Special issue article: Transnational gentrification Urban Studies 2020, Vol. 57(15) 3025–3043 Ó Urban Studies Journal Limited 2020 Transnational gentrification, tourism and the formation of ‘foreign only’ Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions DOI: 10.1177/0042098020916111 enclaves in Barcelona journals.sagepub.com/home/usj Agustin Cocola-Gant Centre of Geographical Studies, Universidade de Lisboa, Portugal Antonio Lopez-Gay Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and Centre d’Estudis Demogràfics, Spain Abstract In a context of global-scale inequalities and increased middle-class transnational mobility, this paper explores how the arrival of Western European and North American migrants in Barcelona drives a process of gentrification that coexists and overlaps with the development of tourism in the city. Research has focused increasingly on the role of visitors and Airbnb in driving gentrification. However, our aim is to add another layer to the complexity of neighbourhood change in tourist cities by considering the role of migrants from advanced economies as gentrifiers in these neigh- bourhoods. We combined socio-demographic analysis with in-depth interviews and, from this, we found that: (1) lifestyle opportunities, rather than work, explain why transnational migrants are attracted to Barcelona, resulting in privileged consumers of housing that then displace long-term residents; (2) migrants have become spatially concentrated in tourist enclaves and interact predo- minantly with other transnational mobile populations; (3) the result is that centrally located neigh- bourhoods are appropriated by foreigners – both visitors and migrants – who are better positioned in the unequal division of labour, causing locals to feel increasingly excluded from the place. We illustrate that tourism and transnational gentrification spatially coexist and, accordingly, we provide an analysis that integrates both processes to understand how neighbourhood change occurs in areas impacted by tourism. By doing so, the paper offers a fresh reading of how gentrifi- cation takes place in a Southern European destination and, furthermore, it provides new insights into the conceptualisation of tourism and lifestyle migration as drivers of gentrification. Keywords Barcelona, lifestyle migration, Southern Europe, transnational gentrification, tourism Corresponding author: Agustin Cocola-Gant, Centre of Geographical Studies, Universidade de Lisboa, Edificio IGOT, Rua Branca Edmée Marques, Lisbon 1600-276, Portugal. Email: agustincocolagant@campus.ul.pt 3026 Urban Studies 57(15) ᪈㾱 ൘‫⨳ޘ‬㤳ത޵нᒣㅹ઼ѝӗ䱦㓗䐘ഭ⍱ࣘ໎࣐Ⲵ㛼Ჟлˈᵜ᮷᧒䇘Ҷ൘ᐤຎ㖇䛓ˈ㾯⅗ ઼े㖾〫≁Ⲵࡠᶕྲօ᧘ࣘҶањо෾ᐲ᯵⑨ъਁኅ‫ޡ‬ᆈ઼䟽ਐⲴ㓵༛ॆ䘋〻DŽ⹄ウ䎺 ᶕ䎺‫⑨⌘ޣ‬ᇒ઼⡡ᖬ䗾൘᧘ࣘ㓵༛ॆᯩ䶒Ⲵ֌⭘DŽ❦㘼ˈᡁԜⲴⴞḷᱟ䙊䗷㘳ሏᶕ㠚ਁ 䗮㓿⍾փⲴ〫≁֌Ѫ䘉Ӌ㺇४Ⲵ㓵༛ॆ᧘ࣘ㘵䀂㢢ˈѪ᯵⑨෾ᐲⲴ㺇४ਈॆ໎࣐ਖаቲ ༽ᵲᙗDŽᡁԜሶ⽮ՊӪਓ࠶᷀о␡‫ޕ‬䇯䈸⴨㔃ਸˈӾѝᡁԜਁ⧠˖˄1˅⭏⍫ᯩᔿⲴᵪ Պˈ㘼нᱟᐕ֌ˈ䀓䟺ҶѪӰѸ䐘ഭ〫≁㻛੨ᕅࡠᐤຎ㖇䛓ˈሬ㠤տᡯⲴ⢩ᵳ⎸䍩㘵ˈ ❦ਾ傡䙀䮯ᵏት≁˗˄2˅〫≁൘オ䰤к䳶ѝ൘᯵⑨伎ൠˈѫ㾱оަԆ䐘ഭ⍱ࣘӪਓӂ ࣘ˗˄3˅㔃᷌ᱟսҾѝᗳⲴ㺇४㻛ཆഭӪ˄वᤜ⑨ᇒ઼〫≁˅ঐᦞˈԆԜ൘нᒣㅹⲴ ࣣࣘ࠶ᐕѝ༴Ҿᴤᴹ࡙Ⲵൠսˈሬ㠤ᖃൠӪ䎺ᶕ䎺ᝏࡠ㻛ᧂᯕ൘䘉њൠᯩѻཆDŽᡁԜ䇱 ᰾᯵⑨ъ઼䐘ഭ㓵༛ॆ൘オ䰤кᱟ‫ޡ‬ᆈⲴˈഐ↔ˈᡁԜᨀ‫׋‬Ҷањ㔬ਸ䘉єњ䗷〻Ⲵ࠶ ᷀ˈԕҶ䀓൘ਇ᯵⑨ъᖡ૽Ⲵൠ४㺇४‫ޣ‬㌫ᱟྲօਁ⭏ਈॆⲴDŽ㯹↔ˈᵜ᮷ሩањই⅗ ᯵⑨㜌ൠⲴ㓵༛ॆ䘋㹼Ҷ‫ޘ‬ᯠⲴ䀓䈫ˈ↔ཆˈᵜ᮷䘈ሩ᯵⑨ъ઼⭏⍫ᯩᔿ䗱〫Ⲵᾲᘥॆ ֌Ѫ㓵༛ॆⲴ傡ࣘഐ㍐ᨀ‫׋‬ҶᯠⲴ㿱䀓DŽ ‫ޣ‬䭞䇽 ᐤຎ㖇䛓ǃ⭏⍫ᯩᔿ䗱〫ǃই⅗ǃ䐘ഭ㓵༛ॆǃ᯵⑨ъ Received September 2018; accepted March 2020 Introduction the view of a variety of authors who suggest It is well known that Barcelona is one of the that tourism boosts gentrification (Cocola- most appealing cities in Europe for visitors Gant, 2018; Gotham, 2005; Gravari-Barbas and that the growth in the number of tour- and Guinand, 2017). However, the leisure- ists has been exponential since the celebra- led restructuring of Barcelona and its effec- tion of the Olympic Games in 1992. tive international representation as a city to Barcelona is home to 1.6 million inhabi- have fun in have not only triggered the arri- tants; however, in 2018 more than 9 million val of visitors but have also been successful people stayed in hotels in the city and it is in attracting young transnational migrants, estimated that the total number of visitors in particular from Western Europe and exceeded 30 million in the same year North America, who moved to Barcelona (Barcelona City Council, 2019). The exces- because of lifestyle choices. We provide evi- sive growth of tourism and the proliferation dence that the arrival of these highly edu- of short-term rentals have caused tensions in cated young migrants drives a process of several neighbourhoods and both the inter- transnational gentrification that coexists national media and academic publications with tourism and, in fact, results from the have focused on this issue (Blanco-Romero development of tourism in the city. While et al., 2018; Brandajs and Russo, 2019; research has increasingly focused on the role Cocola-Gant, 2016; Mansilla and Milano, of visitors and Airbnb in driving gentrifica- 2019; Nofre et al., 2018). Residents complain tion (Cocola-Gant and Gago, 2019; that tourism threatens their right to stay put Wachsmuth and Weisler, 2018; Yrigoy, and triggers a process of social change in 2019), in this paper our aim is to add which permanent populations are displaced another layer to the complexity of neigh- by transient visitors. This is, furthermore, bourhood change in tourist cities by also Cocola-Gant and Lopez-Gay 3027 considering the role of migrants from leads to the formation of ‘foreign only’ advanced economies as gentrifiers in these enclaves. This means that centrally located neighbourhoods. By doing so, the paper neighbourhoods are appropriated by for- offers a fresh reading of how gentrification eigners – both visitors and migrants – who occurs in a Southern European destination are better positioned in the unequal division and, furthermore, provides new insights into of labour, leading locals to feel increasingly the conceptualisation of tourism and lifestyle excluded from the place. migration as drivers of gentrification. In the next section we highlight why the Within the framework of global-scale links between tourism and lifestyle migration inequalities that has been a key theoretical are critical to understanding transnational point in accounts of transnational gentrifica- gentrification. Despite gentrification driven tion (Hayes, 2018, 2020; Sigler and by tourism lifestyles being noted in core cen- Wachsmuth, 2016), we incorporate the cen- tres of accumulation – cities such as Paris tral role that tourism plays in the process, for instance (Gravari-Barbas, 2017) – in this particularly in Southern Europe. The devel- paper we refer to the context of Southern opment of tourism in the region occurs in Europe. Following this, we present our case the context of the spatial division of labour study and methodology. The research in Europe in which the peripheral South has focuses on the Gòtic neighbourhood of historically targeted consumers from core Barcelona, which is a central area and one accumulation areas as a way to stimulate the of the main tourism enclaves in the city. economy, particularly the real estate sector Residents’ concerns regarding excessive (Lefebvre, 1991). Against this background, tourism growth in this area were noted in we draw on the lifestyle migration literature the early 2000s (Degen, 2004), several years to suggest that tourist destinations are at the before the expansion of Airbnb. At the same same time destinations for transnational time, the 2001 census shows that gentrifiers migrants in search of exciting lifestyle in this neighbourhood tended to be young opportunities (Benson and O’Reilly, 2009; professionals from Western Europe (Arbaci Huete and Mantecón, 2011b). This idea is and Tapada-Berteli, 2012). Our aim was to also at the heart of the overtourism debate. explore (1) how gentrification in a tourist Drawing on authors such as Urry and enclave has been related to migration flows; Larsen (2011), Milano et al. (2019) remind (2) why transnational migrants were attracted us that tourism is made and shaped by dif- to this area; and (3) the socio-spatial conse- ferent forms of mobilities and, accordingly, quences of the process, particularly how overtourism implies the influx of different long-term Spanish residents have been populations that are inherently mobile such affected by the overlap of transnational gen- as international students (Malet-Calvo, trification and tourism. To do so, we 2018) and digital nomads (McElroy, 2020). adopted a mixed method approach and used Furthermore, authors such as O’Reilly demographic analysis, participant observa- (2003, 2017) and Huete and Mantecón tion and in-depth interviews with both (2011a, 2013) show that, in destinations, migrants and long-term Spanish residents. migrants settle in tourism enclaves and share The results are presented in two sections. spaces and lifestyles with visitors rather than We first show that gentrifiers are young mixing with the host community. The paper professionals from Western Europe and demonstrates how, in Barcelona, transna- North America and then we reveal how tional migrants are attracted to areas of transnational gentrification and tourism intense tourism activity, which, therefore, coexist, suggesting that to understand 3028 Urban Studies 57(15) neighbourhood change in a tourist enclave incentives for real estate capital to direct we should assess how the impact of both new housing investment flows and rehabili- processes relate to each other, rather than tate housing for wealthier inhabitants. analysing them as separate phenomena. In However, rent gaps have been closed when the last section, we put our findings into the state and the real estate sector marketed conversation with the literatures on tourism places for consumers from more advanced and transnational gentrification and suggest economies. The attraction of an extra-local ideas for further research. demand is seen by developers to be neces- sary to stimulate local property markets and extract profits from urban space. Therefore, Transnational gentrification and in the explanation of transnational gentrifi- tourism. A view from Southern cation, unequal division of labour and trans- Europe national migration become central issues to It is useful to remember that ‘gentrification’ understanding the process. refers to the process of neighbourhood Within this framework, we want to change in which capital investment in the emphasise the role that tourism plays in housing market results in the displacement transnational gentrification, in terms of both of existing populations and the arrival of the explanation and the consequences of the newcomers with higher socio-economic sta- process. We argue that tourism is central to tus (Lees et al., 2008; Reese et al., 2010). understanding transnational gentrification Despite the different forms, geographies and particularly because it is in the context of temporalities of the process, gentrification is tourism marketing and development that by definition a process of socio-spatial migrants from the industrialised West relo- change that started when physically cate to less developed areas. We want to degraded working-class central areas were recall the links between lifestyle migration rehabilitated for the middle classes. Sigler and tourism. For both Sigler and and Wachsmuth (2016) and Hayes (2018, Wachsmuth (2016) and Hayes (2018, 2020) 2020) refer to transnational gentrification as transnational gentrifiers are lifestyle a process of neighbourhood change in which migrants, particularly retirees. Benson and the newcomers with higher socio-economic O’Reilly (2009) suggested the term ‘lifestyle status are migrants from the industrialised migration’ to refer to the relocation of peo- West who relocate to cities of less-developed ple within the developed world searching for regions. It is no coincidence that transna- a better way of life through transnational tional gentrification has been noted in per- migration. Lifestyle migration has been ipheral economies, particularly in Latin defined as a privileged form of mobility American cities (Hayes, 2018, 2020; where lifestyle and consumption opportuni- Janoschka et al., 2014; Navarrete Escobedo, ties, rather than work, appear to be the main 2020; Sigler and Wachsmuth, 2016) where motivations for migrating (Janoschka and the middle classes are far smaller than in the Haas, 2014). Much of the focus of lifestyle Global North and where there exists high migration research has been on international levels of informality in the labour market retirement migration from Northern Europe (Betancur, 2014). These cases refer to areas and North America to coastal and rural sites that suffered long-term disinvestment and in places such as the Mediterranean or Latin are inhabited by low-income residents, America (Benson, 2011; Hayes, 2015; Huete meaning that there is a rent gap between and Mantecón, 2011b; Huete et al., 2013; actual and potential returns which creates Janoschka, 2009; O’Reilly, 2017). We, Cocola-Gant and Lopez-Gay 3029 however, agree with King (2018) that the (Rofe, 2003). In other words, transnational lifestyle migration framework should also be gentrification and tourism will spatially applied to young people moving to cities. coexist and so an analysis that integrates There is a growing number of works that both processes is needed to understand how highlight how lifestyle migrants include peo- neighbourhood change occurs in such ple of all ages and, furthermore, show that places. There is a need to explore deeper the share of working-age people is growing how long-term residents experience neigh- (Benson and O’Reilly, 2018). Moreover, bourhood change when transnational there is an expanding literature that demon- migrants from advanced economies estab- strates how these young mobile populations lish themselves in areas that are already sub- are relocating to cities rather than to coastal ject to intense urban tourism activities. and rural sites (Griffiths and Maile, 2014; The mobility of young transnational Zaban, 2017, 2020). Nevertheless, the impor- migrants into urban tourism destinations tant point for us is that lifestyle migration and their role in gentrification processes is has been conceptualised as a form of particularly relevant in the context of tourism-informed mobility. The relationship Southern European cities. between lifestyle migration and tourism has Core–periphery hierarchies and differ- been highlighted by several authors who ences in income level occur within Europe as note how lifestyle migrants usually relocate well (Arbaci, 2019; Boatcă, 2016) and, in to tourist destinations (Benson and O’Reilly, this context, the state-led attracting of con- 2009; Huete and Mantecón, 2011b; O’Reilly, sumers from Northern Europe as a way of 2003; Williams and Hall, 2000). There is a boosting the real estate sector started as an significant relationship between tourism organised industry in the 1950s, particularly images and where lifestyle migrants wish to in Spain (Lefebvre, 1991; Murray-Mas, locate. Therefore, the marketing of places 2015). According to Lefebvre (1991: 353), in for tourism attracts transnational mobile Europe there were two kinds of regions: populations and not only visitors, which, as ‘regions exploited for the purpose of and by a result, means that it makes sense to assume means of production (of consumer goods), that the growth of urban tourism will be fol- and regions exploited for the purpose of and lowed by an increased number of young by means of the consumption of space’. This transnational migrants in urban centres. meant that Southern Europe was becoming Authors such as O’Reilly (2003, 2017) a ‘vacationland festival’ (Lefebvre, 1991: 58) and Huete and Mantecón (2011a, 2013) note for the Northern European middle classes. that lifestyle migrants settle in holiday areas, It is in the context of this spatial division of share spaces with visitors and, ultimately, labour that the lifestyle migration literature turn tourism into a way of life. These noted that the marketing of destinations authors show that the spaces consumed by focused not only on attracting tourists but lifestyle migrants and short-term visitors also new residents and second-home buyers. overlap while interaction with local popula- Although this process started in coastal des- tions is minimal. In cities, urban tourism tinations, since the 1980s, tourism has been scholars have stressed the spatial connection for many Mediterranean cities a central between visitors and a mobile cosmopolitan strategy in their restructuring towards a consuming class (Fainstein et al., 2003; Novy, post-industrial economy. Furthermore, such 2018) that recognises a middle-class sense of a strategy has been strengthened in recent place and feels comfortable in similar land- years, as the neoliberal answer to the 2008 scapes of consumption across the globe financial crisis has been further tourism 3030 Urban Studies 57(15) development (Mendes, 2018). In a period of and Scarnato, 2018; Smith, 2005). Smith increased young middle-class mobility across (2005) notes that while in the 1980s tourism Europe, the process is causing some was identified as one among several objec- Southern European destinations to become tives for Barcelona’s urban regeneration, melting pots of transnational mobile pop- after the economic crisis of the 1990s local ulations such as Erasmus students authorities saw tourism as the ‘easiest’ and a (Malet-Calvo, 2018), digital nomads and more direct way of attracting inward invest- professionals from more advanced econo- ment and consumers. Authors such as Smith mies who usually settle in centrally located (2005), Degen (2004) and Balibrea (2001) tourist areas. In Portugal, for instance, stress that the search for tourism growth together with tourist promotion, the state was implemented by a neoliberal process of has targeted transnational migrants by pro- deregulation and urban entrepreneurialism, viding them with fiscal benefits, and authors alongside place promotion, flagship build- show how tourism development overlaps ings and mega-events. The number of visitors with processes of migrant-led investment in started to grow from the mid-1990s and real estate (Montezuma and McGarrigle, increased further after the year 2000. During 2019) and transnational gentrification the early 2000s, authors already noted that (Carvalho et al., 2019). Carvalho et al. such a process resulted in the needs and satis- (2019) illustrate how Porto, where gentrifica- faction of tourists being prioritised over those tion had not taken place, can suddenly be of local residents, thus creating the first signs gentrified by a wave of visitors, transna- of discontent (Balibrea, 2001; Degen, 2004). tional migrants and international students, Furthermore, as a response to the 2008 eco- in a process in which real estate capital nomic crisis local authorities have promoted invests significantly in the services that these further tourism growth, this time in the age consumers use. In conclusion, we suggest of low-cost travel and Airbnb, resulting in that in the context of Southern European mass demonstrations organised by residents cites, tourism development also drives the that have been reported on by media from arrival of transnational migrants from more across the globe (Colomb and Novy, 2016). advanced economies that are able to gentrify This picture of tourism growth, prolifera- vibrant urban areas, particularly spaces that tion of short-term rentals and community are consumed by visitors. There is need, opposition has been depicted in Barcelona however, for a critical examination of the several times (Blanco-Romero et al., 2018; implications of how the blending of tourism Brandajs and Russo, 2019; Cocola-Gant, and migrants affects the places and commu- 2016; Mansilla and Milano, 2019; Nofre nities in which they settle. et al., 2018). It is less known, however, how gentrification occurs in the most touristic neighbourhoods of Barcelona: is there a pro- Case study and methodology cess of socio-spatial change that can be Barcelona is at present the most visited city defined as gentrification in these areas? The in Spain and the fourth most-visited city in main tourist enclave in the city is the historic Europe in terms of international visitors centre, the district of Ciutat Vella. It is an (Barcelona City Council, 2019). The contem- important heritage cluster, with large pedes- porary branding of Barcelona started in the trian and commercial areas, which is located 1980s and was part of a strategy of city on the seafront. Before the 1990s, the district restructuring in the transition to a post- of Ciutat Vella was one of the poorest areas industrial economy (Balibrea, 2001; Russo of Barcelona. It has been the residential area Cocola-Gant and Lopez-Gay 3031 Figure 1. Number of tourist beds per 100 inhabitants in the 73 neighbourhoods of Barcelona, 2018. Source: own elaboration from data collected by Sales (2019). Includes all beds offered in hotels, hostels and tourist apartments. of the working-class and low-income immi- disinvestment and thus potential financial grant populations since the mid-19th century returns if housing was rehabilitated for and experienced a long-term process of capi- wealthier inhabitants; expected real estate tal disinvestment in its built environment. investment because of state-led regeneration During the 1970s, the crisis of deindustriali- projects and also because of the liberalisa- sation led to an increase in poverty, unem- tion of the rental market. In this context, ployment, drug abuse and marginal authors noted that some areas of Ciutat activities in this area. In such a context, in Vella started to experience gentrification at 1986 the whole district was declared an the end of the 1980s and particularly during ‘Area of Integral Rehabilitation’. In addi- the 1990s (Alabart and López, 1996; Arbaci tion, in 1985 the government changed the and Tapada-Berteli, 2012). Importantly, regulations that permitted lifetime tenancies Arbaci and Tapada-Berteli (2012) linked and in 1994 it was decided that tenancy gentrification with transnational migration agreements could last for a maximum of five and noted how since the late 1990s gentri- years. Nonetheless, in 2000 half of tenancy fiers were migrants from Western Europe. agreements in Ciutat Vella had been estab- However, an exploration of this issue in lished before 1985 and so had guaranteed detail has not been undertaken before. lifetime tenancies (Fiori, 2010). Our research focuses on the Gòtic neigh- Consequently, the area presented the typical bourhood, one of the four boroughs of pre-conditions for gentrification to happen: Ciutat Vella (Figure 1). Roughly 16,000 resi- a central location within the city; a working- dents inhabit the area. It is the oldest part of class and elderly population; long-term the city and home to several iconic buildings 3032 Urban Studies 57(15) including the cathedral and Royal Palace included gender, age, nationality (place of (Cocola-Gant, 2014). Since the end of the birth), status of residence (homeowners or 1990s, the growth of tourism experienced in tenants) and the number of years living in Barcelona has significantly impacted this the area. Among the residents, 16 were neighbourhood. Figure 1 shows that the Western Europeans and Americans whose Gòtic neighbourhood is the most touristified ages ranged from 35 to 50 years old. The area of Barcelona. Taking into consideration other 26 residents were Spanish individuals the 64 hotels, 50 hostels and 1194 Airbnb who were between 30 and 81 years of age. listings that existed in the neighbourhood in The snowball effect provided us the possibil- 2018, the consequence is that there are 71 ity to contact residents who had lived in the beds offered to tourists per 100 inhabitants, area for more than 25 years. Their experi- meaning that the intensity of tourism in the ences were important to understand the evo- area is substantially higher when compared lution of the neighbourhood, together with with the rest of the city.1 the way in which they have adapted over Our research adopted a mixed-methods time to such changes. Furthermore, we approach. First, we examined socio- asked migrants about their motivations demographic shifts and migration flows behind settling in Barcelona and in the between 1991 and 2016. We used the Gòtic neighbourhood in particular. The Spanish Population Census (1991, 2001 and migrants that we interviewed lived in 2011) and the Population Register, which Barcelona on a permanent basis and had offers data annually from 1998. Second, we arrived in the city between the late-1990s conducted participant observation for a year and 2010. to get involved in the community and to develop relationships with residents – both Spanish and migrants. As tourism and gen- Transnational gentrifiers trification represent a central point of com- Because in its classic form gentrification is munity stress and tension, residents and understood as the displacement of low- different grassroot associations usually orga- skilled individuals – particularly the elderly nise talks, meetings and workshops about – and of those typically employed in manual these issues. Participant observation in such functions by new young residents with activities was a key source of information as higher educational levels who are employed they were places in which people had the in the professional and managerial service chance to express their concerns about the sectors, our first step was to explore whether changes taking place in the neighbourhood. this process took place in the Gòtic neigh- Finally, we conducted 42 in-depth interviews bourhood. We analysed the censuses of with residents living in the area and 14 inter- 1991, 2001 and 2011 and found that the area views with key informants such as officials, has changed from being inhabited by an shopkeepers and real estate consultants. older and less well-educated population into Participant observation was an important a place dominated by young adults with uni- tool for recruiting informants. From this versity degrees and professional occupa- starting point, respondents were asked to tions. For instance, in 1991, 25% of young recruit another contact, thus triggering a adults (20–34 years) had a university degree snowballing effect. We recruited a cross- while in 2011 the proportion was 65%. section of respondents to give voice to differ- These changes in educational level can only ent types of individuals living in the area for be understood by the arrival of newcomers. at least five years. The variables used We found that population restructuring in Cocola-Gant and Lopez-Gay 3033 Figure 2. Population structure of the Gòtic neighbourhood by place of birth, 1998–2016. Source: Population Register, 1998–2016. this case has been notably linked to the arri- foreign-born individuals who represent 65% val of young transnational migrants since of this age group. The proportion of the end of the 1990s, particularly Western Western Europeans is particularly high. This Europeans and North Americans. In 2011, origin, together with North Americans, rep- European and North American residents of resents 60% of the foreign-born population all age groups had the highest rates of uni- in this age group. Among Western European versity education compared with other residents, French, British, German, Italian nationalities. and Swedish are the most common national- We have analysed the Population ities. The presence of Europeans and North Register in order to examine in more detail Americans is very low among elderly resi- how transnational migration has had a cen- dents, which suggests that the arrival of indi- tral effect on the population restructuring of viduals from those places is not related to the area. We did this because the Population retirement migration. Register offers information with regards to In contrast, the proportion of young annual population changes since 1998. adults from the local population is extremely Using this source, we constructed the popu- low. By local population, we mean residents lation pyramid of the area between 1998 and born within the province of Barcelona. 2016 (Figure 2). A significant characteristic These people only represent 17% of the pop- to be noted is the change from being a neigh- ulation in the 25–39 age group. This is an bourhood predominantly inhabited by unusual feature of the city considering that elderly residents into a place in which the for the rest of the municipality this figure is majority of residents are young adults. The 48%. It seems that the area is attractive for population over 65 years has fallen by 50% transnational migrants but not for locals or while the 25 to 39 age group now forms the residents from the rest of Spain. A central main portion of the population pyramid. finding is that, when assessing all age Importantly, the increase in the population groups, the Gòtic neighbourhood has lost aged 25–39 is primarily due to the arrival of 4000 Spanish residents since 1998 and has 3034 Urban Studies 57(15) Figure 3. Proportion of population born in Europe and North America by census tract (1068 units). Source: Population Register, January 2017. gained 5000 foreign nationals. Furthermore, process of housing rehabilitation that dis- migration flows for the period 2011–2016 placed the indigenous residents, particularly show that 75% of individuals arriving in the elderly tenants, and that is still ongoing in Gòtic neighbourhood are foreign citizens. the South part of the neighbourhood. The area is therefore attractive to transna- According to the Barcelona Sociodemographic tional residents, while in contrast Spanish Survey (Barcelona City Council, 2017), the individuals have been progressively moving proportion of homeowners in the Gòtic area out. Crucially, in Figure 3 we show that the is only 27.4%, while the average in Gòtic neighbourhood is the area of Barcelona is 58.9%. Furthermore, social Barcelona with the highest proportion of housing in the area is almost non-existent. European and North American residents. This means that most residents are tenants When this is compared with Figure 1, it indi- and that people access housing via the pri- cates that transnational migrants from vate rental market. Residents describe how advanced economies locate themselves in elderly tenants were forced to move through areas of intense tourism activity. means of harassment and intimidation. The question of displacement was a cen- Especially important was the process of tral issue mentioned by both migrants and deliberate degradation as unsafe living con- Spanish residents. Participants agreed that ditions were the only ‘legal’ means of evict- the arrival of young transnational migrants ing lifetime tenants. A French resident said: since the late 1990s has been linked to a ‘I saw how the elderly tenants were evicted Cocola-Gant and Lopez-Gay 3035 to prepare flats for people like me.’ an exciting place. For instance, a Swiss law- Similarly, another resident describes the his- yer explains that she had professional tory of his apartment building as follows: opportunities in various cities but she chose Barcelona because ‘everybody knows that In 1990 all my neighbours were lifetime this is a fantastic place’. Second, participants tenants and I have seen how each time one of suggest that the provision of leisure facilities, them moved out, the landlord refurbished the nightlife, culture, architecture, as well as the flat for professionals, of which 60% are weather and the cost of living are key pull Europeans at present. factors. The leisure-led regeneration of Barcelona and the creation of a ‘fun’ city Therefore, neighbourhood change in this that has been linked to the growth of tour- case mirrors examples of classical gentrifica- ism (Russo and Scarnato, 2018) have also tion, that is, housing rehabilitation for been successful in attracting transnational middle-class professionals that involved the migrants. An important conclusion of this is displacement of low-educated elderly resi- that the consolidation of transnational gen- dents (Lees et al., 2008). However, the fact trification in the Gòtic area is a consequence that gentrifiers are transnational migrants of the construction of Barcelona as a tourist that settle in an area of intense tourism destination. The expansion of tourism and activity raises several questions that should transnational gentrification went hand-in- be clarified: who are these migrants? How hand. This is because the symbolic power of does neighbourhood change occur when images – that are so important in aiding transnational gentrification and tourism tourism – also facilitated the arrival of trans- coexist? In what follows, we present the national gentrifiers. results of our interviews and reveal why gen- All our transnational participants were trification, in this case, needs to be linked to within the working-age range and employed regional inequality and the role of tourism in professional occupations. However, they in attracting mobile populations. all stated that they were attracted to Barcelona because of lifestyle choices. In Tourism, lifestyle migration and recent years, the technological and creative the formation of ‘foreign only’ sectors have significantly grown in Barcelona and it has been suggested that the enclaves arrival of high-skilled transnational migrants Our findings show that the locational deci- is linked to the growth of such sectors (Coll- sions of transnational migrants should be Martı́nez et al., 2019; Lopez-Gay, 2018). seen as a form of tourism-informed mobility. Notwithstanding, our participants settled in We have found two key factors to explain Barcelona in the past two decades and why migrants have moved to Barcelona: among them we did not find a single case in place promotion and opportunities for lei- which they moved to Barcelona because of sure activities and consumption. First, inter- the attractiveness of job opportunities. Most views with European and North American of them do not rely on the local labour mar- residents show that the representation of ket and had a job, or capital, before settling Barcelona, socially organised by the tourism in the city. We found three main profes- industry, marketed ideals about the place sional categories among migrants: (1) free- that influenced their decision to migrate. All lancers whose clients are in their country of participants stated that prior to their move origin; (2) small entrepreneurs who accumu- they had an understanding of Barcelona as lated capital before moving to the city and 3036 Urban Studies 57(15) who have invested in real estate and tourism but, at the same time, residents are increas- services, mainly holiday rentals; and (3) pro- ingly mobile and so form a transient popula- fessionals such as architects and designers tion. An Italian resident who settled in who settled in Barcelona to open their own Barcelona in 2008 stated: businesses. We found two cases of profes- sionals working in transnational corpora- When I arrived, it was easy for me to find a tions who stated that they had professional place to live in the Gòtic area. I think it was opportunities in different cities but chose to because here there is an informal letting mar- ket for transient foreigners. When you arrive, be transferred to Barcelona because of life- you do not have a payslip to show to the land- style opportunities. lord nor references nor any kind of document. The gap between the purchasing power of So, it is very difficult to do a formal tenancy migrants and that of the local population is agreement. But landlords are willing to rent to a central issue in terms of explaining gentri- transient people because in these conditions fication in this case. The issue of unequal you do not mind paying high rents. income structures was evident during the interviews and, regarding housing markets, The coexistence of transnational gentrifica- we found a clear difference in the perspective tion and tourism means that migrants are of migrants and Spanish residents. On the privileged consumers of housing in an area one hand, migrants found Barcelona a cheap in which apartment buildings have been place to live in and indeed, for many, increasingly converted into accommodation Barcelona was a good place to invest in for visitors. As a result, housing mainly terms of real estate. In fact, a number of caters to the needs of foreigners, leaving migrants stated that an important reason Spanish residents feeling excluded. As behind moving to Barcelona was the oppor- demonstrated in Figure 1, the supply of both tunity to buy a house in the historic centre: hotels and holiday rentals is highly concen- ‘I will not be here all my life, but the price of trated in the Gòtic area. Therefore, a large my house will always increase’, as one proportion of the housing stock is used by French woman stated. On the other hand, visitors as short-term accommodation while Spanish participants felt increasingly transnational migrants are frequently the excluded. As one resident stated, ‘if you people that have better options in accessing want to buy a house to live in you actually the remaining housing stock in the market have to compete against people that for us for long-term occupation. From the perspec- are super-rich’. Additionally, the difference tive of long-term residents, housing in the in purchasing capacity is reinforced because neighbourhood has been appropriated by of the transient nature of some migrants and tourism and by consumers from wealthier other mobile transnational populations, economies. One interviewee stated that, ‘This such as international students and digital neighbourhood will be a place for wealthy nomads, who are willing to pay high rents. migrants from the North.’ The feeling is that According to the Population Register, more only visitors and foreign consumers from than half (51.3%) of all residents in the countries better positioned in the global divi- Gòtic area moved to the city in the past five sion of labour will be able to access housing. years. In-migration and out-migration rates The expression, ‘foreigners have taken our are, respectively, 1.8 and 2.0 times higher in homes’, has been used by several partici- the Gòtic neighbourhood than the city’s pants. This indicates a sense of frustration average. This indicates that the attractive- because long-term residents are unable to ness of the area for new residents is high confront structural global inequalities. Cocola-Gant and Lopez-Gay 3037 We have followed economic explanations retirees, with minimal interaction with of gentrification-induced displacement that Spanish individuals. Moreover, the authors derive from the purchasing gap between note that because retirees form a non- both groups – Spanish residents and permanent population, social interaction migrants. However, tourism and lifestyle with Spanish residents is more difficult. choices are central to understanding the Similarly, O’Reilly (2003, 2017) stressed that impacts of transnational gentrification migrants do not identify themselves as tour- beyond housing market dynamics. The tour- ists, despite living in a holiday space and istic atmosphere existing in the area is a key having touristic lifestyles. element in explaining why the presence of Our findings reveal that a similar process transnational migrants in the Gòtic neigh- occurs in the centre of Barcelona, thus lead- bourhood is particularly high while the pro- ing to the formation of dual social structures portion of young Spanish adults living in the within the same neighbourhood. While lan- area has been significantly reduced. Our guage ability does contribute to segregation, findings reveal that transnational migrants we also found two other central points. tend to settle in the Gòtic area because they First, the sense of migrant integration in a feel more comfortable living alongside tour- tourist area is explained by the sort of leisure ism and sharing spaces with visitors and facilities that they find in the neighbour- other transnational migrants. An American hood. In particular, the provision of cafes businessman who invested in the short-term and restaurants catering to transnational rental market explains: consumers rather than to local residents is an important point. In such places, English I moved to Barcelona in the 1990s and lived in is the main language and they serve food and Sant Gervasi [a middle-class suburb]. But drinks that have more to do with standards there I felt that I was a tourist. I was the only marked by transnational lifestyles than with American. I didn’t like it, so I moved to the Spanish culture. The truth is that transna- Gòtic area. Here there are more people like tional migrants coexist with visitors and me, and I feel more integrated. other transient users, such as international students, in similar places. Importantly, the It has been argued that rather than mixing spaces frequented by visitors and transna- with local communities, lifestyle migrants tional migrants are the places that long-term need to be with people from similar back- Spanish residents usually avoid. As a partici- grounds (Zaban, 2015). Focusing on the pant explains, Spanish Mediterranean coast, Huete and Mantecón (2011a, 2013) explored how the bars are not a reference point for us anymore arrival of Northern European retirees because the people you meet there are precisely resulted in socio-spatial segregation and the the people that you want to escape from. They formation of dual social structures. They sell ‘brunch’ and things that are not for us. found that socio-cultural practices inextric- ably hinder the interaction between Spanish Second, the lack of interaction is related to and Northern European residents. The lack the fact that migrants are predominantly of integration is partially explained by lan- mobile as previously mentioned. As a long- guage abilities but, additionally, because of term resident explains, ‘those who move in a lifestyle in which the need to establish disappear before you even try to get to know social relationships is achieved in leisure them. It is very difficult to interact with tran- spaces with other Northern European sient people.’ In fact, for long-term residents 3038 Urban Studies 57(15) it is increasingly problematic to distinguish gentrification has taken place in the Gòtic whether transnational migrants are tourists neighbourhood of Barcelona. Our findings or not. Migrants are seen as ‘permanent suggest that these three processes are linked tourists’ rather than as part of the commu- to each other and, accordingly, we should nity. A resident explains that there are no bring them into conversation to make sense holiday apartments in his building but that, of how tourism drives neighbourhood instead, change, particularly in the context of Southern European cities. We have exempli- we have ‘semi-holiday apartments’. They are fied a case of gentrification which, to a cer- from France, Germany, UK, etc., and appar- tain extent, can be considered a classic ently they live here but we do not have any manifestation of the process; that is, in the contact with them. They speak their language context of a neighbourhood that experienced and have a different social life. They live here long-term disinvestment, housing has been but they are not my neighbours. rehabilitated for highly educated middle- The fact that transnational migrants feel class newcomers who displaced working- more integrated in a tourist area leads to the class residents, particularly the elderly. formation of ‘foreign only’ enclaves that are However, the main group of gentrifiers are not attractive to Spanish residents. We transnational migrants, rather than local referred to how housing mainly caters to the middle classes. In fact, Spanish residents needs of visitors and transnational migrants; have been moving away and the area is now however, leisure and meeting spaces in the appropriated by transnational migrants and area have been appropriated by foreigners visitors. In relation to this, we found that from wealthier economies too; with little transnational migration in this case is a form interaction between them and Spanish indi- of tourism-informed mobility and, in fact, not viduals. Our findings suggest that the impact only are migrants attracted to a tourist desti- of transnational gentrification, in this case, nation but they also gravitate towards particu- is driven by both the divergence in the pur- lar areas to maintain tourist lifestyles and to chasing power of migrants as well as the dif- feel more comfortable by sharing spaces with ference in lifestyle choices between them and visitors. The spatial practices of lifestyle Spanish residents. The coexistence of transna- migrants and tourists coexist and we have tional migration and tourism means that long- shown that this has had a significant impact term residents have been increasingly pre- on the population restructuring of a neigh- vented from accessing housing and excluded bourhood impacted by tourism. It is crucial from an area that they see as being appro- for us to emphasise, on the one hand, how the marketing of cities for tourism is a key driver priated by privileged foreigners – both visitors of transnational gentrification; and on the and migrants. This combination of economic other hand, that recent research concerned and cultural factors explains why the area has with the impacts of tourism in urban areas has lost 4000 Spanish residents and gained 5000 mainly focused on the proliferation of short- transnational individuals in the last 15 years. term rentals and the effects of visitors as con- sumers of places – but such a perspective does Concluding remarks not provide a full picture of the process. The role of migrants as gentrifiers in tourist areas This paper has shown how tourism and the should also be taken into consideration in resulting leisure-led migration are key ele- order to have a better understanding of tour- ments in understanding how transnational ism as an agent of neighbourhood change. Cocola-Gant and Lopez-Gay 3039 Therefore, the development of transna- (Sigler and Wachsmuth, 2016: 706). The tional gentrification and tourism, as well as result is capital investment in hotels, holiday their impacts, cannot be separated from each rentals, housing for transnational mobile other and a view that integrates them is populations, accommodation for interna- needed. Papers in this Special Issue (Jover tional students, and second homes. What we and Dı́az-Parra, 2020; Sequera and Nofre, suggest is to further explore how all these 2020) argue that the socio-spatial impacts of elements taking place at the same time result tourism essentially produce a different pro- in a process in which often centrally located cess than gentrification, suggesting that historic areas are gentrified by tourism, ‘touristification’ is a more accurate concept meaning that space is produced for transient to use. The argument of these papers is that visitors and transnational populations while tourism produces displacement of residents long-term local residents are displaced. but not gentrification in the sense that an Furthermore, this kind of urban change is excessive growth of tourism is somehow likely to occur in peripheries of pleasure and incompatible with residential uses and so it is not a coincidence that the papers of this middle-class residents will not move into Special Issue that in one way or another link these areas. Our findings contradict these transnational gentrification with tourism arguments and we have shown how the most refer to cases from Latin America and touristified area of Barcelona is, at the same Southern Europe (Hayes, 2020; Jover and time, attractive to new residents. In the Dı́az-Parra, 2020; Navarrete Escobedo, Gòtic neighbourhood, the in-migration rate 2020; Sequera and Nofre, 2020). Both is 1.8 times higher than the city’s average regions are subject to similar core–periphery and new residents are young professionals relationships that lead to a spatial division of with purchasing power superior to that of labour in which they provide leisure services the residents they displace. Then, the area for consumers from wealthier economies. has experienced a process of gentrification. We have shown how transnational mobile As a result, we suggest that bringing tour- populations, visitors and migrants alike, ism, transnational migration and gentrifica- coexist and consume similar environments, tion into conversation is crucial, rather than leading to the formation of ‘foreign-only analysing them as separate phenomena. In enclaves’ that exclude the local community understanding tourism as an agent of urban in terms of housing affordability issues and change, the important point for us is to con- cultural practices. By exploring the perspec- sider that tourism destinations are destina- tives of long-term residents, the paper has tions for an array of transnational mobile offered a critical understanding of the socio- populations including visitors, but also spatial impacts of the process and highlights young professionals, international students, why these two issues are mechanisms of digital nomads and other young transient exclusion. First, in a context in which hous- people who want to have an exciting experi- ing has turned into hotels and holiday ence during their transition into adulthood. rentals, the remaining stock available for As a result of unequal income structures and long-term occupation tends to be rented by the fact that transient users are willing to transnational mobile populations. Second, pay high rents for short stays, this interna- the effects of the process go beyond the tional demand allows developers to extract inability of residents to access housing, by profits from urban space ‘in markets where creating an exclusion process marked by the such possibilities would not have otherwise differences in lifestyles between long-term existed on the basis of local demand alone’ residents and transnational mobile 3040 Urban Studies 57(15) populations. In Barcelona, while transna- References tional populations feel comfortable along- Alabart A and López C (1996) L’evolució de les side tourism, Spanish residents see the professions dels barcelonins: Gentrificació i transformation of the area as something that polarització. Barcelona Societat 6: 4–18. does not cater for them and, indeed, that Arbaci S (2019) Paradoxes of Segregation: Hous- should be avoided. 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