from the promoter’s lead to sterile debates. Thus, it is crucial to define the perspective, as, for example, has happened for millennia meaning of ‘violence’ and the subsequent research steps with what we now call ‘male violence against women’. linking concept and facts. However, if the victim is actively confronting their identi- The starting point of any research on violence is the fied aggressor, a conflict is unleashed (Lull et al., 2006). ability to supply documentary evidence of harm/damage, In both cases, it is expected that empirical research should whether at an individual or group level (Lull et al., 2015). detail their rhythms, frequency and intensity. This identification helps to distinguish the ‘suffering sub- The connections between physical and psychological ject’ or ‘victim’. Without documented harm/damage, violence are complex. Physical violence has an effective there is no reason to invoke the category ‘violence’ to de- dimension, because its episodes leave tangible evidence scribe a given human relationship. Although ultimately of harmful effects (destruction of settlements, victims) all damage is or ends up being physical, we usually dis- and of the means that produced them (weapons). In addi- tinguish between psychological and physical violence. In tion, its occurrences are rarely silent and invisible, but are this latter case, the denotative traits are different kinds of usually noticed, echoed to groups other than those who stigmas (traumas, injuries, destruction), often directly and witnessed them and remembered for a long time in the unambiguously attested. Following this direct associa- oral and material memory. In other words, effective physi- tion, a further connection with the material means and the cal violence also fosters an affective dimension, in the agents that caused the stigmas might be stated objectively sense of subjective affectation. Frequently, the develop- (Lull et al., 2006). The category for ‘aggressor’ could ment of the affective dimension of violence resembles a then arise. performance, in which a large audience watches the real From an epistemological point of view, the investiga- suffering of other people, creating an object for ideology tion of psychological damage is more difficult. While and alienation; for waking up consciences or for silencing physical damage can be unequivocally inferred in each of them; for collective celebration or frustration. Consider- its particular appearances, psychological damage can ing this social fact, it is worth asking, dialectically, which come to be the cumulative result of actions or circum- other effects, in turn, can these affectations help to build. stances that, taken separately, may seem harmless or am- Further exploring the relationship between public, overtly biguous. In these cases, the relationships finally causing physical violence, psychological violence and long-term Culture & History Digital Journal 9(1), June 2020, e009. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2020.009 Physical Violence, Public Violence: Searching for Mechanisms of Social Domination • 3 and large-scale social control in the framework of class- ishment for those who have seriously transgressed the divided societies will be the main aim of the following dominant order. Nevertheless, practices known as ‘human pages. sacrifices’ could also be included under the same label. Regardless of whether or not religious or cultural motiva- VIOLENCE AND CLASS SOCIETIES tions are invoked, ‘human sacrifices’ share with law-me- diated executions the fact that both are overtly promoted The development of class societies with State political by the dominant power. The key public nature of ‘human structures, also called ‘civilizations’, is one of the most rel- sacrifices’ places them at the centre of interest of the po- evant milestones in the history of humankind. Prehistoric litical issues addressed in this paper. In fact, recent re- archaeology has shown that these societies were not pio- search on a large sample of traditional societies in Aus- neering in the exercise of violence, but instead that vio- tralia and Oceania (Watts et al., 2016) has shown that lence in civilizations has specific goals and left behind human sacrifice during ritualized practices is significantly more material, often unambiguous traces. One such goal linked to the consolidation of stratified societies. A subset was the maintenance of economic exploitation, sanctioned of these practices, those taking place during the funeral of by the hereditary transmission of private property. The de- certain preeminent personalities, have also been closely cisive instrument for this, although not necessarily the only linked to the acquisition or maintenance of political pow- one, was and is the activity of armed groups specialized in er by the ruling classes (Childe, 1945; Testart, 2004; Al- the exercise of physical violence (be it ‘army’, ‘police’ or bert and Midant-Reynes, 2005). similar). Furthermore, it is often noticed that the psycho- Having said that, it is one thing to detect a close rela- logical dimension of violence is now conveyed through tionship pattern between executions and the consolidation new forms of social gatherings, communication and exclu- of social stratification, and it is another to find an expla- sion promoted and/or monitored by specialized personnel nation for this association. To explore this explanatory acting on behalf of institutions (law and courts, religion path, an analysis of the sociological components involved and cults, official celebrations and remembrances). in public executions is needed, aimed at exploring the Most of the research on violence in the so-called ‘an- core relationships between violence and other dimensions cient civilizations’ (or ‘pristine’ and ‘early States’) refer of social life in the context of civilizations. to open clashes labelled as ‘war’. The sides involved are usually conceived as unitary social subjects, struggling to DEFINING CIVILIZED SOCIAL LIFE achieve their aims: whether survival under the pressure of natural and social selection (biological-adaptive interpre- To further explore the possibility that public violence tations), or the desire for power and dominance by lead- might exceed a strictly coercive effect requires basic ers, ruling classes or entire peoples (approaches that knowledge of the society in which it occurred. Broadly stress psychological and political motivations in explain- speaking, class societies, whether with a State (civiliza- ing human behaviour). In contrast, research on violent tions) or in transition to Statehood, show common eco- acts or processes within these collective subjects is rare. nomic and political traits: The little attention to internal violence invites us to de- cide whether the investigation suffers from a functionalist a) Highly developed division of labour. Most of the and organicist bias that overlooks evidence of internal working population perform full-time specialized confrontations, or those prehistoric and ancient societies tasks. The general context is fully sedentary, based were so integrated that they managed to prevent the con- on a solid farming and animal husbandry economy. flict within. In addition, artefactual production comprises mul- The theory that I seek to develop is that physical vio- tiple branches (pottery, metallurgy, lithic produc- lence, in its ‘structural’ or ‘objective’ form (see below), is tion, textiles, etc.) taking place in stable work- an inherent part of class societies, “but that the consolida- shops. Hence, the satisfaction of most of the basic tion, maintenance and expansion of these societies de- needs of specialized labour groups depended on pended on the affectation caused by certain forms of le- a centralized redistributive system controlled by a thal public and remembered violence”. These forms of sector of specialized bureaucrats-rulers. violence are globally documented and have two closely b) Sharp asymmetries in the distribution of the social related components: production, that is, economic exploitation sanc- tioned by means of property rights. The appropria- a) Occurrences of physical violence with lethal con- tion by the dominant class of surplus produced by sequences, promoted or sponsored by power/gov- exploited classes defines one of the most acute and ernment centres. lasting forms of physical violence: the deprivation b) Extensive social communication of the develop- suffered by most of the population in the access to ment and effects of these occurrences. and consumption of socially produced goods and services (Engels, 2010, pp. 393-394, orig. 1844). Most of these social practices could be generically This violence has been recently called ‘structural called ‘executions’3. This term is usually understood from violence’ (Galtung, 1996) or, as named by Zizek a legal point of view, referring to a form of extreme pun- (2008), ‘objective violence’. The striking differ- Culture & History Digital Journal 9(1), June 2020, e009. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2020.009 4 • Rafael Micó ences in life expectancy according to socioeco- The collective ‘A’ is formed by those who promoted nomic condition, even in the contemporary ‘Wel- and conducted the execution, that is, the group with the fare States’ of the ‘developed countries’, are proof ability to design and carry out this kind of public event. of this (Hattersley, 1999; White and Edgar, 2010; Direct executioners could also be included in ‘A’, when Olshansky et al., 2012). In short, a significant part the different roles of promotion and execution are as- of the population in class societies suffered this sumed by different people. The collective ‘B’ refers to deprivation and, therefore, was objectively victim- victims, usually politically and/or economically depend- ized even if these did not receive direct trauma, le- ent individuals who are often named as ‘criminals’ in the thal or otherwise, by armed individuals. case of law-mediated punishments, or as ‘servants’, c) The polities (‘proto-states’, ‘early States’, ‘city- ‘maidens’, ‘assistants’, ‘guardsmen’, ‘captives’, ‘slaves’, states’, ‘civilizations’) maintain political borders de- etc. in ceremonial sacrifices, especially when these were fended or questioned militarily. The political bor- performed at the funerals of high-order individuals. ders settle property rights, now understood as However, this social practice is not restricted to ‘A’ appropriation of resources controlled by the ruling and ‘B’ but includes a third group, ‘C’, formed by the class. Political borders turn the ‘land’ into ‘territo- public or audience that attends the execution or is in- ries’ that restrict the mobility of individuals and formed of it. This third component is paramount as with- groups. In addition, a part of the population, espe- out ‘C’ or with ‘C’ just vaguely informed of ‘deaths’ or cially in cities and towns, work and live inside ‘absences’, we would be speaking of a different phenom- densely packed fortified precincts. In some pristine, enon, of what are known as ‘disappearances’, in which emblematic cases (Egypt, Mesopotamia, coastal executors try to erase any trace of the victims, even deny- valleys of Peru), political borders were strengthened ing that there have ever been any. by ecological boundaries expressed as arid or de- A first interpretation of the executions could be built sert-like environments, which made it hazardous to on the following considerations: survive outside the narrow fertile strips next to the river courses where settlements flourished. a) The executions were a demonstration of power by the ruling group (‘A’). Social life in such conditions has been globally docu- b) The immediate aim of this demonstration was to mented. In fact, the emergence of closed, territorially impress collective ‘C’, as a means to achieve a fur- bound political units with increasing inequalities and in- ther and higher goal: its submission and obedience ternal labour specialization is a worldwide trend in the and, therefore, the maintenance or increase of the last millennia. In certain regions, such as Egypt and Low- power of ‘A’. er Mesopotamia, this trend intensified or accelerated from early times. In short, the life of most of the population in This interpretation fits the model of repressive or coer- the early class societies and civilizations took place under cive violence. According to this model, society is divided the following conditions: between repressors and repressed whose mutual relation- ships are ‘transparent’, without being hidden or distorted • reduced mobility in small, limited geographical and by lies, mistakes, ignorance or alienation. All parties would social settings; be fully aware of their real social roles, what they are capa- • restricted experiences, sharing of information and ble of and what they should avoid. Only oblivion could expectations; threaten ‘transparency’. This is why periodic public execu- • political subordination; tions are needed to recall and update a basic social knowl- • lacking economic autonomy, and edge: who has the supreme power, that of deciding on life • suffering economic exploitation. and death, who holds rulership, command and privileges, and what powerful actions these are capable of performing. In a sense, most of the population in civilizations Overall, the line between repressors and repressed groups might be described as ‘humans in captivity’. In these so- is well marked: repressive violence keeps each group in its cial contexts, what effects and affections could the public social place; violence simply highlights and updates those exercise of physical violence have had? positions through public performances. The model of repressive violence is common sense PHYSICAL VIOLENCE AND PUBLIC VIOLENCE and could be applied to many cases. However, without IN CLASS SOCIETIES: STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS denying this interpretative approach, what if, within the framework of class societies, this kind of public violence When thoroughly exploring the twofold dimension, did something other than repress? effective and affective, of physical violence, it is worth asking about the kind of subjective affectation or influ- LIVING AS HOSTAGES ence that was pursued with effective executions. To an- swer this question, we shall start by defining the social The victimization caused by economic exploitation in groups involved in these practices, and summarize the class societies can be increased through the public commu- links among them. nication of certain forms of physical violence, often sur- Culture & History Digital Journal 9(1), June 2020, e009. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2020.009 Physical Violence, Public Violence: Searching for Mechanisms of Social Domination • 5 rounded by ceremony. In these practices the executed vic- The manifestation of the syndrome at different social tims are easily identifiable, but the victimization process scales does not stop at their corpses. Victimization extends to broader social groups and reaches full social effectiveness Victimization cases related to the ‘Stockholm syn- when it is firmly established who has the power to procure drome’ typically refer to occasional, small-scale occur- physical damage and who knows they are not free from be- rences such as kidnappings and robbery with hostages, ing subjected to it. From now on, a new internal division although it has been recently described in a wider range arises in society, that between executors and potentially ex- of situations such as coexistence in prison, military and ecuted individuals; between those who are capable of sectarian environments, proxenetism and male violence harming and people at risk of being seriously harmed. against women and children in the domestic sphere5. Be- Neurobiology and clinical and evolutionary psychol- fore testing its application to extended and long-lasting ogy have provided some answers about how people react social situations, it is important to state which conditions when facing being at risk of serious, even lethal, physical and effects define it. damage (Cantor and Price, 2007; Cantor 2009). The hu- Psychological research on the ‘Stockholm syndrome’ man species, like other mammals, develops a range of de- underlines a number of conditions required in order for it fensive behaviours: (a) avoiding places where risk situa- to develop (Graham et al. 1994, pp. 33-37; Rawlings and tions may arise, (b) immobility, (c) flight, (d) aggressive Graham, 2007, p. 690)6: resistance and struggle, and (e) appeasement. For the problem at hand, appeasement is of special in- a) The ‘hostage’ perceives that the ‘captor’ is a real terest, since it tends to be a kind of reaction adopted when: threat to his/her survival. b) The ‘hostage’ perceives that the ‘captor’ shows (a) the specimen is threatened by members of the signs of benevolence towards him/her (such as he same species, ‘feeds me’ or ‘does not kill me’). (b) escape is not a feasible alternative and c) The ‘hostage’ is acquainted with the captor’s per- (c) the specimen facing the source of risk has little or spective on the situation and about the objectives no chance of success, after having recognized the pursued by the captor, while being largely unaware inferiority of their own force/capability. or poorly informed of alternative understandings or points of view. In this sense, appeasement is a defensive strategy which d) The ‘hostage’ has few feasible alternatives to their can be understood as a ‘reverse flight’: instead of moving current situation in mind. away from the threat, it is about approaching its source by adopting a submissive role to try to placate it, making clear Considering these conditions, the ‘hostage’ may de- that it should not be afraid of active resistance. One of the velop a series of behaviours: ways to do so is to ‘alienate’ oneself by identifying as much as possible with the threatening subject. Although there a) Emergence of a positive emotional bond towards may be a prior and conscious assessment of the risks, these the ‘captor’. types of defensive responses are unconsciously generated b) Identification with the subjective perspective of in the amygdala and the hippocampus, and may be left out the ‘captor’. of any rationalization or imposed on it. c) Hostility towards individuals or groups opposed to Linking the living conditions of most of the popula- the ‘captor’ or their interests7. tion in class societies with the concept of ‘seclusion’ in- vites us to consider mechanisms and explanations applied In light of these arguments, it is worth considering the in similar situations. If ‘seclusion’ describes a social rela- following behaviours of class-divided, civilized societies. tionship (ontological), it is feasible to look for epistemo- logical tools applied by other disciplines at social scales. • (Regarding point ‘a’: Emergence of a positive emo- The search has led us to the so-called ‘Stockholm syn- tional bond felt by the “hostage” towards the cap- drome’, related to the Freudian ‘identification with the tor). The cult, idolatry or veneration towards leaders aggressor’4 or, as it is classified today in Psychology, a and leadership as a social need and individual virtue variety within the wider label of ‘post-traumatic stress’, is characteristic in societies with centralized govern- namely ‘Complex Post-traumatic Stress Disorder’ or ments. Especially in early civilizations, this cult came ‘complex PTSD’ (Herman, 1992; Friedman, 2015; Schny- to be expressed in theocratic political systems that der and Cloitre, 2015). This expression refers to certain stated that a divine entity conceded the ruler’s right to psychological effects of the often repeated suffering, of hold absolute power or, what is more, that the ruler damages and threats that seriously endanger the physical was her/himself a supernatural being or god. The fig- integrity of oneself or of close people. Therefore, it is a ures of ‘Ruler’-‘Master’-‘Father’ are closely related form of victimization, often a long-lasting one. Their ef- in most civilizations, often perpetuating and increas- fects, however, apparently deny victimization, as positive ing the scale of previous patriarchal relations. In most feelings towards those who promote and execute the suf- of the recent or contemporary state societies, the fering are observed. withdrawal of this religious covering does not hide Culture & History Digital Journal 9(1), June 2020, e009. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2020.009 6 • Rafael Micó the paramount importance of personalized leadership ceived a wrong, misleading, biased education (such as in the maintenance of command and obedience rela- ideological ‘indoctrination’, ‘brainwashing’, etc.). Hence, tionships, despite it being referred to under the secu- any attempt to change that state of affairs should reveal a lar attribute of ‘charism’. hidden or distorted truth, and this should be spread by • (Regarding point ‘b’: ‘Hostage’s’ identification of means of a new proper education. The intention here is the subjective perspective of their ‘captor’). Identi- not to deny the value of education for social change. Sim- fication with particular perspectives also conforms ply that, in addition to strictly discursive/pedagogical to broad popular adherence to institutionalized ide- practices, the success of certain ideologies could be also ologies and religions. Believing, even fanatically, in approached in the light of psychobiological responses a fantasy or ideal construction is something socially rooted in the impulse of survival. real. This identification with the official perspective Fear of a threat triggers defensive behaviour. Fear is a held by the ‘captor’ could be compatible with the feeling that can be learned8. Learning can arise from concept of ‘alienation’ in the Marxist sense: the ma- harmful experiences in one’s own skin or by being a spec- terial conditions governed by the captor-exploiter tator and/or acquainted subject of the suffering of other achieve the effect of alienating (‘being taken out of people. Conversely, fear can be lost. Therefore, the strat- oneself’, from their real conditions of life) the dom- egy of the ‘captor’ included how to publicly exert physi- inated-exploited subject. cal violence and how to store it in social memory to keep • (Regarding point ‘c’: Hostility manifested by the alive the fear that has been provoked. Kings, heroes, vic- “hostage” towards individuals or groups opposed torious warriors and priests will be the directors and main to the ‘captor’ and/or their interests). General hos- characters of public performances intended to be over- tility toward the ‘Other’. In fact, the identification whelming and frightening. After that, monuments, tombs, of the ‘Other’ is built dialectically with that of the artistic images, written records and oral traditions will try ‘We’/’Ourselves’, ‘contributing towards’ setting the to keep fear in the social remembrance and in ‘culture’. stage for future policies of exclusion, if not aggres- sion. It is worth connecting this point with the praise FINAL REMARKS of identity feelings and, hence, with chauvinism, patriotism, racism and ethnocentrism, shared by This work arose from a twofold goal. On the one hand, broad sectors of the population. to try to solve an apparent paradox: why a large number of openly violent, discriminatory and asymmetric economic Overall, the argument suggested here is that, under and political systems have not only proved to be durable certain and expansive, but have enjoyed the explicit approval and complicity of many of their victims. On the other hand, to (a) economic (productive specialization, economic address this issue by avoiding idealistic explanations, ei- exploitation, dependence), ther by appealing to the force of embraced cultural princi- (b) social (internal fragmentation, external isolation), ples, through strictly discursive, educational practices, or (c) political (concentration of power), by assuming that there will always be powerful, strong (d) and subjective (particularization of individual and minds imposing themselves on ‘weak’ or ‘faint-hearted’ group experiences; hierarchically controlled pub- spirits. Instead, the proposal developed here seeks to ap- lic communication channels) circumstances, com- proach this issue by contextualizing the problem in class plemented by public physical violence practices, societies in light of an explanatory link (psychobiological response). It could be summarized as follows. large social groups may become ‘hostages’, threatened with serious damage or death. Then, they can develop • Under conditions of (a) developed division of la- victimized collective behaviours comparable to those de- bour, (b) economic exploitation, and (c) restricted scribed by the ‘Stockholm syndrome’. As a result, the experiences, information and mobility, the exploit- consolidation of asymmetric economic and political rela- ed population is objectively victimized (damaged). tions in class societies is enhanced. • In these conditions, physical violence orchestrated, Phenomena such as alienation and the success of ide- executed and communicated by members of the rul- ologies that emphasize fear, punishment and obedience, ing class can produce positive feelings towards coupled with strong attachment to identity-related and them from a significant proportion of the exploited discriminatory feelings may have been triggered by the class or classes. conditions described above. These social phenomena pro- • This positive affectation, a neurological response in duce perplexity and lack of understanding. Usually, at- favour of survival in particular situations, could turn tempts to explain it are made according to two premises: into explicit support and allegiance fostering the (1) humans have the ability to think rationally and act maintenance, strengthening and spread of deep po- sovereignly accordingly, and (2) individual rational think- litical-economic asymmetries. ing is modelled by education. Thus, it is concluded that • The feeling of positive affectation adds a new type all irrational or contrary to self-interest behaviour is the of damage to that produced by economic exploita- product of ignorance, idiocy or, more likely, of having re- tion: psychological alienation. Culture & History Digital Journal 9(1), June 2020, e009. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2020.009 Physical Violence, Public Violence: Searching for Mechanisms of Social Domination • 7 The proposal outlined in this paper could be applied Research Group (AGAUR 2017SGR1044). I also appreci- particularly to class societies or civilizations. However, it ate the stimulating and accurate suggestions of two anony- could be interesting to explore other social contexts and mous reviewers, and the assistance of Rebeca Moyano in questions as the relation between settled life, the first reviewing the English translation of the original manu- household units, the seclusion of women inside the ‘home’ script in Spanish. and the origins of patriarchy that extends to the present day. In any case, future research will need, first, to gain NOTES knowledge of the material living conditions of social groupings: is there a balanced sharing between their re- 1 Mainly weapons, traces of sudden destruction in abandoned set- spective contribution to the production of goods, subjects tlements, mass graves and specific burials attributed to violent deaths, as well as figurative representations (paintings, engrav- (reproduction) and maintenance, and their participation in ings, etc.) of weapons, armed individuals and scenes of combat, the use and consumption of all that is socially produced? execution and sacrifice (Lull et al., 2006). What, in short, are the material conditions in which differ- 2 The list of publications on this subject is currently very large. For il- ent groups develop their lives, regardless of the shared lustrative purposes of general scope, see Campbell (2014), Carman speeches, self-consciousness and expectations to which (2013), Dolfini et al. (2018), Fernández-Götz and Roymans (2017), García Piquer and Vila (2016), Guilaine and Zammit (2001), Keeley they could admit? Secondly, it promotes an investigation (1996), Martin and Frayer (1997), Meller and Schefzik (2015), Otto into the forms of violence exerted within a society, starting et al. (2006), Pathou-Matis (2013), Ralph (2012). with those objectively revealed by physical damages. 3 I focus here only on forms of physical violence that have a cere- Thirdly, it encourages research on how violence is commu- monialized expression (‘executions’, ‘sacrifices’). Nevertheless, probably less formalized expressions of violence, such as battles, nicated to large audiences and embedded in social memory. could have had similar social outcomes if they have been com- Perhaps the persistent, unconditional and sincere ad- municated to a large audience. herence of many people to violent, xenophobic, patriar- 4 Freud (1954 pp. 125-136). chal, racist, classist, elitist and antisocial leaders and gov- 5 The bibliography in this regard is very extensive. See, for exam- ernments may cease to be a paradoxical phenomenon, or ple, Chesnay (2013), Demarest (2009), Goetting (2007), Graham et al. (1994), Jameson (2010), Montero (2001), Namnyak et al. the disheartening finding of a supposed essential human (2008), Rawlings and Graham ( 2007), Speckhard et al. (2005). foolishness or stupidity. After all, it may be the response 6 Metaphorically, I will refer to the parties involved using the terms of fragmented, specialized, immobilized, exploited and ‘hostage’ and ‘captor’. It should be remembered that the modern dependent human groups, conscientiously and conveni- definition of this syndrome came after a famous case of hostage ently damaged and threatened, in pursuit of an autonomy robbery in the Swedish capital. 7 A hostility that, in some cases of kidnapping, was aimed at the and survival that they perceive beyond their reach. police officers who released the hostages, and also at the govern- Does the foregoing lead to fatalism? Of course not. ment departments that ordered the police operation. The struggles against the forms of exploitation and exclu- 8 Experimentation has shown that in humans there are very few in- sion in class societies openly show that victimization nate fear triggers. One, perhaps the only one, is strident sounds does not irretrievably lead to resignation, obedience or (Kalat, 2015, p. 371). blind allegiance to the will of the dominant power. A fur- ther line of research, closely related to those mentioned in REFERENCES this section, would explore the ways to avoid or over- Albert, Jean-Pierre. and Midant-Reynes, Béatrix ed. (2005) Le sac- come the ‘Stockholm syndrome’. However, before that, it rifice humain en Égypte ancienne et ailleurs. Paris, Soleb. needs to be explained why class societies have been Campbell, Roderick ed. (2014) Violence and Civilization. Studies of spreading in the last five thousand years to now have be- Social Violence in History and Prehistory. Oxford and Oakville, come the worldwide hegemonic political model. 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