This is the accepted version of the journal article:
Giralt, Sebastià. «The times and stars for ruling a kingdom : the tractat de les
eleccions by bartomeu de tresbens. A study and edition». Mediaeval Studies,
Vol. 82 (2020), p. 79-148. 70 pàg.


This version is available at https://ddd.uab.cat/record/279316

under the terms of the            license
              THE TIMES AND STARS FOR RULING A KINGDOM:
        THE TRACTAT DE LES ELECCIONS BY BARTOMEU DE TRESBENS.
                         A STUDY AND EDITION1


The Tractat de les eleccions (“Treatise on elections”) is a short text dedicated to
Pere the Ceremonious, King of Aragon, on the branch of astrology focused on
determining the moments best suited to performing an action. It is the only one of
three brief astrological treatises by Bartomeu de Tresbens that is fully conserved in
the MS XXI, Ripoll, Biblioteca Lambert Mata. The fourth work by the same author
that has been preserved is the substantial Llibre de les nativitats (“Book of
nativities”), which is incomplete in this codex but has been conserved in its entirety
in MS 411 Paris, BnF Espagnol. Three out of the four Tresbens’s extant treatises,
all in Catalan, are dedicated to the main branches of judiciary astrology: elections,
nativities –chart casts for the moment of birth-- and interrogations –inquiries about
individual matters. Such a trifold approach was well rooted in the Arabic
astrological tradition, in which these three branches were often developed in
specific parts of comprehensive introductions into astrology or in monographic
treatises. Instead, a particular application of astrology --also included in general
compendia translated from Arabic into Latin but rarely elaborated by a Latin or
vernacular author in a specific treatise-- was discussed in his booklet on treasure
hunting. With such a wide collection Trebens showed greater ambition than any
other medieval astrological author in a European vernacular language2. While the
Llibre de les nativitats was first edited about sixty years ago by Joan Vernet and
David Romano,3 the three short treatises remained unpublished and almost
completely neglected. It is only very recently that the study and edition has been
embarked upon, starting with the Libel d’investigació de tresors (“Booklet of
research for treasures”),4 and now followed here with the Tractat de les eleccions
and soon to come is the Tractat de les interrogacions (“Treatise on
interrogations”)5.



1
  This article is a result of Frances A. Yates Short-term Fellowship “Astrology in the service of
power: Bartomeu de Tresbens’s brief astrological treatises dedicated to King Pere the Ceremonious
of Aragon” at the Warburg Institute, the research project funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science,
Innovation and Universities FFI2014-53050-C5-2-P “Corpus digital de Arnau de Vilanova: filosofía
y ciencia en la Corona de Aragón (siglos XIII-XIV)” and PID2019-104308GB-I00 "Arnau de
Vilanova Digital", as well as the “Grup de recerca consolidat de Cultura i Literatura a la Baixa Edat
Mitjana” (AGAUR 2017 SGR 142). I thank Lluís Cifuentes, Carmel Ferragud, Lola Badia, Nicolas
Weill-Parot, Charles Burnett and Raquel Parera for their help.
2
  Sebastià Giralt, “Astrology in the service of the Crown: Bartomeu de Tresbens, physician and
astrologer to King Pere the Ceremonious of Aragon,” Journal of Medieval History, 44/1, 104-29.
3
  Bartomeu de Tresbens, Tractat d’astrologia, ed. J. Vernet and D. Romano (Barcelona, 1957-1958).
4
  Sebastià Giralt, “Astrologia per a la recerca de tresors: el Libel d'investigació de tresors de
Bartomeu de Tresbens,” eHumanista/IVITRA 14 (2018), 761-793.
5
  Sebastià Giralt, “El Tractat de les interrogacions de Bartomeu de Tresbens. Estudi i edició”
(forthcoming). Although incompletely preserved, this treatise seems to have been originally longer
than the Tractat de les eleccions, since the table of contents lists 36 chapters belonging to the former
and 35 to the latter, but considerably shorter than the Llibre de les nativitats (77,5 ff.). According to
my calculations, it might be about 24 fols. long.
                                                   1
THE MANUSCRIPT
Upon its examination, the Ripoll manuscript reveals to contain almost exclusively
astronomical-astrological writings related to Pere the Ceremonious, the four by
Tresbens and the Tables of King Pere6. MS Ripoll, Biblioteca Lambert Mata, XXI
(hereinafter R) has 173 paper folios (291 x 215 mm). Fols. 1 and 23-30 underwent
mutilation with a resulting loss of text, along with some of the blank fols. (21v, 23r-
28v, 69v, 98v-111v, 121r-122v, 128v, 148v, 149v, 164v-165v) and the one that
came after fol. 173, which was cut out. However, some rests of the marginalia of
the folio that was cut out have been conserved and it apparently belongs to the Libel
d’investigacions de tresors (“Booklet of research for treasures”). Blank fols. appear
between different works (in 69v, 149v, 164v-165v), two different copies of the
same work (in 121r-122v) or different parts of works (in 128v, 148v). Nevertheless,
the longest series of blank fols. (98v-111v) are likely due to the incompleteness of
the Tractat de les interrogacions: it seems to have been copied from a defective
antigraph, but the leaves necessary to finish the transcription were left empty to
allow to end it if possible.7 Finally, the blank fols. 23r-28v, which are mutilated, are
more difficult to justify, because they happen in the middle of the Llibre de les
nativitats.
The codex has been dated by BITECA to the third quarter of the 15th century based
on the handwriting and the watermarks. It was written by two different hands. The
first copied nearly the entire manuscript, with only fols. 123-149 showing the
handwriting of a second scribe. Most of the codex is taken up by Tresbens’ treatises,
except for the Taules del rei En Pere (“The Tables of King Pere”), with their canons
copied twice (112r-120v, 123r-149r), and two brief consecutive formulas to find
the ascendant at the time of birth, the first of which is in Latin (fols. 163r-163v) and
the other in Catalan (fols. 163v-164r). R transmits all the works of Tresbens that
have been preserved: Llibre de les nativitats, fols. 1r-85v, with fols. 1r-v and 23r-
30v being mutilated8; the Tractat de les interrogacions, fols. 86r-98r; the Tractat
de les eleccions, fols. 150r-162v; and the Libel d'investigació de tresors, fols. 166r-
173v. Out of all of the treatises, only two have been clearly attributed to Tresbens:



6
  The manuscript was firstly described by Vernet and Romano in the introduction to Tresbens,
Tractat d’astrologia, 25-34. More recent and fuller descriptions are found in Gemma Avenoza,
Lourdes Soriano and Vicenç Beltran, dir., BITECA. Bibliografia de textos catalans antics, 1989-
2020, < http://bancroft.berkeley.edu/philobiblon/biteca_ca.html >, manid 2114 [accessed 8 April
2020], and in Lluís Cifuentes, coord., Sciència.cat DB, Barcelona, 2012-2020.
<http://www.sciencia.cat/db/scienciacat-db.htm>, ms459 (accessed 8 April 2020). R was used for
the edition of the Catalan text of the Tables of King Pere: Josep Maria Millàs Vallicrosa, Las Tablas
astronómicas del Rey Don Pedro el Ceremonioso (Madrid-Barcelona, 1962), 121-238. My
description is based on the records of BITECA and Sciencia.cat, which agree essentially. I checked
their data by examining the manuscript both directly and via a digital copy.
7
  Giralt, “El Tractat de les interrogacions”.
8
  As a consequence, excluding the general table of contents, which is placed between the preface
and chapter 1 (f. 1r-2v), long fragments of the Llibre de les nativitats copied in R are missing in ff.
1r (preface), 29rv and 30rv (chapter 14), while the mutilated ff. 23-26 were blank. Hence, there are
two leaves and a half severely damaged and 74 entirely left, including the f. 21, which has been cut
out only to add a table.
                                                  2
the Llibre de les nativitats, just as it is in the Paris manuscript; and the Libel
d’investigació de tresors, the first and the last of the series.
Therefore, in the only known copy, the Tractat de les eleccions remains
anonymous, but its placement within the manuscript and several references made
to it in the Llibre de les nativitats, in which the author is named, and one reference
in the Tractat de les interrogacions demonstrate that the entire collection is by the
same writer: Bartomeu de Tresbens. Other evidence strengthens the attribution to
Tresbens: all are dedicated to the king (though Pere is not referred to by name in
the Tractat de les interrogacions), as well as the coherence of doctrine, style,
language and sources. Other common features are the way the author uses his
sources – sometimes critical or nuanced – and the inclusion of a few cases from his
own practice as an astrologer. Tresbens’ four works form a set well defined by
cross-references and by the desire to provide an overview of astrology. Indeed, in
three of his writings Tresbens offers the fundamentals of astrological doctrine in
Catalan in three key areas: nativities, interrogations and elections. Nevertheless, his
contribution focuses on those aspects that may interest his audience, kings and
nobles, especially in the last two treatises. However, he does not limit himself to
the basics of astrology, but also discusses more specialised areas in the Libel
d’investigació de tresors and other writings mentioned as past or future projects.


A table of the contents is inserted in the preface of the Llibre de les nativitats (R, ff.
1r-2v). It has been immensely valuable in helping us to understand the conception,
the origin and the texts collected in the manuscript, because, as noted by Cifuentes,9
it lists subjects that are addressed not only by this work but in all the writings by
Tresbens included in this codex. On one hand, its presence suggests that most of R
lies in a collection of works on astrology by Tresbens and that it was probably
conceived by the author himself, according to Cifuentes. On the other hand, this
table supplies us with valuable information about the lost content of Tresbens’
works. It gives us a list of chapters or subjects from the Tractat de les
interrogacions. In total there are 36, of which only two have remained, the second
including a long section on general rules. Additionally, a preface, in which technical
instructions are displayed for the astrologer, has also been preserved. However, the
table clearly shows that most of the book has been lost.10 Finally, the table also
allows us to know that there is an opuscule that has not survived, the Mirall de Plató
(“Plato’s Mirror”), which is also mentioned in the final lines of the Tractat de les
eleccions (§90). It was located at the end of the manuscript but was lost with the
disappearance of the final folios.
With regard to the Tractat de les eleccions, the table of contents was very useful for
the edition of this work to provide titles for the chapters. Effectively, the text of the
treatise reached our days with clues of where the division into chapters should be.
There are empty spaces for the initials with guide letters but without any titles,
except in the second chapter, in which it has been maintained. The same thing

9
    Cifuentes, Sciència.cat, ms459.
10
    Giralt, “El Tractat de les interrogacions”.
                                                  3
occurs in the rest of Tresbens’ treatises present in R, with the exception of the first
and second chapters of the Llibre de les nativitats. On the contrary, in the canons
of the Taules del rei En Pere, the initials and chapter titles appear written in red.
However, for the Tractat de les eleccions, the contents of the chapters whose start
is marked by the guide letters almost always correspond to the items in the table of
contents. Therefore, I am able to use them as chapter titles, even though there is no
way to be sure that they coincide with the original titles. In fact, in the case of the
Libel d’investigacions de tresors, the items in the table do not match the chapters
listed at the beginning of the treatise.11 For the Llibre de les nativitats, the items do
not match the titles present in the Paris manuscript, except for the first. If we
compare the titles of this work present in the Paris codex with the two corresponding
ones preserved in R, we can see that they are not exactly the same, but are close
enough to lead us to believe the titles in the Parisian codex are reasonably faithful
to the original ones.12 Such divergences between the titles which are found through
the text and the items of the table of contents, even when they are in the same
manuscript, might indicate that the table of contents was not derived from Tresbens
himself, as Cifuentes suggests, but it was due to a careless work of a later scribe.
The placement of the table of the Tresbens’s works in the preface of the Llibre de
les nativitats is another hint in the same direction.
In the text of R there are clues that it was corrected by the copying scribe himself,
at times with a different support manuscript than the antigraph, as we can gather
from the fact that said correction are indicated with the word àlias.13
THE TRACTAT DE LES ELECCIONS WITHIN TRESBENS’ CAREER
Thanks to recent studies based on the documentation regarding Tresbens, which is
mainly kept in the Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó (Archive of the Crown of Aragon,
ACA), and the few autobiographical references in his works we now know more
about the course of this outstanding astrologer’s life.14 His origins in the County of
Foix recently arose from various indications. First, the surname Tresbens coincides
with a name of a small village very close to Foix. Second, there are clear

11
   The text was divided in eight chapters, the last two of which are lost: I. “Si és lo loch estimat la
substància amagada”, II. “Si és cosa preciosa de valor o vil”, III. “Si és vell o antich”, IV. “Si molt
o poch o gran o petit”, V: “Si·s porà trobar”, VI. “Lo loch e la part punctual on és”, VII. “Si és sobre
terra o dejús”. VIII. “Si és fort pregon o alt”. See the text edited in Giralt, “Astrologia per a la recerca
de tresors”. Instead, the table of contents (R fol. 2v) only gives three different items: “Encercar
maneres de tresors. Encomanar tresors. Encercar e desterrar tresors amagats”.
12
   First chapter: “Capítol de la nativitat del nat e de la perfecció o imperfectió si vendrà a perfet
temps o edat de nodriment lo nat” (R, fol. 3r) / “Capítol primer, qui parle de la nativitat del nat e de
la perfecció o imperfecció si vindrà a perfet temps o edat de nodriment lo nat” (MS 411 Paris, BnF
Espagnol, fol. 1v) / Table of contents (R, fol. 1r): “Primerament de la nativitat e de la perfectió o
imperfectió si vendrà a perfet temps o edat de nodriment lo nat”. Third chapter: “Lo terç capítol de
l'encercament del loch de la vida e de so donador, so és de l'yleg e de l'alcocodén” (R fol. 6v) /
“Capítol 3, qui mostra lo sercament del lloch de la vida e de son donador, so és lo yleig” (MS 411
Paris, BnF Espagnol, fol. 4v) / Two different items in the table of contents: “Del senyor de la vida
elegir que és yleg” and “De la quantitat de la vida, que és alcocodén”.
13
   See notes 76 and 115 below.
14
   See a biographical approximation and the edition of the known documentation: Carmel Ferragud
– Sebastià Giralt, “Bartomeu de Tresbens, metge i astròleg de Pere el Cerimoniós: aproximació
biogràfica i diplomatari,” Magnificat: Cultura i Literatura Medievals 6 (2019), 113-163.
                                                     4
Occitanisms in the Catalan he uses in the works preserved in R15. Then, the
autobiographical references present in the Libel d’investigació de tresors place him
within the service of Gaston de Lévis, lord of Léran, in Languedoc. He was
probably born in 1317 in Tresbens16, and must have studied medicine in Montpellier
and then entered the service of Gaston de Lévis as a physician and astrologer.
Perhaps after the death of this nobleman in 1347, he decided to move south of the
Pyrenees. However, we have no proof that he lived in Barcelona until 1359. In that
year, he took part in a medical tribunal, which is a clear sign that he had become a
respected physician in his new city. From 1360 on he officially held the position of
physician of the household of the king of Aragon, although some documents
suggest he was acting as an astrologer as well. It should be noted that he takes up
this dual function at the same time that Pere the Ceremonious began to significantly
promote the science of the stars. Starting in 1359, the king embarked on an
ambitious program with various authors creating works on astronomy and
astrology, among which Tresbens’ contribution is included.17 In any case, in the
period leading up to 1363, corresponding with the first few year of his service of
the monarchy, Tresbens was among the followers of King Pere, who fought
throughout the kingdom of Aragon in his campaign against Castile, and it would
not be until after this period that he fully dedicated himself to his works. After a
long interruption between 1363 and 1372 and his attempts to become the municipal
physician of the Catalan town of Cervera failing due to his demanding too much
(1372),18 the documentation shows that Tresbens resumed his continued service to
the monarchy. During this second period of service, he gained influence over the
king’s firstborn son, Joan, who trusted in both his medical and astrological
knowledge. Subject to this inspiration, in 1375 Joan attempted an ambitious plan of
regulating the medical profession that was halted by intervention of the king. This
power conflict between the sovereign and his son seems to have led to the



15
   Sebastià Giralt, “El deix occità de Bartomeu de Tresbens,” Anna Alberni – Lluís Cifuentes – Joan
Santanach – Albert Soler, “Qui fruit ne sap collir”: homenatge a la prof. Lola Badia en el seu 70è
aniversari (Barcelona, 2021, forthcoming).
16
   On Tresbens’ date of birth, also see Julio Samsó, “Astrología matemática en el Llibre de les
nativitats de Bartomeu de Tresbens,” Alberni – Cifuentes – Santanach – Soler, “Qui fruit ne sap
collir” (Barcelona, 2021, forthcoming).
17
   On Pere’s promotion of astronomy/astrology see: Millàs Vallicrosa, Las Tablas astronómicas, 54-
84, Josep Chabàs, L’Astronomia de Jacob ben David Bonjorn (Barcelona, 1992), 39-251, Josep
Chabàs, “L’activitat astronòmica a l’època del rei Pere (segle XIV),” in La ciència en la història
dels Països Catalans. I: Dels àrabs al Renaixement, ed. Joan Vernet and Ramon Parés (Valencia,
2004), 483-514; Lluís Cifuentes, La ciència en català a l'Edat Mitjana i el Renaixement (Barcelona
- Palma, 2006), 189-220; Michael Ryan, A Kingdom of Stargazers: Astrology and Authority in the
Late Medieval Crown of Aragon (Ithaca, NY, 2011), 105-153; Julien Véronèse, “Nicolas Eymerich
et l’astrologie à la cour d’Aragon,” in De Frédéric II à Rodolphe II: Astrologie, divination et magie
dans les cours (XIIIe-XVIIe siècle), ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Marine Ostorero and Agostino
Paravicini Bagliani (Florence, 2017), 97-155; Glòria Sabaté - Lourdes Soriano, "La ciència dels
estels dins del projecte cultural de Pere el Cerimoniós," in Literature, Science & Religion: Textual
Transmission and Translation in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Manel Bellmunt - Joan
Mahiques (Kassel, 2020), 397-414.
18
   Carmel Ferragud, “Bartomeu de Tresbens, físic i astròleg del rei Pere el Ceremoniós i l'infant
Joan: entre el servei a la corona i al municipi,” Asclepio 70/2 (2018), p227.
                                                 5
immediate rupture of the relationship between Tresbens and the monarchy, given
that all trace of the astrologer is lost after that point.
We cannot date the Tractat de les eleccions with certainty, but there are several
indications that allow us to place it within the career of its author and to propose an
approximate date. In that aim we must consider all of the referent indication in all
of the preserved works together, which although they somewhat relative in nature
and are not determinant per se, allow us to obtain a plausible timeline of all of the
works over the course of Tresbens’ career. These clues are made up of certain
allusions to historical and autobiographical events, references to his other works,
documental evidence and the structure of the manuscript19. To start with, within the
treatise we find a reference to a historical event. Tresbens remembers a king’s
council with the barons of Catalonia that, using astrology, he had correctly
predicted would have no effects (§58). According to what he writes, Tresbens
addressed this prediction to the archbishop of Zaragoza, who would have to be Lope
Fernández de Luna, who held that Church position from 1351 to 1382. 20 That
council, which had to have been held in the past and therefore was likely not
contemporaneous to the writing of the same work, may correspond to a meeting
that Pere had with the barons and churchmen of Catalonia on 10 July 1362,
according to the early modern chronicle of Jerónimo de Zurita.21 If this is correct,
we would have a terminus post quem that would fit with the dates we can place the
other works, which were presumably written after 1363. That year was when
Tresbens seems to have retired from direct service to the Crown, after participating
in the king’s military campaign against Castile. The Llibre de les nativitats must
have been finished after 1364: According to Julio Samsó’s calculations that was the
year of his son’s birth, when he was 47 years old as per his declaration in a passage
of the Llibre de les nativitats in which he describes how he used his son’s birth chart
to determine the length of his own life.22 In the Tractat de les interrogacions there
is a possible allusion to the English intervention in the war between Pedro the Cruel
and Enrique of Trastámara, which occurred between 1366 and 136723. Finally, the
Libel d’investigació de tresors must have been written in 1369 at the latest, if it is
the “book on hidden treasures” that the king orders to be copied that appears in a
document of the ACA dated to September of that year.24
The mentions in the treatises of the author’s other works allow us to see the order
of their production. We find references to the Llibre de les nativitats and the Tractat
de les interrogacions in the Tractat de les eleccions proving that they must have

19
   Ferragud – Giralt, “Bartomeu de Tresbens, metge i astròleg.”
20
   He was very close to the king and had significant political importance. In 1361, he defended the
Kingdom of Aragon against the Castilian invasion: Luisa d’Arienzo, “Fernández de Luna, Lope,”
Diccionario biográfico electrónico, Real Academia de la Historia, < http://dbe.rah.es >.
21
   “Y el rey a 10 de junio mandó convocar todos los perlados y barones de Cataluña para que se
juntasen en Barcelona a 10 de julio siguiente,” Jerónimo Zurita, Anales de la Corona de Aragón, ed.
Ángel Canellas López (Saragossa, 1967-1985), IX, 40 (vol. 4, 436).
22
   Samsó, “Astrología matemática.”
23
   “E devant de totes coses fassan aquesta interrogació demana lo Rey d’Anglaterra si conseguirà
lo Regne de Castella,” fol. 89r.
24
   ACA, C, reg. 1225, f. 44r, edited in Antoni Rubió, Documents per l’historia de la cultura catalana
mig-eval (Barcelona, 1908-1921), vol. 2, 159, no. 162.
                                                 6
been written first, while the Tractat de les interrogacions only mentions the Llibre
de les nativitats. This would suggest that the order of their writing matches the order
they appear in the manuscript: Llibre de les nativitats, Tractat de les interrogacions
and Tractat de les eleccions. It is true that the last work also alludes to the Libel
d’investigació de tresors but it is not within the treatise but at the end of it (§90),
and therefore it appears more likely to be a reference introduced in the time that the
collection was originally prepared. If we consider its position within codex and the
1369 document it refers to, it is more plausible that the Libel was the treaty written
chronologically last of the four preserved works of Tresbens.
So if we combine all of the evidence of different types here above, we obtain a
proposed dating for all of the preserved works of Tresbens that is plausible but not
absolutely certain: the Llibre de les nativitats must have been written between 1363
and 1366, the Tractat de les interrogacions between 1366 and 1367, the Tractat de
les eleccions between 1367 and 1368 and the Libel d’investigació de tresors
between 1368 and 1369.
CONTENTS CHOSEN FOR THE KING
In the preface Tresbens dedicates the work to Pere the Ceremonious and notes that
after speaking of the nativities and interrogations in the previous treatises, he is now
continuing with elections. In order to convince the sovereign to make use of the
elections more often, he puts forth only those aspects relevant to the needs of
royalty, since the election is reliable only for the kings and the mighty, those with
whom the nativity is known, or those who often make use of astrology.
The first chapter provides some general rules that must be taken into account for
any election. The second is a “general chapter” that provides indications for the first
steps of an election for any action that one wishes to take and then directly what
must be done to continue the election with particular instruction for each specific
purpose being provided in the following chapters. From there, as he had stated in
the preface, he limits his indications to the matters related with royalty. The
following chapters begin with the astrological conditions for accessing and keeping
power, such as crowning the king or ennobling an individual (chapter III),
bestowing or taking away a lordship, and doing homage (IV). This is followed by
questions relating specifically to war: conquering lands or besieging towns (V),
starting a battle (VI), fending or accepting a challenge (VII and VIII), launching a
war against a vassal or a lord– including a table showing good and bad times to go
to war– (IX and X), destroying towns and castles (XI), and sending knights or
infantry into action (XII). The author then discusses political relationships: sending
an ambassador to negotiate a peace (XIII) or to arrange a marriage (XIV); starting
a journey by land or sea (XV); appointing new knights (XVI); holding general
councils and courts (XVII and XVIII). Here he recalls the king’s council in
Catalonia with the barons, mentioned above. He continues with administrative and
protocolary aspects: asking the people for help or a tribute (XIX), collecting rents
(XXI), appointing officials to carry out justice, administration, financial and
military matters (XX, XXII, XXIII), and even writing letters (XXIV), offering
invitations and gifts (XXV and XXVI), cutting and wearing new clothes (XXVII).
Immediately afterwards he reviews preparations for war: buying horses and other

                                           7
beasts (XXVIII), wining tournaments, learning to fight (XXIX), purchasing
weapons (XXX), making weapons, military engines and warships (XXXI). Lastly,
he deals with actions related to public works: building towns and castles (XXXII),
populating unsettled territory (XXXIII), buying lands and towns (XXXIV), digging
wells, and managing and/or constructing rivers, springs and canals (XXXV). The
chapter XXXIII includes discussion of the making and burying of astrological
images for populating or depopulating places, and the XXXV for making water
flow.


SOURCES
The sources employed by Tresbens in the Tractat de les eleccions are consistent
with the others used in the rest of his works, while also showing some peculiarities
depending on the specific subject under examination. Overall, despite his usual
dependence on Haly Abenragel, Tresbens shows ample knowledge of the principal
authorities on medieval astrology, who were almost always Arabs.25 Effectively, as
in all the treatises that have been preserved by the same author, the main source of
this treatise is the Liber completus by Haly Abenragel ('Alī ibn Abī l-Rijāl), an
eleventh century Maghreb astrologer from the court of Kairouan. The Liber
completus was one of the most general, comprehensive and widespread compendia
of astrology and under Alfonso X it was translated from Arabic into Castilian (Libro
conplido en los judizios de las estrellas) and from Castilian into Latin in two
different versions. Of the two the one which was vastly more widespread was that
of d’Egidio de' Tebaldi and Pietro da Reggio (Liber completus in iudiciis
stellarum)26. That was the version used by Tresbens according to various
indications.27 Approximately half of the contents in the Tractat de les eleccions
come from the Liber completus. In particular they come from the seventh part

25
   Regarding the sources in Tresbens work in general, see Sebastià Giralt, “Drawing from the marrow
of the authors of astrology: The sources of Bartomeu de Tresbens, Astrologer to King Pere the
Ceremonious of Aragon,” in De Frédéric II à Rodolphe II. Astrologie, divination et magie dans les
cours (XIIIe-XVIIe siècle), ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Martine Ostorero and Agostino Paravicini
Bagliani (Florence, 2017), 71-96.
26
   On Abenragel: David Pingree, “Ibn Abī l-Ridjāl, Abū l-Hasan ʿAlī, al-Shaybānī al-Kātib al-
Maghribī al-Kayrawānī,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leiden, 1986), vol. 3, 688; Francis J. Carmody,
Arabic Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation: A Critical Bibliography
(Berkeley - Los Angeles, 1956), 50-53. The Castilian version of the Liber Completus was edited in
two separate volumes: Aly Abenragel, El Libro conplido de los iudizios de las estrellas: traducción
hecha en la corte de Alfonso el Sabio, ed. Gerold Hilty (Madrid, 1954), containing the first five
books; the remaining books were edited in Aly Abenragel, El Libro conplido en los iudizios de las
estrellas (partes 6 a 8): traducción hecha en la corte de Alfonso el Sabio, ed. Gerold Hilty (Saragossa
- Barcelona, 2005). We have no current edition of the Latin version and I consulted a Renaissance
edition: Liber de iudiciis astrorum (Basel, 1551), hereinafter ARLat.
27
   For example, the use of some words in the Libel d’investigació de tresors (ed. Giralt, “Astrologia
per a la recerca de tresors”) shows that it derives from the Latin version and not from the Castilian:
col·liri (§12) for the Latin pulvis que dicitur collyrium (ARLat, 36), instead of the Castilian magnicie
(Abenragel, El Libro conplido, 1954, 41); fet (§12) from Latin factura (ARLat, 36), not from the
Castilian fechizo (El Libro conplido, 1954, 41), or substància (§4-8) for the Latin substantia (ARLat,
35-36) instead of the Castilian cosa (El Libro conplido, 1954, 40-41). Moreover, Gerold Hilty, “El
Libro conplido en Cataluña,” Estudis Romànics, 38 (2016): 347-355, points out two copy mistakes,
which are not found in the Castilian translation, transmitted from the Latin version by Tebaldi and
Reggio to Tresbens’s Llibre de les nativitats.
                                                   8
dedicated to elections and of which the Castilian translation has not been preserved.
However, there is a very literal Portuguese translation made from it in 1411, as well
as the Latin version. Thus, the Liber completus is the authority most used by
Tresbens by a wide margin. Nevertheless, in this treatise only cites Abenragel –with
the name Aly— four times and therefore does not acknowledge the origin of the
contents most of the time.
A number of entire chapters in the Tractat de les eleccions follow what appears in
Liber completus. Some of them, in general short, –XI, XXIV, XXVII, XXX,
XXXI–reproduce its chapters completely or nearly so, while others only extract a
certain number of passages from the source. There are also chapters where only part
comes from Abenragel and which are combined with citations from other authors,
Tresbens’ own passages or material of an unknown origin.
Unlike with Abenragel, the citations from other sources are usually solitary and
sporadic. The references to Ptolemy stand out. However, they are actually
references to the Pseudo-Ptolemaic Centiloquium, a highly influential collection of
one hundred astrological aphorisms of disputed origin, which may be either
Byzantine Greek or Arabic.28 Several translations from Arabic into Latin have been
preserved but the most widespread by far is the one made by Plato of Tivoli in
Barcelona in 1136, and must have been the version used by Tresbens. Aphorisms
from this collection are explicitly cited three times by Tresbens (§19, §23, §24,
corresponding to numbers 10, 29, 39 of the Centiloquium) and one of them (§24)
includes the commentary of the Egyptian astrologer Abū Ja’far Ahmad ibn Yūsuf
ibn al-Dāya that accompanied the aphorisms. Furthermore, he may have based
passage §23 on aphorism 84 of the Centiloquium without explicitly stating as much.
However, the last of the citations to Ptolemy (§53) does not correspond to any of
the works circulating attributed to him, but rather Tresbens attributes a phrase from
Abenragel – most likely by mistake - to Ptolemy. Finally, as we will see, one of the
images describes may have been taken from the Liber de imaginibus by Pseudo-
Ptolemy.
Another referenced author is Zahel, who is cited twice in chapter III (§25). Zahel
(Sahl ibn Bišr) was a Jewish astrologer from the first half of the 9th century who
was in the service of vizier al-Ḥasan ibn Sahl in Bagdad and wrote abundant works
of vast influence in Arabic. These references are from his treatise specialized in
elections that became common in its anonymous Latin translation under the title De
electionibus.29 Another passage (§84) may also be taken from Zahel, despite there
being no citation attributing it to him. A long section of chapter I on general rules

28
   Regarding the Centiloquium see Jean-Patrice Boudet, “Astrology between rational science and
divine inspiration: the pseudo-Ptolemy's Centiloquium,” in Dialogues among Books in Medieval
Western Magic and Divination, ed. Stephano Rapisarda and Erik Niblaeus (Florence, 2014), 49-76.
I consulted the Latin version in a Renaissance edition: Ptolemy, Quadripartitum, trans. Platon of
Tivoli / Pseudo-Ptolemy, Centiloquium, trans. Juan de Sevilla (Venice, 1493); and an Italian
translation from Arabic: Aḥmad ibn Yūsuf ibn al-Dāya, Commento al Centiloquio tolemaico, ed.
Franco Martorello and Giuseppe Bezza (Sesto San Giovanni, 2013).
29
   The Arabic text and the Latin version were studied and published in Carole Mary Crofts, Kitab
al-iktiyarat 'ala l-buyut al-itnai 'asar, by Sahl ibn Bišr al-Isra'ili, with Its Latin Translation De
electionibus (Glasgow, 1985).
                                                 9
(§3-5) also follows Zahel as a main source, but, again, he is not mentioned30.
However, the influence of Zahel is most significant in the preface (§1). Even though
the Jewish astrologer is not named explicitly, Tresbens owes the main idea he
develops to him: that it is best to limit elections to kings, lords and high ranking
nobles or at least people whose nativity is known, or whose first son’s nativity is
known.

The use of the Introductorius by Alcabitius is more sporadic. Alcabitius (Al-Qabīṣī)
was an astrologer in the 10th century court of the Emir of Aleppo. His introduction
to astrology, as translated into Latin by Juan de Sevilla, was the most widely
circulated throughout medieval Europe,31 but is only cited in one passage of the
Tractat de les eleccions (§44).

Bother the compendia of Alcabitius and Abenragel, as well as the Centiloquium,
were present in the library of Barcelona’s Palau Reial Major (“Grand Royal
Palace”) according to the 1410 inventory of the goods possessed by King Martí the
Humane in the Palau Major of Barcelona and which were to be inherited by Queen
Margarida upon his death. It should be taken into account that this inventory does
not list all the books of the library and the descriptions are often insufficiently clear
for the identification of the titles. Therefore, the royal palace may have held some
of the other sources used by Tresbens. Nevertheless we are able to affirm that the
Introductorius by Alcabitius was there in its Latin translation by Juan de Sevilla
(item 161 of the inventory and perhaps 1064 as well) and in the Catalan version too
(286).32 The library also held a copy of the Centiloquium (78). Given the great
interest shown by Pere the Ceremonious and his son Joan in acquiring books on the
science of the stars, it is most likely that they were the ones who introduced these
titles to the royal library. In the end, there is no way for us to know with any
certainty whether they were already part of the library when Tresbens was in the
service of the king, and consequentially, whether they were available to him when
he was writing his own works. On the other hand, it has been confirmed with
documental evidence that the Liber completus in Latin was already included in the
royal library in 1359, when the king ordered that Dalmau Sespanes have any book
on the science of the stars except that one.33 However, the Catalan version did not
arrive in the library until years after Tresbens’s work, given that in 1386 the king’s
son Joan requested the governor of Majorca make a copy of Abenragel in Catalan
based on the one they had on the island.34


30
   See appendix 1.
31
   Also edited in the original Arabic and the Latin translation in Burnett: Alcabitius (Al-Qabīṣī), The
Introduction to Astrology (=Introductorius), ed. Charles Burnett, Keiji Yamamoto and Michio Yano
(London, 2004). Concerning Alcabitius see Yamamoto, Keiji, “Qabīsī: Abū al-Saqr ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz
ibn ʿUthmān ibn ʿAlī al-Qabīsī”, in The Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers, ed. Thomas
Hockey et al., (New York, 2007), 941.
32
   The inventory is published in Jaume Massó, “Inventari dels béns mobles del rey Martí d'Aragó,”
Revue Hispanique 12/42 (1905), 413-590. With regard to the identification of the items, see Chabàs,
L'Astronomia, 28-37; Chabàs, “L'activitat astronòmica,” 503-506; Cifuentes, La ciència en català,
209-219, and Giralt, “Drawing from the marrow,”.
33
   The following items of the inventory correspond to the Liber completus: 79, 119, 221, 253 (Latin),
11 and 130 (Catalan). Regarding the king’s order, see ACA, C, reg. 1071, f. 176v-177r, edited in
Rubió, Documents, vol. 1, no. 191.
34
   ACA, C, reg. 1674, f. 47v = Rubió, Documents, vol. 1, núm. 385.
                                                  10
Therefore, Tresbens took much of his content from Abenragel and other
astrological authorities. It is true though, that he also made his own contributions
of varying degrees, some quite modest, while others were more notable. The most
simple of them are additions that have no other purpose except to clarify technical
concepts, but they show Tresbens’s willingness to inform and respect that he was
writing for a readership that were not experts. For example, in passage §15 the
additions (marked in italics) specify which planets are diurnal and which are
nocturnal.

 Tractat de les eleccions §15                                 ARLat, 299 (VII, 1).
 E sàpies que la millor e la més fortunada elecció és –e      Melior electio et magis
 més perfeta és– metre les planetas en son any e que sien     fortunata et perfecta
 les planetas diürnas orientals del Sol, axí com són          est, si sint planetae
 Saturnus, Júpiter e·l Sol, e que sien en signes de           diurni orientales a Sole
 masculinitat, e aquells que són nocturnals, que sian         et in signis masculinis,
 occidentals a la Luna, axí com són Mars, Venus,              et             nocturni
 Mercúrius e la Luna –mas Mercuri pot ésser diürnal e         occidentales a Luna in
 pot ésser nocturnal–, e aquestes que seran en signes de      signis foeminilis.
 femenins.



He also keeps in mind who is the target audience, mainly the king and his
successors, to adapt some of the content he addresses to their interests. This can be
seen when we compare the passages of the treatise with the sources. Thus, when he
talks about sending messengers (§67), he replaces the roles of the recipients
specified by Abenragel (“mayor, judge or merchant”) with “pope.”35 Chapter
XXVIII regarding “taming, racing horses and purchasing” is based in part on
chapter LII of the Liber completus entitled “de emptione animalium.” Just by
comparing the titles we can see that Tresbens focuses more on horses (though not
exclusively) more than his source, which takes into account other beasts besides the
horse. The difference is probably due to the fact that horses were animals more
closely linked to the monarchy. In chapter XXXII (§81) it says that the construction
of towns and castles is exclusively the domain of the king, while Abenragel leaves
it in the hands of “kings and illustrious and wealthy men.” In two different passages
referring to journeys (§8 and §50), Tresbens reiterates the recommendation from
the same source that traveling should be avoided under fixed signs but Tresbens
adds an exception: Leo is favorable for the voyages of the monarch, because it is a
royal sign.

In some cases the inclination in favor of the needs of the monarchy is more
substantial, such as in chapter XVIII on summoning general courts, a parliamentary
institution particular to the Catalan-Aragonese monarchy (§57). In that same
chapter we find the only autobiographical reference present in this treatise as an
example of the importance of choosing a favorable time when summoning
assemblies: the prophecy mentioned above regarding the council of barons (§58).
In fact, this is the clearest case, but there are other chapters or sections of chapters

35
     See note 109 below.
                                          11
that do not seem to come from Abenragel or the other authors cited, or any other
sources, at least to the extent that I have been able to check. This would lead me to
wonder if a great part of the Tractat de les eleccions might be original work by
Tresbens.

An undoubtedly original contribution of the author is the presence of an astrological
table of the hours that are favorable and unfavorable for going to war. Such a
resource can also be seen in the Llibre de les nativitats, where he combined tables
coming from the sources and tables of his own creation. Without a doubt this is
clearly of his own elaboration, just as he himself declares (§43), based on the
exposition provided by Abenragel.

Another piece of proof showing that Tresbens is not just a compiler is the fact that
he is occasionally critical of his sources, both in this treatise and his other treatises,
generally using the first person. Here we see him contradict Abenragel’s claim that
the aspect (esguard) of Mars must be avoided in the preparation of weapons, ships
or war machines, or the launching of ships, since our author considers Mars is
always positively inclined to any matter of arms, whether for land or for sea, so
long as Mars is in favor of your cause and not that of the enemy (§80). In chapter
III on the ascension to power (§25) Tresbens is faced with a discrepancy between
two authorities: Zahel recommends that the coronation is performed with the Moon
in ascendant, while Abenragel claims that the Moon in ascendant is inauspicious.
The Occitan astrologer agrees with the negative effects of the ascendant Moon
when traveling (as he recalls that Zahel says elsewhere) and in the beginning of any
action in general, but notes that the Moon signifies the common people and as the
ruler must favor the people, he concludes that the ascendant Moon is propitious to
the coronation and entering power, so long as it is under favorable conditions.

Finally, not only the citations but also the structure of the work may be indicant of
the sources employed by the author. If the structure of the Tractat de les eleccions
is compared with its main source, Liber completus, it does not appear to be
dependent on the order of contents in Abenragel’s work.36 Certainly, some common
blocks emerge, but they are based on thematic subjects, such as war, protocolary
questions or public works, and the placement of these blocks is different in both
works. Indeed, one of Abenragel’s blocks, regarding war, appears divided by
Tresbens in two sections, even though both partially or mostly derived from the
Liber completus: battle (chapters V-XII) and weapon procurement (XXX-XXXI).
As usual in the Liber completus, Abenragel organises the contents of its seventh
part on elections according to the twelve houses or equal sectors of thirty degrees
into which the celestial sphere is divided. Instead, Zahel’s De electionibus is
arranged according to the signs of the zodiac. However, the Tractat de les eleccions
follows none of these two systems, although Tresbens does use the twelve houses
to organise the second part of the Llibre de les nativitats (chapters XX-XXXVIII).
Unlike with the former, which follows a uniquely thematic order, more accessible
to laymen, the latter has a general reach, compatible with maintaining a structure
similar to Abenragel’s. Therefore, the Tractat de les eleccions seems to be arranged

36
     See appendix 2.
                                           12
in a structure conveniently conceived by its author to accomplish its purpose to
focus on the needs of power, while the books by Abenragel or Zahel, not limited to
affairs of governance, have a broader scope and offer a wide range of purposes for
astrology, including subjects not directly related to monarchy, such as food,
medicine, games, alchemy or agriculture.
THE APPLICATION OF TALISMANS, BEYOND JUDICIAL ASTROLOGY

The two final chapters of the treatise deal with the construction (XXXIII and
XXXV) and describe astrological images or talismans, but the source of these is not
completely clear. The first two (§85), which are given as alternative options,
represent astral situations auspicious to purpose of increasing population in a
farmhouse (mas) or a town, or the opposing position if you wish to decrease
population in them. After they are made, the talismans must be buried in the middle
of the location in question. While I have found no parallel for the first which is in
the shape of a man, the second reproduces the appropriate planet and resembles an
image described by the De imaginibus attributed to the Harranian astronomer
Thabit ibn Qurra (9th century), one of the most influential treatises on talismans of
which only the Latin translation by Juan de Sevilla has been preserved37. However,
the coincidence is partial and the function is not exactly the same, since Thabit’s is
designed to destroy a region.

The third image (§89) is intended to bring ample amounts of water from a spring, a
river or a canal. It is supposed to represent an auspicious astral situation, under
which the talisman is to be buried, and the sign of Aquarius must be reproduced
using a masculine figure pouring water out of a vessel. The description of the figure
is very similar to one found in the zodiac images of the Liber de imaginibus, which
is attributed to Ptolemy, but is actually of Arab origin38. There are clearly some
important differences though: Tresbens describes a detailed astral situation that is
not found in Pseudo-Ptolemy’s book and it specifies that the image must be buried
at a spring. On the other hand, the purpose of the pseudo-ptolemaic talisman is the
opposite, to stop the flow of water from the source.

If we take into account that Tresbens was inspired by these two treatises, which
were widespread in the middle ages, we must admit that he put in effort to adapt the
images to the purposes he intended. It is important to point out that these are the
only three astrological images that we find anywhere in Tresbens’ preserved work.
In fact, this device goes beyond the subject of judicial astrology that his treatises
address. While judicial astrology’s function is simply divinatory and, at most, by
means of elections, can influence the course of events by choosing the suitable
moment to carry out a specific action, the use of astrological images can be

37
   Edited in edited in Francis J. Carmody, The Astronomical Works of Thabit b. Qurra (Berkeley -
Los Angeles, 1960), 180-197. Regarding Thabit’s treatise see Charles Burnett, "Ţābit ibn Qurra the
Harrānian on talismans and the spirits of the planets", La corónica, 36.1 (2007), 13-40; Nicolas
Weill-Parot, Les “images astrologiques” au Moyen Âge et à la Renaissance: spéculations
intellectuelles et pratiques magiques (XIIe-XVe siècle) (Paris, 2002), 63-72.
38
   Jean-Patrice Boudet, “Un traité de magie astrale arabo-latin: le Liber de imaginibus du pseudo-
Ptolémée,” Natura, scienze e società medievali: studi in onore di Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, ed.
Claudio Leonardi and Francesco Santi (Florence, 2008), 17-35. See also Weill-Parot, Les “images
astrologiques”, 77-79.
                                                13
considered a category of magic based on astrology. Indeed, they are a means to use
technology – the engraving or incision on stone or the forge of metal figures or
medals with bas-relief and inscriptions under precise astrological conditions —
with the goal of intervening in human actions or natural phenomena. It was a
resource that remained a controversial matter for a long time among the late
medieval intellectual elite. The use of talismans was considered admissible so long
as it was not associated with the invocation of spirits by authors who saw their
effects as being connected to the occult properties of the stars, which were thought
to be of a natural origin. Contrarily, those who saw the risk of a demonic
intervention rejected the practice based on the conviction that it was impossible to
properly channel such forces through technique.39

THE USEFULNESS OF ELECTIONS FOR THE RULER

The preface of the Tractat de les eleccions clearly reveals the author’s intention.
Tresbens addresses Pere the Ceremonious, reminding him of the interventions and
discussions he, in his position as astrologer, made for and to the king in the past,
and alluding to the two treatises he had written previously, the Llibre de les
nativitats and the Tractat de les interrogacions, that had enabled him to show him
a large part of the science of astrology. It is understood, thus, that this new treatise
by Tresbens continues his overall project of presenting the fundamentals of
astrology, especially those which might be of interest to the king. Effectively, he is
attempting to get Pere to make more frequent use of the elections because up until
that point he has done so rarely. With this objective in mind, the author states that
he will tailor his discourse to what is necessary for the king and his successors.
Therefore, in order to convince the sovereign of how useful astrology is, he shall
only address affairs related to power. This is why he stays clear of the aspects more
related to daily life that are instead found in the astrology works of reference. It
should be stated that, while he did not follow this criteria in the first of his preserved
works, the Llibre de les nativitats, and he did apply it to the next one, the Tractat
de les interrogacions --as shown not only in the remaining text but also in the items
transmitted uniquely in the table of contents (taking into account that only part of
the work has been passed down to our time)40--, it was not until the preface of the
Tractat de les eleccions that he explicitly stated it as his goal. It is understood there
that the author’s intention is to prove to the king what advantage he can obtain from
consulting his astrologer before carrying out any governmental action. Therefore,
by making clear what an astrologer can do for the monarchy, Tresbens is likely
aiming to gain political influence.


39
   On the use of astrological images and the different positions on them among late medieval
thinkers, the work of reference is Weill-Parot, Les “images astrologiques”. See also Sebastià Giralt,
“Magia y ciencia en la Baja Edad Media: la construcción de los límites entre la magia natural y la
nigromancia (c. 1230 - c. 1310),” Clío & Crimen, 8 (2011), 15-72.
40
   At the beginning of chapter 2: [§19] “Quant alcun Rey o príncep o altres senyors demandarà, o
altre per ell, si durarà en son regne lonch temps o en sa senyoria e honor...”. Almost all the items of
this treatise included in the table of contents are related with monarchy or nobility. For example:
“[3] Si lo possehirà en pau o si haurà guerres, [4] Si son poble amarà ell o lo contrari o ell amarà
ells, [5] Si serà justicier en ells, [6] Si haurà enemichs cuberts o manifests, [7] Si sos enemichs li
faran dan o ell a ells, [8] Si los que pren de son consell li seran leyals o no, [9] Si li és bé fer moure
guerra o no”..., ed. Giralt, “El Tractat de les interrogacions”.
                                                   14
The author justifies restricting the treatise to affairs of governance based on the fact
that all the authors agree that using election only makes sense for kings, lords and
high ranking people, with an exception for individuals for whom there is a birth
chart (their own or their child’s) or an interrogation equivalent to the nativity or for
those who habitually made use of astrology. Actually, this limitation is only found
in one of the sources employed by Tresbens, which is indubitably is the origin of
this claim even though he does not explicitly cite it, Zahel’s De electionibus (which
however, attributes it to all authors). Contrarily, Abenragel only says that those for
whom the nativity is unknown should not make use of election, but does not limit
the practice exclusively to kings or lords.41 If we look beyond the authorities cited
by Tresbens, the attitude tends to be more flexible than that of Zahel. Some
astrologers are even less strict on the requirement of knowing the nativity. In his
widespread treatise on elections, Ali al-‘Imrani (Mosul, 10th century) states that he
disagrees with all the other astrologers who strictly deny elections to those whose
nativity is not known.42 The Andalusi Jew, Abraham Ibn Ezra (ca. 1089 - 1167)
provided two methods in his work on elections. One of the two did not use the
nativity, but he noted that the one using the nativity was preferable.43 Guido Bonatti,
an astrologer who served under several different Italian lords (ca. 1210 – ca. 1290),
was also more open with regard to this matter in his great Liber introductorius ad
iudicia stellarum, in which he discusses the opinion of an astrologer named
Sarcinator –a name that, according to Benjamin N. Dykes, may be a poor
transcription of Sahl ibn Bishr (Zahel)44 – who recommended against elections for
lower or middle class people for whom the nativity was not known. Nevertheless,
Bonatti provides an interpretation of Sarcinator’s words that is far from strict and
considers that he does not completely reject their using the method, but rather
considers those types of elections a practice that cannot be sufficiently certain.
Instead, Bonatti sides with the opinion that elections are for everybody, so long as
they are done individually, and argues that being against them is to reject what is
attainable in the quest for perfectionism.45 Therefore, based on Zahel, Tresbens opts
41
   “Adhortor te ne facias electionem ei cuius nativitatem ignoras, sed eius cuius nativitatem ac
revolutionem anni cognoveris, et erit ei bona et praestabilis ex beneplacito Dei. Nam si quando
feceris ei electionem, cuius nativitatem ignoraveris ac revolutionem anni eius, vel saltem non
habueris eius quaestionis ascendens nec nativitatem cognitam, periclitaberis et eris in periculo ne
quando accipias ascendens inimicum et contrarium radici nativitatis,” Abenragel, VII, preface, Liber
de iudiciis astrorum, 297. Cf. El Libro conplido… (partes 6 a 8): 88-89.
42
   De electionibus, edited in Josep Maria Millàs Vallicrosa, Las traducciones orientales en los
manuscritos de la Biblioteca Catedral de Toledo (Madrid, 1942), 329.
43
   Abraham Ibn Ezra on elections, interrogations, and medical astrology: a parallel Hebrew-English
critical edition of the 'Book of elections' (3 versions), the 'Book of interrogations' (3 versions), and
the 'Book of the luminaries', edited, translated, and annotated by Shlomo Sela (Leiden - Boston,
2011), 46-49, 93-96, 142-147.
44
   Benjamin N. Dykes, “Introduction,” in Guido Bonatti, The Book of Astronomy (Golden Valley,
Minn., 2007), lvi. Regarding Bonatti see Benjamin N. Dykes, “Practice and counsel in Guido
Bonatti,” Astrologers and Their Clients in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Wiebke
Deimann and David Juste (Cologne, 2015), 43-62.
45
   “Sarcinator vero visus est velle quod non eligemus vilibus vel mediocribus, nisi super nativitate
vel interrogatione eorum. Tamen ipse non inhibuit ex toto quin eligeremus eis, sed videbatur ei tutius
eligere super nativitatibus vel interrogationibus... Mihi autem videtur quod possumus omnibus
singulariter eligere... ita enim credo mediocrem seu vilem habere suam radiculam in nativitate,
quemadmodum magnatem suam radicem... Vitantes enim electiones quae non fiunt super
nativitatibus vel super interrogationibus non videntur mihi ex toto sapientes, quia si non possunt
habere id boni quod volunt, non debent tamen spernere id boni quod habere possunt”, Guido Bonatti,
De Astronomia tractatus X (Basilea 1550), c. 389.
                                                  15
for a particularly restrictive position for who can be a beneficiary of the elections
and this position is actually exceptional among astrological authorities. It may be
that the reason behind his emphasizing the virtues of astrology specifically for the
ruler above all other people is that he is seeking to convince the king in question of
the value of astrology.

It is clear the importance an astrologer in the service of a prince must emphasize
for elections, given that, in accordance with astrological doctrine, successfully
choosing the suitable moment for any given action of governance is a fundamental
aspect of his functions. Considering this fact, it is worth remembering that the only
parallel contemporary work that compares to Tresbens’s is the unfinished Livre des
eleccions universelles des douze mansions dedicated in 1361 to King Charles V of
France by Pèlerin de Prusse, a master of arts of German origin.46 Both Pèlerin and
Tresbens coincided in their emphasizing the interest that astrology (specifically the
branch of elections) has for kings and, consequentially, adapted their writings to the
needs of the monarchy. Pèlerin bases his book on Abenragel and Bonatti but
eliminates aspects that might be inconvenient, such as those relating to the Church,
while he expands on others that might interest the king, like procreation, war,
coronation and the calling of assemblies. Despite the fact that both the structure and
contents of Pèlerin’s and Tresbens’ work dedicated to elections are different, we
can posit the question of whether Pèlerin’s work may have been inspired
Tresbens’s, written a few years later. It is not impossible, but it should be noted that
Pèlerin’s attitude with regard to his sources is different from Tresbens’, given that
he presents himself only as a compiler that only puts forth what his sources state,
even though some of his content appears to be original.47

What then was the real, practical application of elections by those medieval rulers
most drawn to astrology? If we examine at Pere the Ceremonious, as we have
already seen in the preface of the treatise, Tresbens notes that the king rarely makes
use of elections in his political decisions. This observation matches the information
provided by the royal documentation, given that there is record of only one time
that Pere ever paid attention to an election. In fact, this is the only time there is clear
evidence of Pere making any type of use of an astrological indication. In a letter
dated 15 October 1359 King Pere told his foreman Guillem Carbonell which days
and times were the most propitious to lay the first stone in the work that was about
to start on the Palau Reial Major in Barcelona ‒ according to the calculations of



46
   “...je escriray soubz correction un petit livret a mon povoir de la partie des elections, uquel je
assembleray les plus communes et plus neccessaires choses de ladite partie, et especialement
matieres touchans la santé du corps et fait humain generalment, et causes royaulx et de princes, pour
garder naturelment leur commencement en quelconques matire. Car la salvacion de prince est
conservacion de pays et de pueple...,” Floriane Aline Gaignard, Le dauphin et l'astrologue: le Livret
des elections universelles des 12 maisons de Pèlerin de Prusse (Montréal, 2014), 52. See also Jean-
Patrice Boudet, “Astrologie et politique dans la crise du milieu du XIVe siècle”: le Livre des
élections universelles des douze maisons de Pèlerin de Prusse, in Par les mots et les textes. Mélanges
de littérature et d'histoire des sciences médiévales offerts à Claude Thomasset (Paris, 2005), 83-
104.
47
   “Et en ce livret et ces parties, je ne metray rien de nouvel ne de ma teste, fors de ce que je pourray
entendre des livres de mes maistres”, Gaignard, Le dauphin et l'astrologue, 53.
                                                   16
Pere Gibert and Dalmau Sesplanes.48 Despite all of his determined promotion of the
science of the stars, there is no evidence that he often consulted his astrologers for
actions of governance, except for listening to the political predictions set forth by
Tresbens at the urging of his son Joan and the order to provide resources for some
mysterious matters to be carried out by Tresbens and Sesplanes.49 On the contrary,
his successor Joan was for more inclined to give ear to astrologers and to take
interest in political prophecies, but again there is no record that he allowed elections
to guide with a single exception. In 1379, he asked Sesplanes which were the most
opportune dates for his betrothed Violant de Bar to enter Catalonia in order to
celebrate the wedding to him.50 Regardless, we must take into account that the
documents showing that Joan consulted several astrologers often fail to specify the
reason or nature of his question, and therefore, it cannot be ruled out that they were
elections.

Therefore, with this lack of evidence on how the Catalan Kings made use of
elections in the exercise of power, we must look beyond the Crown of Aragon. First
of all, both in writings in favor and against astrology, elections are often connected
to military actions. For example, a king who was very close to Pere, his vassal and
brother-in-law, Jaume III of Majorca, appears in the works of Nicole Oresme and
Philippe de Mézières criticizing judiciary astrology: Contra astronomos iudiciarios
(1349) and Songe du viel pelerin (1389) respectively. The two authors use Jaume
III as an example of a ruler who causes his own destruction through his gullibility
regarding the stars. According to them, he made use of an astrological election to
decide the best time to embark on an expedition to reconquer the kingdom of
Majorca, after it had been annexed by the Ceremonious into his own territories.
Oresme, and Mézières after him, sums up the end of Jaume by saying that, “he lost
his kingdom and his head.” 51 Indeed, after being defeated at the Battle of Llucmajor
in 1349, he was killed and decapitated. In this case though, neither the medieval
chronicles nor the documental sources support Oresme’s version of the events
(which was later followed by Mézières). This should put us on guard when faced
with reports of the influence on astrologers on political decisions given by biased
witnesses, whether against or in favor of astrology. We must take into account that
when making a political or military decision the ruler often listened to several

48
   Josep M. Madurell, “El Palau Reial Major de Barcelona: recull de notes històriques,” Estudis
Universitaris Catalans, 22 (1936), 491-518.
49
   Ferragud – Giralt, “Bartomeu de Tresbens, metge i astròleg,” documents 28 and 29. It is possible
that both things were related.
50
   “Volem que vós parleu amb en Dalmau Planes stalabre quals dies e quant dels meses de ffabrer,
març e abril serien bons a entrar la Duquessa en lo Principat de Cathalunya e axí matex a fer bodes”
(9 December 1379), ACA, C, reg. 1746, fol. 50r (cited in Rubió, Documents, vol. 1, 281).
51
   “Recitons ce qui advint ou temps du Viel Pelerin lui estant a Avignon. Jacques le roy de Maiorgue,
qui fort se delitoit en ceste hauste folie, a grant conseil et longue determinacion des astrologiens en
Avignon, print son election pour aler recouvrer son royaume que le roy Pierre d’Arragon tenoit. Il
se parti d’Avignon a toute s’election et paou failli que le Viel Pelerin n’ala avec lui. Ledit roy de
Maiorgue par son election se tenoit a seur de recouvrer son royaume. Il y entra et assés tost aprés
par le roy Pierre d’Arragon il perdi et la teste et son royaume,” Philippe de Mézières, Le Songe du
viel pelerin, ed. Joël Blanchard with Antoine Calvet and Didier Kahn (Geneva, 2015), 1, 598, vol.
1, 754; “Istis denique temporibus rex Majoricarum Jacobus multum erat astrologie inclinatus qui
cum semel horam recedendi de Avinione per hanc scienciam elegisset inde profectus nunquam
reversurus satis cito post per Petrum regem Arragonum perdidit caput simul et regimen,” George
W. Coopland, Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers: A Study of His Livre de Divinacions (Cambridge,
MA, 1952), 127.
                                                  17
advisers, among which at times there were astrologers, and weighed a number of
different factors, among which, when applicable, were astrological conditions.52
For this reason, we must be equally wary about accepting the testimony of Guido
Bonatti without any critical analysis, when in the Liber introductorius he narrates
several cases in which he advised in his capacity as an astrologer on military
operations. He tells that in 1260, when he was in the pay of the Tuscan count Guido
Novello, he recommended attacking the Guelfs of Florence after having performed
an interrogation and an election, and that it was thanks to this advice that the count
achieved a great victory.53 According to the chronicle of Rolandino of Padua,
another of the lords that Bonatti served, Ezzelino III da Romano, lord of Treviso,
laid siege to Orzinuovi hoping to take advantage of a situation his astrologers
considered favorable, but the attempt ended in his defeat and subsequent death
(1259).54

While it is difficult to know what the decision making process for a political or
military enterprise might have been with certainty due to the different factors that
must be taken into account, it must have been less difficult for a ruler to trust his
astrologers with regard to when to begin a construction or perform a ceremony. This
is the case of Emperor Frederick II, who used an election to found the town of
Vittoria (near Padua) under good auspices in 1247.55 However, his poor fortune
would have it that an enemy incursion took the city a year later and destroyed it.
According to an English chronicler, the same emperor postponed the consummation
of his marriage to Isabella of England until the fortunate hour assigned by his
astrologers.56

Kings and nobles were not the only ones in the political setting to make use of
astrology. There were also Italian communal republics that used it, to the extent that

52
   Regarding the relationship between astrology and power in medieval Europe, see: Maxime
Préaud, Les astrologues à la fin du Moyen Âge (Paris, 1984), 227–31; Hilary Mary Carey, Courting
Disaster: Astrology at the English Court and University in the Later Middle Ages (Basingstoke,
1992); John D. North, “Scholars and Power: Astrologers at the Courts of Medieval Europe,” in Actes
de la VI trobada d’història de la ciència i de la tècnica (Vic, 27, 28 i 29 d’octubre de 2000), ed.
Josep Batlló, Pasqual Bernat, and Roser Puig (Barcelona, 2002), 13–28; Gerd Mentgen, Astrologie
und Öffentlichkeit im Mittelalter (Stuttgart, 2005), 159-283; Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre science et
nigromance: astrologie, divination et magie dans l’Occident médiéval (XIIe-XVe siècle) (Paris,
2006), 169-170, 295–325; Klaus Oschema, “Entre superstition et expertise scientifique: l'astrologie
et la prise de décision des ducs de Bourgogne,” in Les cultures de la decision dans l'espace
bourguignon: acteurs, conflits, representations. Rencontres de Münster (22-25 septembre 2016),
Alain Marchandisse - Gilles Docquier - Nils Bock (Neuchâtel, 2017), 89-103; H. Darrel Rutkin,
Sapientia Astrologica: Astrology, Magic and Natural Knowledge, ca. 1250-1800 (Cham, 2019),
422-463; Jean-Patrice Boudet, Astrologie et politique entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance (Florence,
2020), as well as several papers published in De Frédéric II à Rodolphe II. Astrologie, divination et
magie dans les cours (XIIIe-XVIIe siècle), ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Martine Ostorero, and Agostino
Paravicini Bagliani (Florence, 2017).
53
   “ego elegi quadam vice comiti Guidoni Novello de Tuscia contra Florentinos qui expulerunt eum
de Florentia... debellavimus eos et vicimus ex toto... ego habebam primo per quaestionem quod
debebamus obtinere et post habuimus electionem fortissimam in eundo ad praelium et sciebam
exitum eorum per privatos nuncios missos,” Bonatti, De Astronomia, 393-394.
54
   Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 169-170.
55
   Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 176.
56
   Danielle Jacquart, “La physiognomonie à l'époque de Frédéric II: le traité de Michel Scot,” in Le
scienze alla corte di Federico II / Sciences at the Court of Frederick II, ed. Véronique Pasche
(Turnhout, 1994), 19-37; Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 176.
                                                 18
astrological elections occasionally became part of the civil rituals and processes. In
the 14th and 15th centuries, the republic of Florence observed several ceremonial
acts of political transcendence at moments deemed favorable by astrologers: when
the army should cross the walls, when scrutiny was conducted in the drawing of
candidates for public office or when the baton and banner were handed over to the
general who led the army.57

A good example of how far a ruler particularly dedicated to astrology could reach
in the use of elections, from the end of the 15th century, is Ludovico Maria Sforza
the Moor, duke of Milan. He scrupulously followed the recommendations of his
astrologer Ambrogio Varese da Rosate when scheduling many actions of his
personal life, politics and military campaigns. Based on elections, he waited for the
opportune time to have the 300 Venetian soldiers who had come to his aid cross the
Adda River (1497) and also decided the date to enter Genoa (1498).58 Elections
were also used for his diplomatic meetings and for the journeys of his ambassadors
and members of the court, as well as for the weddings and consummation of
marriage of the duke himself and his nieces and the medical attention given to his
family and the nobles of his court. Varese is an excellent example of how, based on
his technical knowledge, an astrologer could achieve significant influence in
government if his lord was dependent enough on astrology. However, he also shows
the fragility of that position, given that Ludovico’s downfall also led to Varese fall
from grace.59

The use of astrology was far from the general norm among late medieval rulers. It
was rather a use that depended on the prince’s own individual criteria, although
there was a trend that led it to become more widespread from the 13th to 15th
century and in the Renaissance. The drives to promote astrology or take astrological
predictions into account were not uniform either. Sometimes what was sought was
more the legitimation of power by means of sophisticated technical knowledge, as
was the case with Pere the Ceremonious, while other rulers used it as psychological
support when making more or less risky decisions, as must have been the case for
Joan.

EDITION

This is the first edition of the Tractat de les eleccions by Bartomeu de Tresbens,
and was made based on R, the only known testimony. I followed the usual criteria
for the edition of Catalan medieval texts: I maintained the spelling of R, but I
expanded the abbreviations and separated words in accordance with current usage;
I applied the modern Catalan distinction between u/v and i/j; added accents and the
diaeresis, apostrophes (’) to indicate the submission of letters that are currently
marked with that symbol, interpuncts (·) to separate joined words that today are
separated by spaces and dashes (-) for enclitic pronouns. I also regularized the use
of capitalization. While the text of R does have punctuation, I punctuated it anew
with the modern standards, including the suppression of the periods that surrounded

57
   Rutkin, Sapientia Astrologica, 455-463.
58
   Rutkin, Sapientia Astrologica, 450-451.
59
   Monica Azzolini, The Duke and the Stars: Astrology and Politics in Renaissance Milan
(Cambridge, MA - London, 2013), 167-209.
                                          19
the numerals. I separated the chapters where there was space for the initials (escape
in the single case of XXIV), numbered them and added titles, that were nearly
directly taken from the table of contents that appears at the start of the manuscript.
There were just a few times when I had to supply or modify the items in the content
due to its absence (chapter VI) or the corruption of the text (chapter XXII). In one
case (chapter IX) I combined two items from the table into a single chapter. In any
case, the rare occasions in which there were discrepancies I have indicated them
with a note. I have not found significative differences between the table of contents
entries and the beginning of the text, except for chapter XXII: the table apparently
preserves an Occitanism of the author that was replaced by a copyist in the text with
the corresponding Catalan word. I placed all added words and letters in square
brackets. To facilitate the referencing the text, I also numbered the paragraphs (§).
I indicated the sides of the folios. The corrections I made to the text – based on the
sources used by Tresbens or based on the sense of the passage – are collected in the
critical apparatus, along with the incidents arising from the copying process, such
as scratched, crossed out or corrected elements. The notes include the sources used
by Tresbens and numerous lexical clarifications, especially for words that come
from Occitan. Despite my having frequently consulted the DCVB and the DOM60,
I only noted as much in exceptional cases. With regards to the sources, I have cited
them in the Latin version used by Tresbens, but, for those cases in which the Latin
text of the Renaissance print is corrupt, I compared it to current, more reliable,
editions of translations into other languages: the medieval Portuguese version of the
seventh part of the Liber completus by Abenragel and the modern Italian translation
of Centiloquium from the Arabic.

SIGLA

R = MS Ripoll, Biblioteca Lambert Mata, XXI

ARLat = Abenragel, Liber completus in iudiciis stellarum = Liber de iudiciis
astrorum (Basel, 1551).

ARLus = Abenragel, El Libro conplido en los iudizios de las estrellas (partes 6 a
8): traducción hecha en la corte de Alfonso el Sabio, ed. Gerold Hilty (Saragossa -
Barcelona, 2005), “Parte séptima,” 87-190.




60
  DCVB = Antoni M. Alcover - Francesc de B. Moll, Diccionari català-valencià-balear, 10 vols.
(Palma, 1964-1969); DOM = Dictionnaire de l'occitan médiéval, Munic, Bayerische Akademie der
Wissenschaften < http://www.dom-en-ligne.de >.
                                             20
     Tractat de les eleccions

     [Prefaci]

     [f. 150r] [§1] Don Pedro, senyor Rey d’Aragó, príncep humil més que negun anyell,
     molt havets vists e hauzit61 de mos dits: aprenets los que més vos plauen pendre.
 5   Però bé·m plau que, si alcun vol rependre razó, sol la’m faça entendre bé [e]·m
     repenré en so que·m volrà dir e clarament demostrar ab albir e, si m’i porà vencre
     per més rahó, seré vencut e tornaré apendre. E ja sabets que en los tracta[t]s
     precedents d’aquest vos he mostrat molt dels affers de astrologia en las nativitats e
     en las interrogacions62. E perquè més sovén usats en elections, jatsia que tart ne
10   demanets ni’n fassats, vull vos far compliment en ellas en aquellas cosas tan
     solament que és mester o necessitat a vós com a Rey e a vostros sucsessors. E non
     entén a parlar en aquestes elections, si no·ntén solament en las cosas reyals, que
     pertanyen a la casa e progènia reyal en sos afers necessaris, per ço car dien tots los
     actors que electió no·s deu fer sinó sobre nativitats o sobre interrogacions e sobre
15   fets reyals. E per ço car les nativitats al jorn de vuy no se’n salven ni se’n retenen
     sinó per Reys e per hòmens de gran caler, e d’aquells són pochs, perquè la sciència
     és departida en lo món, se confon. E per amor d’açò non deuen ésser fetas elections
     sinó en aquells qui han gran e natura[l] senyoria, sens nativitats, ni a altres, sinó que
     seran tals que contínuament vullan usar per astrologia e en aquella se nodriran o en
20   aquells qui han feta enterrogació equivalent a la nativitat, la qual se féu per hom
     que lonch temps ha considerat en voler saber son ésser de sa fortuna e vida e
     accidents ab intenció cordial63. Car aquell mou e ha mogut lo firmament en aquella
     voluntat qu·él tenia amagada entrò aquell die e hora e minut, entrò al punt que·s
     mou e va fer son viatge al maestre de l’art o li tramet letres per cert misatge, lo qual
25   li specifica la qüestió en tal forma: “Maestre, prech-vos que·m prengats l’ascendent
     per veure e saber la figura del cel e la disposició per la ordinació de l’ésser de ma
     vida en los accidents a mi pertanyents segons natura”.

     [§2] E açò fet, sia obrat al judici e d’aquí avant pot fer elections equi/valent[s] a la
     electió que se faria per la nativitat si la havia [f. 150v]. E vertederament les elections
30   non són bones ni profiten sinó a cas e a fortuna a les altres gents. És ver que en
     alcuns hòmens de la nativitat d’alcun primogènit seu al qual serà jutjada nutrició
     perfeta se poden pendre accidents pertinents al pare e puys fer electió al pare e al

     61
        Occitanism for ‘to hear.’
     62
        The author alludes to his own works prior to the Tractat de les eleccions in the same manuscript
     and which therefore appear to have been written before: Llibre de les nativitats, ff. 1ra-85vb, and
     Tractat de les interrogacions, ff. 86ra-98rb.
     63
        The idea that an astrologer must accept elections consultations principally from kings, lords and
     high ranking people, or individuals whose nativity or the nativity of their children is known comes
     from Zahel, who, like Tresbens, attributes it to all the authors: “Omnes concordati sunt quod
     electiones sint debiles, nisi in regibus, habent enim isti, licet debilitentur eorum electiones, radicem,
     id est nativitates eorum, quae confortant omnem planetam debilem in itinere. Vilibus vero et
     mercatoribus et his qui sequuntur non eligas aliquid, nisi supra nativitates eorum et revolutiones
     annorum illorum et supra nativitates eorum filiorum” (De electionibus, § 1-2, in Crofts, Kitab al-
     iktiyarat, 29). However, this restriction does not actually appear to be shared by most astrologers
     and was not accepted by Abenragel, Tresbens’ principal source. On this question, see the part “The
     usefulness of elections for the ruler” of the introduction.

                                                        21
     fill per aquella, e és quaix equipol·lent o egual a la figura de la nativitat del pare
     pròpia.

35   [I. Regles generals]64

     [§3] Quant volràs elegir, cové que elegesques sobre l’ascendent de la nativitat o de
     la interrogació que tu sabs e sobre lo senyal del signe de la perfectió de l’any, e
     adonchs serà ta electió perfeta e mellor, car per aquells sabràs què és a ell més
     profitable e més dampnós de les obres de les esteles. E tot quant és en l’ascendent
40   de les elections és en saber la natura dels signes. Car los signes que són ferms e
     fixes són Taurus, Leo, Escorpí e Aquari: signifiquen fermesa e tarditat e constància
     e perseveransa de les coses e molt durar. E per amor d’açò qui vol fer cosa de durada
     o de tardansa o hedificansa d’ostals o de masos per durar és bon, e celebrar noces
     après que lo sposament sia fet en los signes movibles. E si en los signes ferms
45   fembre serà fugida a son marit, tart o jamés no la recobrarà. E judicis e
     comensaments que sien en ells comensats de plets no se acabaran sens grans
     multiplicacions de testimonis de grans fortunas. E qui serà mes en càrcer sots la
     senyoria o assencions de tals signes haurà lonch càrcer. E si alcun se cuyta en ell,
     non se mitiguerà leugerament. Conditions e retribucions són profitoses. E sàpies
50   que Escorpí és més leuguer que negun dels signes ferms, e Leo és més ferm e Acari
     és més tart e pijós.

     [§4] Los signes movibles són Àries, Càncer, Libra e Capricornus: signifiquen
     sobtesa e festinància e leugera o cuytament o mobilitat e tota cosa de pocha durada,
     e lo temps que significa és breu, e en aquells no és bona fer neguna cosa que deja
55   durar ni de què hajam parlat en los signes ferms. En ells és bon semenar e comprar
     e vendre e fermar muller, mas non pas fer noces. E lo malalte que comensa de
     malautejar tost serà guarit o mort, e contencions que·s comense[n] en ells non
     durara[n], e l’hom que fugirà tost retornarà. E fer peregrina/tge bon és [f. 151r].
     Coses promeses non sa tendran, parlament o novelles portades en tals signes falsas
60   són, ni és bo plantar en aquells ni fer neguna cosa de durada. E los més cuytoses e
     los més movibles són Àries e Càncer, per què són més torts en les lurs assencions,
     e Libra e Capricornus són més forts e més tempras.

     [§5] Los signes comuns són Gèmini, Virgo, Sagitari e Pisces. E aquell[s] són bons
     en tota cosa que vullas que sia tornada altra vegada a fer e en companyes e
65   participacions, e tota cosa tal o de tal natura és bona de fer en ells, per què comprar
     ni núpcies o noces fer non és bon en aquells, car frau e decepció se trobarà en ells65.



     64
        Title taken from the beginning of the next chapter: Vistes les regles generals... The numbering of
     all the chapters if by the editor.
     65
        “Car los signes que són ferms... se trobarà en ells”: Passage based on Zahel (De electionibus, §
     12-16 in Crofts, Kitab al-iktiyarat, 34-37) and Abenragel VII, 3, ARLat 302-303 / ARLus 98-99 (“De
     signis et eorum significationibus”). Since the latter very closely followed the former or a source
     common to the both of them (Dorotheus), Tresbens’s source is not evident at first glance. However,
     a careful comparation shows that his text is closer to Zahel’s in several instances, while just once he
     reproduces a piece of information which is only in Abenragel (see appendix 1). Tresbens changes
     the order of exposition, switching the placement of the fixed before the mobile ones. On the
     relationship between Zahel, Abenragel and Dorotheus, see Crofts, Kitab al-iktiyarat, x-xiii.
                                                       22
     [§6] E sàpies que, quant a tu covenrà fer eleccions per força e non pots haver la
     sahó que la Luna non sia infortunada, fe que aquella planeta que enfortunarà la Luna
     que sia senyor de l’ascendent e, tant non poràs adeguar tots los significadors de la
70   cosa sobre què volets fer eleccions, fe que lo senyor de l’ascendent sia en bona
     disposició. E quant trobaràs en alcun comensament de elecció planeta bona en alcun
     angle e majorment en lo mig del cel, non te’n cal haver cura d’altre, car aquell és
     bon e abastant.

     [§7] Quant la revolució de l’any de la nativitat o de la interrogació serà mala, poch
75   t’i aprofitaran les eleccions en aquell any66. E si la revolució d’aquell any és
     fortunada e bona, non t’i cal fer eleccions.

     [§8] En los viatges de mar o d’aygua Mars no fa gran dan, si donchs non és per fet
     de guerras o de robaria, ni Saturnus en los camins de terra, si donchs non és per
     infirmitat. Los signes forts e ferms devets esquivar en tots camins, si donchs non és
80   en viatges de Rey o de sos fets, car en tals són bons, majorment Leo, que és signe
     reyal, e los signes que són casas o exaltacions dels 3 sobirans planetas, exceptat
     Càncer, qui és més per mendicans o per correus o per mercers, si donchs Júpiter
     non era en ell e que lo Sol lo reguardàs de bon esguarts.

     [§9] Quant alcuna mala planeta prometrà mal e serà fora e cazents 67 de l’angle e
85   fort senyada e serà peregrina e en signe contrari a ella o a sas dignitats, sàpies que
     serà lo dampnatge tan grant de la sua significació, que no lo porà tolre negú per
     eleccions si non tan solament Déu.

     [§10] Sàpies que en la 4 de migjorn són molt poderosos la Luna e Venus. E en la 4
     de l’orient són molt flachs. [f. 151v]

90   [§11] Quant la planeta que és infortuna recebrà alcuna planeta fortuna, sàpies no
     li’n fa gran dan, e majorment que serà guardat de esguart de s·amistansa quan és
     del 4 o de l’oppòsit.

     [§12] E sàpies cert que lo infortuni68 de las planetes crex e és trop fort quant són de
     tot en tot fores de lurs dignitats e són en lochs estranys.

95   [§13] Ítem non que, si vols batallar villa e trobas que lo senyor de l’ascendent de la
     revolució d’aquell any del món, ço és, quant lo Sol entre en Àries, sia son
     significador, mal te vendrà per aquell any.
     66
        “quant a tu covenrà fer eleccions... en tots camins”, “Quant alcuna mala planeta...faràs de ta
     elecció :” Passages based on Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 1, ARLat, 298-299 / ARLus, 91. In
     the first chapter of the seventh part the Arab author lays out, “some universal and aphoristic rules,”
     which Tresbens reproduces almost in their entirety in these general rules and completes them by
     taking some rules from the third chapter of Abenragel, as we mentioned earlier. Tresbens expands
     on the recommendations of his source by adding exceptions, including the exception for Leo when
     avoiding strong signs during travel, which is repeated further along (§50).
     67
        Occitanism for ‘cadent’.
     68
        I correct les infortunis based on the printed Latin version of Abenragel: “multum crescit
     infortunium planetarum, si quando fueri[n]t in locis extraneis” (ARLat, 299). This presents another
     problem with regard to their matching that is shown when it is compared with the Portuguese
     version, which closely followed the now lost Castilian version: “Muito crece a infortuna das
     pranetas quando foren en lugares estranhos” (ARLus, 91).
                                                      23
      [§14] Sàpies que en los comensaments de totes cosas cové que poses lo cel covinent
      e acordant a las naturas dels significadors de las cosas que comensas, e los
100   significadors axí mateix acordants e covinents ad aquells que s’i mesclen ab ells.

      [§15] E sàpies que la millor e la més fortunada elecció és –e més perfeta és– metre
      les planetas en son any e que sien les planetas diürnas orientals del Sol, axí com són
      Saturnus, Júpiter e·l Sol, e que sien en signes de masculinitat, e aquells que són
      nocturnals, que sian occidentals a la Luna, axí com són Mars, Venus, Mercúrius e
105   la Luna –mas Mercuri pot ésser diürnal e pot ésser nocturnal–, e aquestes que seran
      en signes de femenins.

      [§16] E layxa de fer elecció bona e de ben, quant la Luna applicarà a Mars de casa
      de Venus, con és de Taurus e de Libra, e a Júpiter de casa de Mercuri, con són de
      Gèmini e de Virgo, on que sien los altres, ço és Mars e Júpiter.

110   [§17] Sàpies que molt és e pot estar fortunat aquell que haurà fortunas poderosas o
      aquell de qui seran lo senyor de la 11, del seu ascendent, de sa nativitat o de sa
      interrogació en son any, o lo senyor de la 11 comtant del loch de la Luna o lo senyor
      de la 11 comtant de la part de la fortuna, con aquests seran en son any, o la 1 d’elles
      no li cal més eleccions o, si són fortunats, ja menys.

115   [§18] Quant lo senyor del terme de la conjuntió o de la prevenció passada devant lo
      temps de la electió de ta casa serà en bon loch e en bon estament en sas casas e de
      sa natura e seran concordants a la natura de la cosa, serà de longa durada e per lonch
      temps aquella cosa que faràs de ta electió.

      [II.] Capítol general69

120   [§19] Vistes les regles generals, aquest capítol és general en tots comensaments, per
      què en totes coses que vulles comensar seguiràs l’orde d’aquest [f. 152r] en general
      e puys als altres particularment. Faràs eguallar l’ascendent e son senyor e acordar
      per fortuna o per infortuna, e açò és la intenció de Tholomeu en la 9a regla del
      Centiloqui70, là on dix que covén que lo judicador de astrologia ús per les males
125   planetes, axí com fa lo mege de física per les particions venenoses, e açò segons
      quantitat competent a esmenar e corregir error de forts defalliments e de fortunas,
      e aquesta és la intenció quant diu per fortuna o per infortuna.

      [§20] Diu Aly71: fortuna en l’ascendent vol aytant dir que l’ascendent sia de natura
      covinent e semblant a la cosa que vols fer o comensar en calitat o per rahó, axí com
130   quant volem fer obres leugeras e movibles o soptoses e viatges que sobte sien
      complits, que l’ascendent sia signe movible, e de natura de foch, quant demanam
      gràcia e honor al Rey. E entén segons què diu per la rahó, la significació e obra de
      la planeta, axí com vehem que Mars és significador de plets e de batallas, deveu

      69
         This is the only chapter that conserves its title at the start.
      70
         Actually, it is the verbum 10: “Uti oportet infortunis in electionibus sicut periti medici utuntur
      venenosis secundum competentem qualitatem”, Centiloquium, f. 107v. The Arabic text with Italian
      translation can also be checked: Aḥmad ibn Yūsuf, Commento al Centiloquio tolemaico, 74-75.
      71
         “fortuna en l’ascendent... genus de la cosa requir”: Haly Abenragel (cited as Aly by Tresbens),
      VII, 2, ARLat, 299. Cf. ARLus, 92-93.
                                                       24
      fortunar Mars en aquell cas per la part que voleu que vença, per què se saguex que
135   deveu appellar e egualar la casa e·l seu senyor de la cosa que volem comensar e lo
      senyor del signe e casa en què serà lo senyor aquell d’aquella cosa que volem.

      [§21] E sàpies que l’ascendent significa lo comensament d’aquell qui és la cosa, e
      lo senyor de l’ascendent significa la mijancera edat, e lo senyor de la casa on és lo
      senyor de l’ascendent significa la fi d’aquell de qui és la cosa. E si guardaràs a la
140   part de fortuna, e la poràs mellorar e·l seu senyor e lo senyor del loch del seu senyor
      per esguart o per applicació o per conjuntió o acordament de las naturas, e remouràs
      o faràs luny d’aquells tota mala planeta, serà la obra en major perfectió. E que
      guardes que lo senyor de l’ascendent non sia retrogradant ni enbergat, car
      retrogradació e son empatxament significa gran tarditat e gran enbergament en las
145   causas e desobediència e que non s’i complirà sinó ab gran treball, jassia que los
      altres significadors sien tots bons e signifiquen perfectió de la cosa.

      [§22] E guarda que la Coha del Dragó non sia ab lo Sol ni ab la Luna ni ells no sien
      en lurs conjunctió ni en lur opposició ni la Coha non sia en l’ascendent ni en la casa
      de cosa, ni tampoch ab la part de la obra que vol fer, car gran viltat aporta en tota
150   res. E fes que de dies sia l’ascendent [f. 152v] en signes de dies e masculins, e de
      nits en nocturnes e femenins, e segons que la natura e·l genus de la cosa requir72.

      [§23] Sàpies que, axí com diu lo Ptholomeu en lo Centiloqui, les esteles fixes donan
      grans dons e forapassan tota mesura, mas per major partida finissen e fan termenar
      en mal73. E per amor d’assò devets guardar, quant volràs metre rey en son
155   coronament, que en l’ascendent non haja estela que sia de natura de Mars, car, si ho
      serà, serà lo rey tiran e destrovidor de son poble per sanch o per foch o per rapina74.
      E si de Venus e de Mars, serà femenié, molt putaner, e majorment si en la nativitat
      havia concordansa de semblants.

      [III. En comensar son coronament e de sos fills]75

160   [§24] Quant volràs coronar rey o fer comte o ennoblehir novellament alcun, posa
      lo Sol en Ariete, passats los primers 1076 graus, o en Leo o en Taurus, e Mars és
      millor en Àries per lo coronament, o fes que Júpiter e Mars lo reguàrdent, o ell a
      ells, de bon esguars e que sien en bona disposició e en alcuna dignitat sua, e fes que

      72
         “Cave praeterea ne Cauda sit cum aliquo Luminarium quum est in coniunctione vel oppositione,
      vel Luminaria non sint in coniunctione vel oppositione. Etiam cave ne Cauda sit in ascendente nec
      in loco rei neque cum parte rei, quia res facit viles [...].Procura in die ascendens de signis diurnis, in
      nocte de nocturnis...”, Abenragel, VII, 2, ARLat, 299.
      73
         “Verbum 29: Stelle fixe dant dona grandia, modum exedentia sed multotiens finiuntur in malum”,
      ff. 109r. Cf. the Arabic text with Italian translation: Aḥmad ibn Yūsuf, Commento al Centiloquio
      tolemaico, 104-105.
      74
         Even though it is not stated as such, this indication could also be based on the Centiloquium,
      verbum 84: “Cum fuerit dominus ascendentis intronizationis alicuius, scilicet officii alicuius
      dignitatis, Mars et ipse in secunda domo vel commixtus domino secunde, destruet substantiam
      eorum quibus preest, precipue si fuerit dominus secunde Iupiter”, ff. 114v-115r. Cf. Aḥmad ibn
      Yūsuf, Commento al Centiloquio tolemaico, 206-207.
      75
         From this point forward, the titles are taken from the general table of Tresbens’ works located at
      the start of the manuscript, with some exceptions that will be indicated in the corresponding places.
      76
         10 written in the margin by the copying scribe, who indicated with the abbreviation of àlias that
      he was correcting the 20 in the text on the basis of another manuscript.
                                                         25
      la Luna sia crexent e, si pot en una de las cases de las 3 planetas sobiranes, e
165   majorment en Aquari o en Sagitari, e Venus e Mercuri que sien directi en lur
      anament e orientals e que Saturnus sia en alcuna dignitat. E si lo Cap del Dragó és
      en lo mig del cel, és fort bon. E fes que ll’ascendent sia 1 del[s] signes o exaltacions
      de les 3 planetas sobirans, mes que la Luna non sia aquí infortunada ni en la 12 ni
      en la 6 ni en la 8 ni en la 2, mas sie en la 3 o en la 5 o en la 11. E enfre totes cosas
170   guarda que la 11 casa e son senyor sien bons e la part de fortuna e son senyor el[s]
      lochs d’aquells. Car aquesta és aquella, per què són significats los accidents dels
      conselladors del Rey e de sa substància, axí com diu lo Ptholomeu en lo Centiloqui,
      verbo 39, on diu que, quant la 11 casa e·l seu senyor seran mals fortunats, serà lo
      dampnatge en la substància del Rey e en los seus concellers, e lo infortuni de la 2
175   casa de l’ascendent significa lo dan del poble en sa substància77. E aquesta sentència
      se acorde ab lo comén de l’Aly78, per què fe ton poder que aquestes 4 cases sien
      fortunades al més que poràs en las cosas dessusdites e lo senyor del 10 non guarde
      de mal esguart lo senyor d’ell. E si lo Sol és en Taurus en lo mig del cel e Leo
      ascendent, serà duració en ell.

180   [§25] Zael diu que hom pauze79 la Luna en l’ascendent en sublimació de [f. 153r]
      reys ajustada a las fortunas80, la qual non sembla bona, per ço car diu Aly que la
      Luna és enemiga de l’ascendent81. En los principis dels camins aquell mateix Zael
      diu que fa varejar los camins quant hom la posa en l’ascendent ni en signes migans,
      per quant que sia fortunada82. E donchs, dic yo, com la Luna significe poble comú,
185   si és posada en l’ascendent, no farà variar lo poble, axí com lo camí. Dich què s’i
      deurà fer. E yo responch-li a la diversitat que és ver, que és mala en viatges e
      comensaments de obres e les fa variar per l’entenció d’aquell que fa la obra en què
      lo fa vagar en 1 e en altre. E per ço car lo príncep és donat per regidor, ha aucmentar
      poble és subject. E per amor d’açò dic que la Luna ben fortunada en coronament e
190   en sublimacions de nobleza e de senyoria [deu] estar en l’ascendent. Encare més és
      bo e necessari que lo senyor de la 4 reguarde les fortunas e les bones planetas. E si
      açò no s’i pot fer, fes que la Luna sia rahebuda e lo senyor de la 4 sia en loch fort.

      77
         “Verbum 39: Malum esse 11 domus et eius domini in intronizatione regum significat quod accidet
      consiliatoribus suis et eius substantie de malo. Et eodem modo erit malum esse secunde que est
      domus substantie, significans quod modicum adispiscetur populus cum illo rege”, Centiloquium, f.
      110r. Cf. The Arabic text with Italian translation: Aḥmad ibn Yūsuf, Commento al Centiloquio
      tolemaico, 124-125.
      78
         Aly in this case does not refer to Haly Abenragel but rather the author of the commentary that
      usually accompanied the Centiloquium, which was falsely attributed to Hali, but in reality, was the
      work of d’Aḥmad ibn Yūsuf ibn al-Dāya. It is found in the above mentioned editions directly
      following the aphorism and, in this case, is limited to justifying the statements of Pseudo-Ptolemy.
      Regardless, Abenragel and Hali are sometimes confused, at least so far as is shown by Tresbens
      himself (Libel d’investigació de tresors, gloss 15, in Giralt, “Astrologia per a la recerca de tresors”).
      79
         pauzar, Occitanism for ‘to put’.
      80
         “Et cum volueris sublimari et moveri ad regnum, sit hoc cum ascensione Leonis, et sit Sol in Tauro
      in medio caeli et Luna in ascendente, iuncta fortunis aut domino medii caeli”, Zahel, De electionibus,
      § 124, in Crofts, Kitab al-iktiyarat, 85.
      81
         “Similiter abhorribilis est Luna in ascendente tam in introitu quam in exitu, quia significat in
      itinere infirmitatem et magnum laborem”, Liber completus d’Abenragel, VII, 70, ARLat, 328 /
      ARLus, 145.
      82
          “Horribilis est etiam praesentia Lunae in ascendente in introitu atque exitu, quia timetur
      peregrinanti infirmitas in suo itinere vel gravis labor in corpore”, Zahel, De electionibus, § 107,
      Crofts, Kitab al-iktiyarat, 77. I have understood varejar as barrejar in the sense of “mix up” or
      “spoil” (DCVB, s. v. ‘barrejar’).
                                                         26
      E si açò non se pot fer, fe-la cazer83 de l’ascendent de son esguart e posa les fortunas
      en l’esguart del 4 signe e de mig cel.

195   [IV. En pendre senyories o potestats e homenatges]

      [§26] Quant volràs pendre o fermar senyoria o principat o homenatges penre e metre
      senyor novell, bones són les demuntdites constil·lacions, mas en special és a metre
      la Luna en signe de Mars ben fortunada, e que guarde a Mars de bon esguart, ab
      bones fortunes en la fi del mes ajustades a ells, e guarda tant per los capítols
200   precedents quant per aquest. E en tots fets d’armes que fassas, Mars apoderat,
      fortunat e participant en bon estament e que haja part en l’ascendent e non pas en
      loch negun de part adversa ni de enemichs, e Júpiter reguarda a la Luna o sia ella
      en ell e en casa sua o de Mars ab sos esguarts. E guarda que la Luna no sia en Càncer
      ni lo senyor de l’ascendent non sia en Cancro ne en casa infortunada ni dels
205   infortunats84.

      [§27] Quant lo senyor de l’ascendent serà en signe fix e l’ascendent fix és, tots
      fortunats, durarà la senyoria, e atressí en los sucsedents fortunats85. E infortuna,
      malícia. E Mars, longa ira e mal cor, si non hi és ab esguart de fortuna e mostra
      decepcions. Sol en l’ascendent signifique moltes cavallaries en grans ajudes en altas
210   e nobles e [f. 153v] gran fama e molt espaordida en excel·lència e poder reyal
      altificat e regne. Júpiter en l’ascendent significa justícia, virtuts e bon regiment e
      honest. Mercuri en l’ascendent lo fa de bones custumes e de gran pes e consell e
      que non haurà cura de deports ni solaços de vanitats. E si aquí serà Venus, serà hom
      de grans delits e deports e serà ergullós e leuger. E si aquí serà la Luna, haurà
215   audàcia e bon nom. E si aquí serà lo Cap del Dragó, significa molt alta senyoria e
      victòria de sos enemichs, e majorment si serà ab fortunas.

      [§28] Quant Júpiter serà cazent de l’ascendent e la Luna del Sol e negun d’ells non
      reguardarà en lo comensament del regne o de la senyoria, significa greu mal. E
      quant Mars serà en lo comensament del regne en bon loch o en casa de Júpiter e
220   que sia reebut, signifique gran audàcia e vanaglòria, que sos manaments farà passar
      de vencre plets e bregas e guardarà ben ses coses.

      [§29] E nota ben que, si lo planeta que és significador serà en la sumitat del seu
      auge e que sia pujant en ell, que serà la dignitat molt noble, honorable e durable e
      de lahor. E ajuda molt la septentrional latitut, que, quant major és, més val e més
225   fort ajuda. E orientelitat ajuda a bontat e sens pena. E la planeta que és en lo mig
      del cel o en l’orient, si és en signe de exaltació de la 1 de los luminaris, ajuda a
      exalçament e honors. E los graus qui són luents e clars e los graus qui fan cúyer
      fortuna quant són e l’ascendent ab bona planeta e per bons esguarts confortats
      ajuden e fan molt en aquest fet.



      83
         Occitanism for ‘to fall’.
      84
         The whole chapter follows the Liber completus d’Abenragel (VII, 81, ARLat, 334-336, ARLus,
      156-159).
      85
         He has not faithfully reproduced his source here: “At si quando ascendens fuerit signum fixum et
      Luna in bono loco figurae in angulo vel succedenti fuerit fortunata, significat quod illud regnum vel
      dominium longo tempore durabit” (ARLat, 334).
                                                       27
230   [§30] E Saturnus en la 11 e que sia en sa exaltació e que Júpiter haja mesclansa ab
      ell ajuda molt a fer poblar terres e lochs, mas que ret lo cors del senyor en ferm e
      flach, e majorment si serà de dies lo fet. E si serà de nits e serà Mars en aquella
      disposició, haurà poder e victòria gran e ardidesa e gran fama expandida e
      mantindrà plets e cavallaries.

235   [§31] E si la part de fortuna s’i acorda, serà més fort en matar gents e en cavalls e
      cavallaries e caminants. E en açò fe acordar la part de la nobilitat que se trau del
      Sol entrò al grau de la exaltació sua, que és 19 graus de Àries, e gites-se del grau
      de l’ascendent de dies e de nits del grau de la Luna entrò al grau [f. 154r] de la sua
      exaltació, que és a 3 graus de Taurus, e gita-se de l’ascendent. E atressí devets
240   acordar la part del regne e fortunar-lo e de la victòria que se pren de dies e de nits
      del grau del Sol al grau de la Luna, e gites del grau del mig cel, car quant aquestas
      parts e lurs senyors seran en bona disposició, significa gran ben a aquell senyor. E
      si non, seguirà-se lo contrari.

      [§32] E si vols saber lo mal e el ben que n’exirà, guarda totes les 12 cases, car
245   aquellas que seran fortunades li daran ben en la lur significació. E aquellas que
      seran infortunades li faran dan en les cases que són de lur significació e del signe
      d’elles e de lur senyor e del senyor del loc de lur senyor.

      [V. En comensar conquerir terres de enemichs e de infidels]

      [§33] Quant volràs conquistar o asetjar terras, villas, ciutats a ta mà e volràs
250   comensar ton camí o ton seti o plets o qüestió moure enfre tu mateix e l’altre, vejas
      si pots: bon és saber ta nativitat e l’ascendent de la vila o del loch que volràs
      conquerir e lo significador de la casa per la qual vols pladejar. E fe de guisa que lo
      significador de l’adversari sia infortunat e cahent dels angles e que lo senyor de
      l’ascendent lo raheba o per ben o per mal. E fe que la Luna guarde a l’ascendent de
255   bon esguart e al seu senyor, e Mars que done sa força e son lum a l’ascendent e a
      son senyor de bon esguart e que reguarde al senyor del 7 o del 12 per mal esguart e
      que lo senyor del 7 e del 12 sien en lur decahiment e pelegrins e appliquen al senyor
      de l’ascendent o al senyor de son loch.

      [§34] E fe, si pots, que Júpiter done alcuna força al senyor de l’ascendent e·l Sol,
260   axí mateix que l’ascendent sia una de les cases de la 1 de las planetes sobiranes. E
      si lo senyor de l’ascendent és en la 11 o en la 10 o si aquell senyor de la 2a d’aquellas
      casas és Mars, bon és. E guarda tant com poràs que Mars non sia en la 7 ni en la 4
      ni e la 8 ni lo senyor de l’ascendent ni de l’11 ni del 10. Mas guarda que non sia
      cazents ni Mars ni ton significador, ni sian applicats a planeta cahent, però lo
265   significador del contrari sia cahent e applicant al teu, car per aquella figura
      conquistaràs tots los enemichs teus, si a Déus plaurà.

      [§35] E si la Luna faràs en disposició estar que porte lo lum o los raigs del senyor
      del 7 per esguart bon e que ell sia en son decasament e retrogradan o pelegrí al
      senyor de l’ascendent per applicació de bon esguart e que Mars guarde a la Luna e
270   atressí a l’ascendent e [f. 154v] Júpiter lo fortifique, adonchs és senyal que
      l’enemich e lo loch vendrà a ta mercè e serà sens batalla o sens ferida. E si lo contrari
      feyas, perdries.

                                                 28
      [VI. En fer affrontament e batalla]86

      [§36] E si volràs que fassa affrontament e batalla, fes Mars sia en angle d’aquell
275   que volràs que vença e que Júpiter o alcuna fortuna lo fortifiquen, que haja poder o
      dignitat en l’ascendent e que aquell sia de natura de l’ascendent, car sàpies que
      aquell a qui donaràs Mars per ajudador serà tostemps vencedor. E non poses pas lo
      senyor de l’ascendent ni de la 2 en la 7 ni en la 8, mas posa lo senyor del 7 o del 8
      en la primera o en la 2, car per aquella disposició serà tostemps lo enemich o lo
280   adversari confús. E guarda que la Luna non sia dampnada, ni lo senyor de sa casa
      ni la 12 del loch de la Luna ni son senyor. E tostemps fe que les planetas que són
      de batalles, axí com Mars, Mercuri e la Luna, sien appoderats per la part que volràs
      que vença, e encara los senyors de les cases on seran.

      [§37] E sàpies que tostemps en fet de batallas vencrà aquell que serà nat de nits e
285   haurà Mars per significador o ajudador en alcuna part de significació en sa nativitat.
      E en ayçò apparella la part de victòria la qual se aparella e se trau del grau del loch
      del Sol entrò al grau de Mars e gitaràs-la del grau de l’ascendent e guarda que ella
      non caya ni son senyor en la 4 ni en la 8.

      [§38] Ítem guarda que non vajas combatre ab algun ni pladejar quant la Luna serà
290   en Taurus ajustada ab Mars, car aquella col·lació és fort mala. Mas si iràs quant la
      Luna serà en Gèminis o en Càncer fortificada per Mars o per bones planetes, va
      segurament, car aquell qui comensarà en tal disposició vencrà. Mas si serà en
      Vírgine o en Capricornus, qui comensarà serà vençut. Tostemps que la Luna sia
      salva de infortunas e que guarde les fortunes, qui comensarà de combatre o pladejar
295   vencrà, mas que non sia en aquells signes dessusdits e que Saturnus non sia en
      triplicitat de Taurus.

      [VII. En trametre desafiaments e en pendre-los per triar avantatge a si mateix]

      [§39] Quant volràs desafiar ton enemich e que haja pahor de tu e fassa tas volentats
      o que convengue que s’humilie a tu, fortunaràs la Luna e Mercuri per Mars e per
300   Júpiter e l’ascendent e son senyor, e pausaràs87 lo senyor del 7 e del 12 cazents
      d’aquells e de lurs senyor[s], si pots, e en tal constil·lació tra/met [f. 155r] ton
      desafiament.

      [§40] Quant sabràs que alcun ton enemich te tramet dezafiament, destrigua que non
      lo prengues entrò que vejas la figura del cel apparellada a ton profit. E fe que lo
305   senyor del 7 sia appoderat sobre lo senyor de l’ascendent, car l’ascendent és aquell
      que apporta o tramet lo desafís e lo 7 és de tu a qui ven. E fe tota la força al 7 que
      poràs e a son senyor, axí com fist a l’ascendent quant tu tramatist los desafiaments.

      [VIII. En saber que se’n seguirà per la hora en què li és tramès o presentat lo
      desafiament]


      86
         While the table of contents does not provide any title corresponding to this passage, the space with
      the guide letter indicates the start of a new chapter. For this reason it was added. This entire chapter
      follows Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 55 (ARLat, 320 / ARLus, 130-131).
      87
         pausaràs is an Occitanism for ‘you will put’.
                                                        29
310   [§41] Si vols saber que se’n seguirà per los dezafiments, vejas lo senyor de
      l’ascendent e la Luna, en qual estament és ab lo senyor de la 4, car si és fortuna e
      haurà applicació ab lo senyor de l’ascendent de bon esguart, la fi serà bona per lo
      que comense o fo causa del desafiament. E si ab lo 7 o ab son senyor, serà la fi bona
      per aquell a qui foren tramès los significadors. E si serà lo senyor de la 4 infortuna
315   e la applicació mala, serà la fi mala o serà lo mal a aquell a qui s’aplicarà per qüestió
      o per esguart. E si lo senyor de l’ascendent és en la 4 e és fortuna, serà la fi bona. E
      si infortuna, mala. E si aquí serà la Coha del Dragó ab fortuna o ab infortuna, serà
      la fi mala per aquell de qui serà la planeta que aquí serà o per aquell ab qui farà
      applicació. Axí matex, si lo senyor de l’ascendent serà mal e en mala disposició en
320   lo temps del dezafiament, és mal per aquell que tramet. E si lo senyor del 7 és mal
      e en mala disposició, és mal per aquell a qui és tramès e lo Cap del Dragó fa
      forticació en ben ab los bons e ab mal en los mals. E la Coha del Dragó aminva de
      la boneza dels bons e crex en la malícia dels mals.

      [IX. En comensar la guerra per terra o per mar. Per anar contra son vassall
325   rebel·le]88

      [§42] Si la guerra volets comensar per terra o per mar, guardats ves qual part són
      los enemichs contra los quals volets anar. E guardats si l’ome contra qui volets
      guerrejar és rebel·le a vós o vós a ell, o si és vostre senyor o vós d’ell. Car null
      temps Rey ni altre senyor no deu anar contra son vassall rebel·le, si donchs la Luna
330   non és fortunada, car tostemps la Luna e·l senyor e·l senyor de l’ascendent, segons
      Alkindi, són del rebel·le. Mas per ço car lo senyor lo vol rependre, cové que al
      comensament de sa correctió o persecució que prengua la fortuna de son rebel·le
      per si matex e que fassa l’ascendent e son senyor e la Luna fortunada e posa
      tostemps la Luna detrás sas espallas, axí que, si va anta89 orient, que la Luna sia en
335   occident90, e si en occident va, [f. 155v] que ane91 quant serà la Luna en la part
      d’orient. E si serà meridional per latitut o per signes, que ell ane vers septentrion. E
      si serà septentrional per latitut o per signes, que ane vers migjorn.

      [§43] E lo rey o lo senyor deu guardar, quant irà contra son rebel·le, que Mars sia
      en les parts de orient, que són de 10 graus del signe de Taurus a 10 graus de Leo. E
340   de 10 graus d’Escorpí entrò a 10 graus de Aquari en açò, si rebel·le és en las parts
      de l’orient al loch del senyor. E si él serà envers las parts de l’occident, espera que
      Mars sia en los graus occidentals, que són de 10 graus de Leo entrò a 10 graus
      d’Escorpí e de 10 graus de Aquari a 10 graus de Taurus. E sobretot se guart tothom
      de guerra, que non comens a combatre ni plets en horas malas, que són ditas

      88
         These two titles provided by the table of contents describe content set forth in a single chapter.
      89
         anta (=enta) ‘towards.’ Despite the fact that the preposition enta exists in the more western forms
      of Catalan and Aragonese (DCVB s. v. ‘enta’, in Joan Coromines, Diccionari etimològic i
      complementari de la llengua catalana, 9 vols. (Barcelona, 1980-1991), s. v. «en» adverb), we have
      considered it as an Occitanism here.
      90
         This citation of al-Kindi comes from Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 57, ARLat, 321-322 /
      ARLus, 133-134, which is actually the base source for this chapter. The origin of the passage as
      being from al-Kindi can be found in the Iudicia astrorum by al-Kindi, “The Forty chapters (Iudicia
      astrorum): the two Latin versions”, unpublished edition by Charles Burnett (London, 1993), 120
      (available at the Warburg Institute, London).
      91
         In my opinion ane is an Occitanism (‘to go’ in subjunctive). Despite the fact that the third person
      present subjective is an in medieval Occitan, ane is common in modern Occitan: José Ramón
      Fernández González, Gramática histórica provenzal (Oviedo, 1985), 386-387, 406.
                                                       30
345      combustas e són 12. Aprés la conjunctió del Sol e de la Luna tantost següent. E
         puys són bones entrò a 96. E puys són 12 combustes, que són del nombre de las 96
         inclusivament. E per saber-las pus tost en n’e feta assí una taula on són totes segons
         los dies de la edat de la Luna e són hores artificials92.

         [§44] Diu l’Alkabissi que qui comensarà batallar en las primeras 4 perdrà la vida.
350      E en las següens 4 serà nafrat sens que non morrà. E en las 4 derreras perdrà de sos
         bens e de sos companyons93. [f. 156r]


      Etat de   Hores     Hores       Quals hores són        Etat de    Hores       Hores      Quals hores
      Luna      singu-    col·lec-    bones e quals          Luna       singu-      col·lec-   són bones e
      dies      lars      tas         són malas              dies       lars        tas        quals malas

         1        12         12       combustes                 16         12         372      combustes

         1        24         24       bones                     16         24         384      bones

         2        12         36       bones                     17         12         396      bones

         2        24         48       bones                     17         24         408      bones

         3        12         60       bones                     18         12         420      bones

         3        24         72       bones                     18         24         432      bones

         4        12         84       bones                     19         12         444      bones

         4        24         96       combustes                 19         24         456      bones

         5        12         108      bones                     20         12         468      combustes

         5        24         120      bones                     20         24         480      bones

         6        12         132      bones                     21         12         492      bones

         6        24         144      bones                     21         24         508      bones

         7        12         156      bones                     22         12         516      bones

         7        24         168      bones                     22         24         528      bones

         8        12         180      combustes                 23         12         540      bones
                                      bones
         8        24         192                                23         24         552      bones

         9        12         204      bones                     24         12         564      combustes

         9        24         216      bones                     24         24         576      bones

        10        12         228      bones                     25         12         588      bones


         92
            It is true, as stated, that Tresbens was the one who drew up the table, copied on the following
         folio, based on the explanation by Abenragel, as well as other tables that he created in certain points
         of the Libre de les nativitats based on various authors (Giralt, “Drawing from the marrow”). The
         table is shown after paragraph §44.
         93
            “Qui inceperit in iiii horis primis bellare, timenda erit perditio anime sue, et qui inceperit in 4
         horis secundis, timendum erit ei detrimentum corporis sui sine amissione anime sue, et qui inceperit
         in 4 horis ultimis, timendum erit ei detrimentum substantie et sociorum”, Alcabitius, Introductorius,
         IV, 310 (348).
                                                           31
      10       24         240      bones                      25         24        600      bones

      11       12         242      bones                      26         12        612      bones

      11       24         264      bones                      26         24        628      bones

      12       12         276      combustes                  27         12        636      bones

      12       24         288      bones                      27         24        648      bones

      13       12         300      bones                      28         12        660      combustes

      13       24         312      bones                      28         24        672      bones

      14       12         324      bones                      29         12        684      bones

      14       24         336      bones                      29         24        696      bones

      15       12         348      bones                      30         12        708      bones

      15       24         360      bones                      30         24        720      combustes        mediocres


       [X. Ítem per las horas combustes]

      [f. 156v][§45] Ítem guarda que non comens plets ni guerra ni tensó94 en signes
355   movibles, e majorment de Àries e de Libra, ni Càncer estant en l’ascendent, per ço
      car la Luna, que és sa dona e son senyor, és la més bas95 de tots, e Saturnus és lo
      més alt, que sia senyor del 7. Per què fortificaràs ton contrari, con ja t’e dit que los
      signes dels 3 sobirans són fortunas, mes en tals obras e fets96.

      [XI. En destruir o rompre villas o castells]97

360   [§46] E si vols destruir o rompre villas o castells de tos enemichs, posa l’ascendent
      signe del foch o d’ayre, e que la Luna sia en tals signes con aquells, e sia l’ascendent
      de assencions directes, e lo senyor de l’ascendent que sia occidental, e la primera
      planeta que ha per pujar aprés l’ascendent sia aminvant en son anament e que sia
      applicant a alcuna planeta d’aquella matexa condició e que vaja a son casament98,
365   que és lo contrari de sa exaltació e que sia lunyat de ll’angle o casa d’ell, mas99 que
      non sia pas retrogradan. E és bon que la Luna sia oriental aminvant de son lum e de
      son anament e remoguda de l’angle o cazén e que applique a alcuna planeta que sia
      d’aquella condició matexa e que vaja a son decasament de la Luna, que és en
      Escorpí. E si la Luna és sobre terra, fe que applique a planeta que stia dejús la terra,
370   mas guarda que lo senyor de l’ascendent no sia retrogradan. E serà bo si·s feya en
      la derrera 4 del mes lunar e que la Luna no reguarde lo senyor de la casa ni lo Sol100.



      94
         Occitanism for ‘struggle’.
      95
         Occitanism for ‘low’.
      96
         This chapter is based on Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 55 (ARLat, 321 / ARLus, 132).
      97
         This chapter does not appear in the initial table of contents, but the presence of a guide letter and
      the change in subject indicate it is opportune to add it.
      98
         i.e. ‘cazement’, an Occitanism for ‘fall’ (a position of weakness of the planet). In Latin, ad eius
      casum (ARLat, 323).
      99
         mas was later changed by the scribe into Mars by adding an r.
      100
          Until this point Tresbens follows Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 58, ARLat, 323 / ARLus, 136.
                                                        32
      E la Coha del Dragó estan en la 4 ab alcuna infortuna és fort en tal electió, car
      sotsvertís tots edeficis.

      [XII. En trametre cavallers o pehons per fer la guerra]

375   [§47] E si volets trametre cavallers o pehons per fer la guerra, serva la manera del
      primer e del segon capítols101 e fortifica l’ascendent e la 11 casa e la 2 e la 5 a son
      senyor del 9. Fe cazer lo 7 e·l 8 e·l 12 e per aquestes maneres dessusdites destruiràs
      tos enemichs, si Déus ho vol permetre, e que fassas per Déus ab justícia e mercè de
      tot proïsme e per força forçada, e fe so que faràs e non per voluntat pròpia ni per
380   tolre res en aquell que tort non te de, e Déus ajudar t’a. Aprés vejas avant lo capítol
      2 àlias 20, on se tractarà d’açò102.

      [XIII. En trametre legats per fer pau]

      [§48] E si volets trametre legat per tractar pau, fortifica la Luna o lo senyor de
      l’ascendent e fe participant Júpiter ab ella, e Mercuri que sia ab ella e que porte la
385   Luna los raigs del senyor de l’ascendent [f.157r] al senyor del 7 o del senyor del 7
      al senyor de l’ascendent, o almenys de aquell que serà significador d’aquell que vol
      la pau. E guarda que Mars non hi sia participant ni la Coha del Dragó, mas fe que
      las planetas que signifiquen guerra e part de fortuna sian en disposició amigable e
      que lo Cap del Dragó o Júpiter o abdós sien en lo mig del cel o en lurs bones
390   disposicions e que en la 4 hajan fortuna, e lo senyor de la quarta sia fortuna e en
      bon estat ab los sobredits, e non sian retrogradants ni combusts ne sien pelegrins
      neguns dels significadors, e axí hauran pau, si Déus plau, acabada.

      [XIV. En trametre legats o missatgés per matrimoni de si o de fill o de filla]

      [§49] Ítem si los legats volets trametra per tractar e fer matrimoni per ton fill o filla,
395   la semblant constil·lació dessusdita és necessària, e que sia fortunat lo 7 e·l 8 e lur
      senyor e lo primer e·l segon de l’ascendent e que la 1 applique a l’altre de bons
      esguarts e que non sia la Luna en signes estèrils, que són exorchs, ni sia en
      l’ascendent signe tort. E Venus e Júpiter fe que hajan part en açò, e lo Sol, e que
      fassan alcuns esguarts bons, e los luminaris sobretot hajan acort ab los significadors
400   e ab lo senyor de la 5, e axí faran, si a Déu plau, bon tractament.

      [XV. En comensar viatge per terra o per mar]

      [§50] En comensar viatge per terra o per mar tots signes ferms hi són vituperables,
      exceptat Leo e aquell mes, si non és en fet de Reys o de guerras. E en aquellas dues
      coses és fort lohat. E los signes migans són bons per metre-los en l’ascendent, sol
405   que la Luna non sia en ells ni en l’ascendent, encara que sia fortunada, car dien que
      fa mudar canvis. En Ariete estant la Luna ben fortunada és bon camí pendre, e en
      lo comensament de Libra, mas del mig de Libra avant non és loable. En Capricornus
      és bon, mas que Saturnus non sia retrogradan. E en Cancro és bon, mas que Júpiter
      hi sia o la reguarde de bon loch. O que la Luna sia crexent en signe de aygua bon
410   és per aygua, mas que fortunes hi sien o los conforten. En signes de foch és bon

      101
            References to chapters 1 to 2 of the same treatise, in which there are general indications.
      102
            It is not clear which chapter it refers to, since it does not coincide with any subsequent passage.
                                                          33
      vers orient, mas que sien fortunats, e en signes de terra vers migjorn, e d’aygua vers
      septentrion, e d’ayre vers occident. En signes que sien exaltació de alcuna planeta
      bon és exir en camí en la hora d’aquella planeta aquell signe ascendent. E és mal
      exir en hora de la planeta de la qual lo signe qui és en l’ascendent és son caziment,
415   que és oppòsit de sa exaltació, axí com exir en hora de Mars estant Càncer en
      l’ascendent, mas en hora de Júpiter és bon, per ço car és signe de sa exaltació. [f.
      157v] E axí dels altres.

      [§51] En tot camí fe fortunat lo 7 e son senyor, e lo 8 e son senyor, e la Luna, e non
      poses la Luna en la 6 ni en la 8 ni en la 9 ni 12, ni la fassas estar en la via combusta
420   que és de mig de Libra entrò al mig d’Escorpí, e per res no la poses en signes de
      dos corsos, si pots. E segons los lochs e fets per què iràs acorda la Luna ab lo
      significador de la casa, axí com si vas al rey o a poderós e noble que acordes la
      Luna ab lo senyor del 10.

      [§52] E si vas a romiatge o a prelat o a religiós o per sciència apendre, acorda-lo ab
425   lo 9. E si vas a amichs o per fortuna o per cosa en què speren confiansa de recaptar
      o per fer consell ab amichs o altres, acorda-la ab la 11. E si vas per enemichs acorda-
      la ab la 12, segons que requerrà lo negoci e la rahó per què hi vas. E si per comprar
      terras o ppossecions, acorda-la ab la 4 e ab son senyor. E axí hauràs profit, si a Déu
      plau, en lo viatge.

430   [§53] E guarda que Mars non empatxe la Luna ni sia en la 3 ni en la 9a, car ladres
      o robadors hi ha, si donchs tu matex per robar e desrobar non vas, car en aquells és
      profitós per guanyar, mas que Mars que sia fortunat. E guarda de Saturnus en mar
      que no sia infortunat, car –diu Ptholomeu103– non dampna Mars en los camins de
      l’aygua ni Saturnus en los camins o viatges de terra, mas guarda de Saturnus per
435   mar, axí com de Mars per terra.

      [§54] E fe acordar la Luna ab lo significador per què vas: axí com vas al Rey, que
      sia amigada ab lo Sol. E si per religioses o savis o jutges, acorda-la ab Júpiter. E si
      a mercaders o scrivans o comptadors de moneda, ab Mercuri. E si a fembres jòvens,
      vullas acordar-la ab Venus. E si ab hòmens vils o lavoradors de terra, acorda-lo ab


      103
          This indication, as it is formulated here, does not seem to come from Ptolemy but rather from the
      Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 1, ARLat, 298 / ARLus, 91: “Non facit Mars damnum iter
      facientibus per aquam, sicut Saturnus non multum subeuntibus iter per terram”. However, Trebens's
      wrong attribution of this statement to Ptolemy might have been induced by Aḥmad ibn Yūsuf's
      commentary to the Centiloquium (verbum 55): “Impedimenta vero que fiunt in mari sunt Saturni”,
      ff. 112. By contrast, Ptolemy’s Quadripartitum (IV, 7, f. 98r) gives different rules: “Si Saturnus
      etiam et Mars locis luminarium dominentur, maxime autem cum per longitudinem in oppositione
      fuerit, id quod ei continget invalitudo nuncupabitur et ipse multum impedietur. Quod si in signis
      humidis uterque moretur, hoc impedimentum ei ex infestatione aquatici itineris et ex submersione
      vel propter infortunium iter aride vie per desertorum locorum transitus continget” (corresponding to
      chapter IV, 8, in the modern edition Le Previsioni astrologiche, ed. Simonetta Feraboli (Verona,
      1985), 332. It is worth noting that Ibn Ezra also attributes a similar opinion to Ptolemy by stating
      that if Saturn is in the ninth house when an interrogation is made for a sea voyage, it means a heavy
      storm, while if it is Mars in relation to a land voyage, it means and attack by bandits: Sefer ha-
      She’elot II or second version of the Book on interrogations, 9.1, Abraham Ibn Ezra on elections,
      interrogations, and medical astrology: a parallel Hebrew-English critical edition of the 'Book of
      elections' (3 versions), the 'Book of interrogations' (3 versions), and the 'Book of the luminaries',
      edited, translated, and annotated by Shlomo Sela (Leiden - Boston, 2011), 379.
                                                       34
440   Saturnus. E axí servada la bona propiació del temps ab aquestes coses, hauràs bon
      viatge, si a Déu plau, e fortuna en so per què hiràs.

      [XVI. En fer cavallers novells]

      [§55] Si al Rey plaurà a fer e criar cavallers novells e vols que Déus los fassa
      melloria e ben e que sian leyals a ell e a lurs cavallaria[s], faça que Leo sia en lo
445   ascendent e lo Sol en Taurus o en Àries o en Sagitari, o que Aquari sia ascendent e
      lo Sol en Ariete e Júpiter que l’esguarde de bon loch e Saturnus tanbé. E si Mars és
      fortunat e porà ésser en loch que guarde a l’ascendent o al mig del cel o lo senyor
      de l’ascendent o del mig cel o cascun de bon esguart, és bo, mas que non sia Mars
      en [f. 158r] la 7 ni en la 12 ni en la 6 ni en la 8 ni en la 4, si non que fos senyor
450   d’aquella e encara en aquell loch non mi plau. E non sia desmembrada la Luna, que
      sia en disposició que porte los raigs del mig cel o de son senyor per bon esguart al
      senyor de l’ascendent o del senyor de l’ascendent al mig cel o a son senyor en bon
      loch e de bon loch. E atressí a Mars, si fer-sa pot de bon loch e non sien pelegrins
      ni combusts ni retrogradants ni en contrari de lur casa ni de lur exaltació ne
455   apliquem a l’alcun que fos d’aquella disposició. E en aytal constil·lació farà Déu
      mercè al cavaller, si li plaurà.

      [XVII. En comensar consell novell sobra alqun fet]

      [§56] Quant lo rey volrà sobre alcun fet comensar consell, apte la 11 casa e son
      senyor per bona fortuna e per bona disposició e la Luna e la 10 e la primera, e guarda
460   que la Coha del Dragó non hi sia e Mercuri sia en bon estament, e Júpiter e Saturnus
      e en special la planeta que significa la cosa de què se fa lo consell. E quant més
      planetas hi seran bones, tant més serà millor. E lo senyor de la hora no sia cazent ni
      pelegrí ni en contrari de sa casa ni de sa exaltació, e si serà en son terme, seria fort
      bon Sol que non fos cazent e que guarde la Luna.

465   [XVIII. En ajustament de corts]

      [§57] En ajustar las corts generals havets acordar les constil·lacions devantdites e
      fer de tot en tot que Júpiter ni Mercuri non sian retrogradants ni infortunats, e que
      lo senyor de l’11 e del 9 e del 10 sian acordant[s] ab lo senyor de l’ascendent, e lo
      senyor de la fi que sia fortuna, e la Luna que porte lums e raigs dels uns als altres,
470   e majorment al consell e al senyor del 10. E si fer-se pot, que·l porte al senyor d’ell,
      e de l’ascendent e de l’11 e del 9 e de la 4 al senyor del 10 per concòrdia e de ters,
      e axí finirà so que volrà en sas corts, si a Déu plau.

      [§58] E remembre’m-i que lo Rey féu 1 consell ab tots los barons en Catalunya e
      yo viu que termeneren lo consell e yo diguí a l’archabisbe de Saragossa que notàs
475   bé aquella cosa que yo li diria: que ja res no se’n seguiria d’aquella determinació,
      per ço car la Luna era adonchs en la 6 casa. E axí fo, per què guardats tots temps
      que la Luna non sia cazent104.


      104
         This council may be a summons of the barons and clergy celebrated on 10 July 1362 and the
      archbishop of Zaragoza is without doubt Lope Fernández de Luna. Regarding this reference, see the
      second section of the introduction.
                                                     35
      [XIX. En demandar adjutori o tribut al poble]

      [§59] E si vol demanar ajuda ni tribut a son poble, apparte l’ascendent e Júpiter e
480   la Luna e fassa posar lo senyor de l’ascendent en la 10 o lo senyor del segon en la
      10 o en la 11, o Júpiter que sia en la 11 ab la Luna o en son esguart e que haja [f.
      158v] bones dignitats, e non sia pelegrí ni cazent lo senyor de la 11 ni la Luna. Mas
      lo senyor de l’ascendent e la Luna e lo senyor del segon sien en la 11 o 10 pelegrins,
      mas non pas retrogradent ni combust, mas si poden star jus los raigs sens combustió,
485   seria bo, car significa estar lo poble en obediència del senyor. E si Mercuri aquí serà
      en Gèmini o en son bon esguart, seria fort bon, mas que Càncer fos fora de la 12 o
      que fos ardidament ascendent Càncer e Júpiter en la 11 ab la Luna o en la 10 e
      Mercuri en la 11 atressí o en la 10. E non laysen105 la part de fortuna ni son senyor
      que esguàrdent l’ascendent e son senyor e la Luna, e fay de tot en tot que la 7 casa
490   sia francha del mal, car la demanda seria perduda, si era embargada. E acorda en
      açò los significadors d’aquells a qui demanaràs: si a prelat, Júpiter; si a donas,
      Venus; si a scrivans, Mercuri; si a vils e lavoradors, Saturnus; si a tot lo poble, la
      Luna e·l senyor de l’ascendent. E en tal constil·lació non poria lo poble contradir al
      senyor ab la ajuda de Déu.

495   [XX. En demanar o metre officials o batles]

      [§60] Quant volrà lo Rey donar officis per execució de justícias, axí com son vaguer
      o batles o senescals o castallanies, e volrà que aquell persevere en son offici e que
      lo fassa ab bona fe e ab bona justícia, guarda que la Luna sia en Sagitari o en Pisces
      o en Càncer e que Júpiter la guarde de bon loch e de bon esguart e Venus que les
500   fortifique per semblant esguart106.

      [XXI. En fer cullir rendes]

      [§61] Lo Sol e Júpiter e Venus són significadors de rendas e la Luna dels cullidors,
      e la 11, de la substància e rendas del rey, e la 11 comtant de la 10, dels furts, e la
      segona de l’ascendent e la 8 de l’ascendent és de las rendas del mort e de les rendes
505   dotals e mellors. E per so devets adobar e endreçar aquestes en bones disposicions
      e la Luna ajustada ab los significadors per bons esguarts. E si ho faràs, hauràs lyals
      cullidors e complit compte. E si la Luna serà infortunada e Mars la esguardarà, seran
      robadors d’aquella e dar t’an mal comte e fals.

      [XXII. En fer tesaurers]

510   [§62] E si vols comanar ton tresor o fer tasaurer, sia fortunada la segona casa e la
      11 e la Luna, e fes cazer Mars e la Cauda e Saturnus dels lochs de la substància e
      del sen, car aquest hi fa gran dan, mas Saturnus n’i fa pus poch. [f. 159r]

      [XXIII. En fer trametre capitanis sobre companhes]



      105
          Occitanism for ‘they let’.
      106
         Cf. Abenragel, VII, 83, ARLat, 337 / ARLus, 160: “In dignitate alcaydiarum seu iudicum utile est
      si Luna sit in aliqua domorum Iovis aspicentis eam de tertio vel sextili, Venere fortunante ambos”.
                                                      36
      [§63] Un capítol posa l’Aly que és fort general e necessari a tot Rey e gran senyor
515   quant deu fer capitans o majordoms sobra alcunas companyes per combatre107.
      Salvades les regles dessusdites, diu que, si vols conèxer e saber quals d’aquellas
      companyas és major, mellor e pus fel e pus vertader, dich que reguarts a l’ascendent
      e al senyor de la triplicitat de l’ascendent, e fassa 3 ordes d’aquellas companyes
      aquell que las nomenarà, e al primer orde compararà lo senyor primer de la
520   triplicitat o, al segon orde, lo senyor segon e, al 3 orde, lo 3 senyor. E guarda en la
      figura del cel quals d’aquellas 3 planetas és en mellor disposició, e aquell orde que
      li és contrasemblant serà son capità mellor e pus leal e més victoriós, emperò Mars
      non t’i desmembre.

      [§64] Quant aquell a qui Mars darà mal e que la Luna sia infortunada e desemparada
525   de fortunas e que los altres se[n]yors de la triplicitat sien flachs, aquell serà pus
      poderós e més leyal, mas ja no porà complir so per què va ni aconsaguir. E si
      Saturnus lo infortuna, haurà tardansa d’aquella en so que haurà elegir. E si la
      infortuna que fa lo mal és en terme de fortuna e que fortuna lo esguarde, farà una
      gran partida d’açò per què va.

530   [§65] E si tots los 3 senyors de la triplicitat seran eguals, en bé jutjaràs que tots
      seran bons e faran bon profit e per ço que van. E si tots seran mals, tots seran de
      mal fer, més que ben, o seran traÿdors o no faran res de ben. E sàpies que lo senyor
      primer és lo senyor que ha senyoria de dies, si la obra se fa de dies. E lo 2 aquell de
      la nit, e lo 3 és lo participant. E si la obra se fa de nit, sàpies que és primera aquella
535   planeta que ha senyoria en la triplicitat de nit.

      [§66] E sàpies que, si aquella planeta que dona la melloria serà infortuna e que sia
      apoderant sobre les altres, que aquell home que és de sa participació farà més avant
      que son senyor non li mana e cosa que no li plaurà. E si ab tot açò haurà esguart de
      bones planetas, vencrà tot per violència o per malas obras. E aquell que haurà
540   fortunas en sa significació sens infortunas farà ben e noblament sos affers e los
      complirà. E si Mars és 1 d’aquells senyors de la triplicitat e que esguart de bons
      esguarts, non és dampnatge negú, ans és bon, e axí segons los estaments de les
      planetas jutjaràs los fets d’aquells [f. 159v] hòmens.

      [XXIV. En scriure cartes]108

545   [§67] E pot se ajustar en aprés d’aquest capítol per trametre correus o cartas
      escriure. Car en assò devets fer que la Luna sia applicant a la planeta que és
      significador d’aquell a qui tramates per bon esguart e que sia salva de malas
      disposicions. E si tramets a rey, que sia applicant al sol. E si al papa109, applique a
      Júpiter, e axí dels altres, e que no sien cazents dels angles. E quant scriuràs letras o

      107
          The first part of this chapter (until “no faran res de ben”) is based on Abenragel, Liber completus,
      VII, 85, ARLat 337-338 / ARLus, 161-162.
      108
          Title taken from the general table of contents. However, in the text there is no separation between
      this and the preceding chapter, nor is there any guide letter indicating a new chapter. Under this
      heading, Tresbens combines two very short chapters of the Liber completus by Abenragel, VII, 36
      and 37, respectively, on the sending of messengers and the writing of letters (ARLat, 314 / ARLus,
      119).
      109
          The author uses “pope” to replace the expression “iudex aut mercator” that we find in the Latin
      (at least in the printed version), while the Portuguese version says, “alqueide ou juits ou mercador”.
                                                        37
550   cartes, fe que la Luna sia applicant a Mercuri franch o poderós e que fassas que
      l’ascendent e son senyor sien franchs de mala[s] planetas e de lurs raigs.

      [XXV. En convits pendre o fer]

      [§68] Si vols covidar algun, fe que lo senyor del 5 e la Luna e la 11 casa hajan bona
      conveniència ab l’ascendent, aquell ascendent sia bo. E son senyor e Júpiter és bon
555   e Venus e·l Cap del Dragó en tals affers. E guarde que Mars ni la Coha del Dragó
      ni Saturnus ni lo senyor de la 8 ni del 6 ni de la 12 no hi sien ni fassan mal, car
      bregues e desacorts e falsies s’i tractarien.

      [§69] E si hom vol covidar tu e alcun d’aquelles planetes seran en la 11 o ab son
      senyor e guardarà al senyor de la 7 de mal esguart, sàpies que per ton dan t’i guiden,
560   que, si aquí és Mars, mort o plagues hauràs. E si la Coha del Dragó, metzines o
      poysós110. E si Saturnus, malaltia hi penràs. E si Mercuri aquí serà infortunat o serà
      ab lo senyor del 7 o lo del senyor de la 11 serà ab lo senyor de la 7 en la 6 casa o en
      la 8 o en la 12, mort o presó o malaltia hauràs per aquell convit. E si lo senyor del
      7 és infortuna e lo senyor de l’ascendent tanbé, per mal te covida, no hi vajas. E si
565   són en esguart l’un de l’altre d’amistansa e són mals de si mala volentat te porta,
      farets pau. E si fortunas los esguardara[n], sallirets111 bons amichs.

      [XXVI. En present pendre o trametra]

      [§70] E quant t’i trametran presents, fe que lo senyor de l’ascendent sia elevat o per
      augis o per latitud sobre lo senyor del 7. E si tu lo trametes, fe per lo contrari, e
570   seguent les regles del capítol quant hon dona a cabal. 112

      [XXVII. En vestir novelles vestidures]

      [§71] En tallar vestits nous e vestir-los, fe que la Luna sia en signe o movible o
      comú, mas guarda que non sia en conjunctió del Sol ni en la opposició ni lo Sol non
      sia en l’ascendent ni en lo occident, e que non sia en signes ferms, majorment en



      110
          Occitanism or Gallicism for “poison”. The sense of the Occitan term is only shown with the
      meaning “potion, drinking” in the DOM (s. v. “poison”) and Emil Levy, Provenzalisches
      supplement-Wörterbuch: Berichtigungen und Ergänzungen zu Raynouards Lexique roman (Leipzig,
      1894-1924), s. v. “poison”; Simon Jude Honnorat, Dictionnaire provençal-français ou dictionnaire
      de la langue d’oc ancienne et moderne (Digne, 1846-1847), s. v. “poiso”; or François-Just-Marie
      Raynouard, Lexique roman ou dictionnaire de la langue des troubadours (Paris, 1838-1844), s. v.
      “poizo”. Only Frederic Mistral, Lou Tresor dóu Felibrige ou Dictionnaire provençal-français
      embrassant les divers dialectes de la langue d’oc moderne (Raphèle-lès-Arles, 1979 [1932]), s. v.
      “pouisoun”, and the modern Occitan dictionaries, such as Louis Alibert, Dictionnaire occitan-
      français d aprs les parlers languedociens (Toulouse, 1966) or Diccionari General de la Lenga
      Occitana (2008-2016), accept the “poison” meaning.
      111
          Occitanism (that is also used later) meaning “to exit”.
      112
          I have opened this chapter present in the table of contents despite the fact that it does not
      correspond to any guide letter. It is based on Abenragel’s Liber completus, VII, 35, ARLat, 314 /
      ARLus, 118. Tresbens translates the Latin “in capitulo dandi capitale” into Catalan as “capítol quant
      hon dona a cabal”. However, Abenragel’s “in capitulo dandi capitale” refers to Liber completus,
      VII, 13, but the Occitan astrologer does not include that section in his own treatise and, consequently,
      the reference has little sense.
                                                        38
575   Leo, si donques non són d’armadu/res [f. 160r], e lo Sol e la Luna en mig del cel, e
      sia bona la segona casa e son senyor al comprar del drap113.

      [XXVIII. En domdar e córrer cavalls e comprar]114

      [§72] Quant volràs domar115 cavalls o bèsties altres, tota la electió està en so que la
      Luna sia fortunada e crexent e que non sia applicada a planeta retrogradan. E si és
580   cavall, que applique a Mars, ell estan fortuna en bon loch o en sa dignitat. E los ases
      e los muls són de Saturnus, e los bous són de Saturnus e de Júpiter e aquells són
      egualadors ab la Luna.

      [§73] E en comprar los cavalls devets guardar temps que la Luna sia ajustada a
      alcuna fortuna e aquell[a] fortuna sia oriental e non retrogradan e que sia ascendent
585   e guardade de conjunctió de mala planeta, car adonchs seria dubte e temor de perdre
      la bèstia. E si aquella bèstia que volràs comprar és ja domada, fe que, quant la
      compraràs, puge signe comú en l’ascendent e que la Luna sia en signe ferm, mas
      que non sia Aquari ni Escorpí, car en aquestes serà debilitació en alcun membre de
      la bèstia e l’ascendent sia signe dels sobirans planetas. E si la planeta era descendent
590   e retrogradan o deffallen de lum, seria la bèstia petita. E si és directus e crexent e
      puja en son agme, serà gran de sos membres e bells. E açò diu per saber l’ésser de
      la bèstia, quant hom no la ha vista encara o quant hom la compra abans que sia
      nodrida e sap hom per açò son ésser. E si compraràs bèstia que non sia ja domada,
      sie l’ascendent signe comú e la Luna sia en signe movible ajustada ab fortuna, e
595   Mercuri és bo en açò.116

      [§74] Aquell que volrà vencre en cavalls córrer, quant comensarà a exir de sa casa,
      pose que lo senyor de la hora sia en l’ascendent e, si lo senyor de la hora serà en la
      10 casa, seran molt corrents aquells que són enfre los primés e·ls derrés. E si serà
      en la 7 casa, correrà mils ab aquells qui foren prop dels derrés. E si serà en l’angle
600   de la terra, corren millor ab los derrés, mas roman detràs. E si lo senyor de la hora
      serà en son casament, cayrà117 la bèstia. E és bon en tal fet que la Luna sia en
      Sagitari o en la meytat de Libra.

      [XXIX. En fer juntes o torneigs]

      [§75] E per açò car juntes e tornejaments és fet d’armes e és manera de joch de
605   deport, no per esters face per exercissi, en lo qual camp enveja e cascun hi vol haver
      victòria e honor. E per amor d’açò aquell que volrà conquistar aquellas dues



      113
          This chapter follows Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 34, ARLat, 314-315 / ARLus, 118.
      114
          This title appears below in the table of contents.
      115
          I have corrected the donar lesson to be domar, given on the margin of the manuscript itself
      indicating the correction based on a lesson from another manuscript (as shown by the abbreviation
      of àlias) and which matches the title shown in the table of contents.
      116
          Part of this chapter (“E en comprar los cavalls... Aquari ni Escorpí”, “E si és directus... membres
      e bells”) is based on Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 52, ARLat, 318 / ARLus, 127. Tresbens
      focuses more on horses and leaves out the other animals that the Arab author addresses in addition
      to horses.
      117
          cayrà is an Occitanism for ‘will fall’.
                                                        39
      causes118 cové que fortifique l’ascendent e son senyor e que fassa per manera que
      Mars sia fortificant la sua partida. [f. 160v]

      [§76] Entén a dir que, si ell és cometedor, que tenga la taula, que fassa per manera
610   que lo senyor de l’ascendent sia Mars o haja participació ab ell e que non sia en
      loch de son cazent ni retrogradant ni cremat, e la Luna que sia fort e que porte lo
      lum del senyor de l’ascendent a Mars o de Mars al senyor de l’ascendent. E si serà
      deffendent, ço és que sia comès, que fortifique lo 7 per semblant manera e lo 10 e
      son senyor, que ajut a aquell que volrà que haja victòria e honor, que, si la Luna
615   portarà o farà translació d’aquell a alcun d’ells, aquell al qual hirà la translació haurà
      la honor. E, si és en bon loch e fortuna, la guarda; e si non, haurà-ne desonor. E
      posa lo senyor d’ell contra, si en contrària disposició, e faràs dos béns a tu o a aquell
      per qui elegiràs. E si és per desamistansa mortal, axí com és punta de lansa o de
      glavi, faràs per la semblant manera e faràs decazer119 lo senyor de la 12 casa e de la
620   7 casa per lo defendent, si són mal, o de l’ascendent per lo demandant, si vols que
      lo qui comensa sia vençut.

      [§77] E ajusten açí per los jòvens que volen apendre de tenir armes, que quant
      comensaran, que fassan que lo signe de l’ascendent e la Luna que sian en la
      triplicitat primera e que Mars sia en bon loch e la Luna que non sia en son casament,
625   ço és en Scorpí, majorment en apendre d’armas a cavalls. Mas millor és si la Luna
      serà en Taurus, e encares és mellor si lo senyor de l’ascendent serà en sa exaltació
      e si non se pot fer que sia enmig del cel o que entre en ell. E en apendre de luytar
      obras, que sia la Luna en Gèminis120.

      [XXX. En comprar armes]

630   [§78] E si volets comprar armes, esperats que la Luna sia en sa exaltació e en la sua
      triplicitat e que sia ajustada a Mars o per esguarts bons e que sia en la fi del mes, si
      fer-sa pot. Car segons tots los savis d’esta sentència en lo comensament del mes la
      Luna és mala cosa, quant la Luna és ab Mars, e en la fi del mes ab Saturnus és mala,
      per què en aquests estats se deu hom guardar d’ella121.

635   [XXXI. En fer ginys o navilis e armes]

      [§79] E si volràs fer enginy e armes e navilis per combatre tos enemichs,
      primerament posaràs l’ascendent que sie ferm signe e, si pots, tots los 4 angles, e
      que sien dels signes que són de las ascensions directas, que són del cap de Càncer
      entrò a la fi de Sagitari. E és bo que lo senyor de l’ascendent e la Luna que sian en
640   los angles, e alcuna planeta bona en lo mig del cel que sia en alcuna sua dignitat e
      oriental poderós e de sobte e leuger moviment, e axí [f. 161r] matex la Luna crexent.
      E quant més poràs fortificar Mars ab honestedat, feu-ho, e fe que lo senyor de la
      conjunctió o de la prevenció d’aquell mes abans passada sia bon e en bona
      disposició ab aquells dessusdits, e que la primera applicació que haurà feta la Luna
645   aprés d’aquella sia bona e a bona fortuna o a Mars de bon esguart e en bon loch. E

      118
          Occitanism for ‘things’.
      119
          Occitanism for ‘to decline’.
      120
          The last part follows Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 91, ARLat, 339 / ARLus, 165.
      121
          Based on Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 56, ARLat, 321 / ARLus, 133.
                                                     40
      si lo senyor de l’ascendent és en la entrada de l’angle, és covinent e bon e que
      reguarde la 4 casa, e majorment en fet de nau, car aquell és lo loch de la nau e de
      sos semblants. E que mellor és la 4 casa e que sia signe ferm e fix, e és bon que sia
      la Luna en Thaurus o en Gèmini, per ço car aquí és la forma del riu d’Aquari del
650   cel, e sia la Luna sobre la terra.

      [§80] E quan volràs los navilis posar en mar, pren semblant electió d’aquesta
      sobredita. Alcun[s] dien que Mars non és bon en aquest fet, per què diu Aly que se
      guarde de l’esguart de Mars. E yo dich que Mars és bon en tot fet d’armes, e d’aygua
      e de terra, mas que sia en bona disposició e que non done victòria a la part dels
655   enemichs o dels contraris, mas que aquell que aquí ha mester lo meta fort per la sua
      partida122.

      [XXXII. En fer bastides123, lochs e edificis]124

      [§81] Per edificar ciutats o lochs o castells o vilas, quant al Rey vendria de plaer,
      car a altres non pertany125, el fa mester fortunat lo signe e la planeta d’aquell clima
660   en què està, e fortificar Saturnus126 e Júpiter sobre ell e ab ell o per conjunctió o per
      esguart bon, e fer que signe ascendent de sa triplicitat lo més fort e bon que hi sia
      e·l mes fortunat, e los senyors d’aquella triplicitat segons lo temps en què la
      comensarà, si és de dies o de nits, e posa Saturnus, si és senyor del signe d’aquella
      partició o de l’ascendent, en alcun angle del mateix ab Júpiter e ab son bon esguart.
665   Mas si fer-se pot, sia ascendent 1 signe de las casas de Júpiter, e la Luna sia crexent
      e ab Júpiter o ab Venus o en lo mig d’ells e separada de Saturnus. E Saturnus haja
      alcun appoderament del mig cel al comensament del posar la primera pera e·l
      sement bart127.

      [§82] E sobretot guarda que Mars non guarde ab la part de fortuna ni a la Luna ni
670   al senyor de l’ascendent de la hora, mas sia separat de tot tant com poràs o cazén e
      desestruch ni ab lo senyor del 10. Car faria lo senyor d’aquella ciutat mal home e
      destruhidor. E sia lo senyor de l’ascendent fortuna crexent en son lum e en son

      122
          This chapter follows Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 59, ARLat, 323 / ARLus, 136-137, very
      closely throughout, but at the end of it Tresbens contradicts one of Abenragel’s aphorisms: “Alii
      sapientes dicunt quod bonum est in hoc negotio, si sit Luna in Tauro vel Geminis, quia figura et
      forma rivi est in illis signis. Etiam caveas ibi ab aspectibus Martis. Etiam est bonum si sit Luna super
      terram. Etiam si quando haec navigia volueris ponere in aquam, aspice aliam talem electionem qualis
      est illa”.
      123
          In the Occitan speaking areas, bastida is the name given to many newly founded towns, especially
      those that were settled by those displaced by the Albigensian Crusade: Claudine Pailhès, Le comté
      de Foix: un pays et des homes. Regards sur un comté pyrénéen au Moyen âge (Cahors, 2006), 61.
      The fact that this term is preserved in the table of contents but not in the text may suggest that it is
      an Occitanism that was replaced by the copying scribe with the word ciutat, which was more
      comprehensible in Catalan.
      124
          This chapter partially follows the words of Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 20, ARLat, 308-311
      / ARLus, 108-112, specifically in these passages “Per edificar ciutats... l’ascendent de la hora”, “E
      sia lo senyor de l’ascendent... retragraden” and “e lo Sol sia en signe.. en major partida”.
      125
          Abenragel does not make such a categorical restriction, since he also includes “illustrious and
      wealthy men”: "Circa architecturam ... valde usui est regibus et claris hominibus et divitibus”
      (ARLat, 308).
      126
          Actually, Abenragel uses Saturn simply as an example and not as a general rule like Tresbens
      has understood.
      127
          ciment bard: according to DCVB, bard is earth mixed with water to make the walls of houses.
                                                        41
      enament ni retragraden ni cremat, e sia oriental e fort en sas dignitats los mellors
      que puscha e més [f. 161v], que lo senyor del terme e de la fas tots tant com poràs
675   sien quitis de tot embarch, e lo Sol sia en signe leuger e de detràs ascencions.

      [§83] Ítem la part de fortuna e son senyor sien en casas de fortuna, so és de bona
      planeta e de bon loch en la figura e non cazens, e la Luna en bona disposició ab ells,
      car per aquells serà la fartilitat e la habundància del loch e de las cosas que hi
      venran. Guarda que Mercúrius non sia ab la Coha del Dragó, car tota la gent de la
680   ciutat serà fort mensonaguera en major partida, e fes aquí que sia fort Mercuri e
      hauràs veritat e bonas commixtions de mercaderies. E fes que sia fort Júpiter e haurà
      aquí justícia e equitat e honestat e multiplicacions de hòmens per generacions,
      majorment si Pisces o Càncer serà en la partició, e feyt fort Venus e haurà-y alegria
      e jocunditat128 e bellesa, e fortifique lo Sol e serà ennoblida de gents, e per la Luna
685   moras gens e fembres. E fes que acordes les planetas aytant com poràs en ben, mas
      que poses Marts separat. Emperò si Mars és fortunat e lo posas en alcuna casa
      sucsedent, mas que no guarde als dessusdits, non damna, ans daria victòria a les
      gents contra sos enemichs. E per aquestes regles segons més o menys podets elegir
      per fer altres lochs.

690   [XXXIII. En poblar aquelles]

      [§84] E si volràs poblar lochs e vilas o casas desertas o mazes, guarda e posa que
      Júpiter sia senyor de l[a] 4 casa e possa l’ascendent signe Càncer o Pisces. E si
      Júpiter non podets posa[r] senyor de la 4 casa, posa-hi Venus, e que hun dels
      dessusdits signes129 sia en l’ascendent o en la 4 casa o en la 10 e sia senyor del 10
695   o de la 4 o sia en sa exaltació e la Luna en bons esguarts.

      [§85] E si faràs la figura del senyor de l’ascendent en 4, de home, o 1 ymatge en la
      semblant constil·lació que tenga la figura de la planeta, el nom del senyor de la hora
      e del senyor de l’ascendent e de la 4 o de la 10, e que la enterres en lo mig del mas
      o vila o loch, serà poblat maravellosament ab la ajuda de Déu, tant com aquella
700   ymatge hi serà. E si faràs en constil·lació contrària ymatge de contràries accions e
      figuras de planetas infortunas e en lur casament, despoblarà-se130.

      [XXXIV. En comprar lochs, empenyorar aquells o vendre]131



      128
          I correct jous ditat. The two element name of alegria e jocunditat (“joy and playfulness”) or vice
      versa is also found in other texts: Curt Wittlin, Repertori d'expressions multinominals i de grups de
      sinònims en traduccions catalanes antigues (Barcelona, 1991), 372.
      129
          “Hoc significat populationem illius terrae et eius redditus. Si aspectum Iovis cum Saturno habere
      nequiveris, pone Venerem in loco Iovis et fortunabis signa aquatica” (Zahel, De electionibus, § 49,
      in Crofts, Kitab al-iktiyarat, 52).
      130
          Out of the two astrological images given as alternative options, the second is similar to some
      included in the De imaginibus attributed to Tabit ibn Qurra: “Et scripsit in imaginem nomen regionis
      et nomen ascendentis et eius domini et domini hore et nomen domini diei et pars fortune infortunata,
      et partem malorum et eius domini et dominum signi in quo cecidit numerus. Et sepelivit imaginem
      in medio regionis...,” ed. Carmody, The Astronomical Works, 184. In this case it is for the purposes
      of destroying a region, but as Tresbens says here, similar talismans can be used for a purpose or the
      contrary of that purpose by changing the astrological conditions.
      131
          The whole chapter follows Abenragel, Liber completus, VII, 22, ARLat, 311 / ARLus, 113.
                                                       42
      [§86] E si comprar volets lochs o vilas o heretats, faràs de guisa que la 4 casa sia
      ben fortunada e que hi haja alcuna planeta fortuna o per existència o per reguart e
705   la Luna que sia en sa exaltació, e guarde’t de Mars e de tot son encontre e que les
      luminàries guàrdent a l’ascendent [f. 162r] e la 4. E guarda que, si l’ascendent o lo
      signe de la 4 és signe d’aygua, que Saturnus non hi guarde o per neguna guiza non
      sia la 10 casa infortunada ni en la 9 ni en la 11 ni en la 5 non sien males planetas ni
      lo signe de la 4 non sia de foch ne aquí non haja planeta de foch.

710   [§87] E sàpies que l’ascendent signifique la causa132 e·l comprador e lo profit que
      se seguirà d’aquellas cosas que d’aquí salliran o naxiran: si és terras, axí com són
      arbres e samensas133. E lo 7 e son senyor signifiquen les heretats e les habitacions.
      E la 4 e son senyor signifiquen lo ben de la terra e las semensas que aquí se fan o·s
      faran134, per què la bontat o la malícia dels significadors faran la bontat o lo mal en
715   aquellas cosas. Per què fe ton poder que lo[s] senyor[s] dels angles sien orientals e
      fortunat[s] e crexents en lur lum e en l’ornament e pujants al septentrion 135. E las
      fortunas hajan alcuna dignitat en los angles, e majorment en l’ascendent, e que
      Júpiter e la planeta de qui se separa la Luna, e sien significadors en aquella cosa
      d’aquell que compre la heretat e la planeta a qui applica la Luna sia significador de
720   la fi e que serà d’aquella heretat.

      [XXXV. En fer venir aygües e cavar pous o fontanes]136.

      [§88] E si volets cavar pous e fer sallir o córrer ayguas, fes de manera que
      l’ascendent e son senyor sien sauls de tota infortuna e que sien en si fortunat, e lo
      senyor de l’ascendent oriental en alcunas de sas dignitats e en angle e que vaja a
725   l’angle, e Saturnus que sia oriental, e lo signe de la 11 casa e de la 3 sian fixos. E si
      la 11137 casa és dignitat de la Luna e [non] que sia en ella corporalment ab Saturnus,
      almenys que sia sobre la terra, la Luna és assats bona constel·lació, e que sia la
      Luna en la primera 4 del Sol. E guarda que mala planeta non sia en lo mig del cel.

      132
          Causa is an Occitanism for ‘cosa’ (“thing”): the Latin source says rem (see the next note).
      133
          Whether by mistake or some other reason, Tresbens does not faithfully reproduce his source here:
      “Ascendens et eius dominus significant rem et emptorem et profectum eiusdem praedii et
      habitationes. Et medium caeli et eius dominus significant res quae proveniunt ibi super faciem terrae,
      sicut sunt arbores et similia”, Abenragel, ARLat, 311 / ARLus, 113.
      134
          Here again we find discrepancies between Tresbens and the printed version of Abenragel:
      “Quarta et eius dominus significant praedia et habitatores (...). Et septima et eius dominus significant
      fertilitatem terrae et seminationes quae ibi fiunt” (ARLat, 311). Some of the differences are due to
      copying errors. For example, the fourth house and the seventh house appear in the place of one
      another. However, the Portuguese version matches Tresbens (ARLus, 113) and show that the
      indications he gives are the original variants. Then, there is the fact that R shows habitacions
      (“habitations”) for habitatores (“dwellers”). In this case the Portuguese text matches the Latin one,
      and therefore, the form given in R is incorrect, regardless of whether the error was the author’s or
      the scribe’s.
      135
          The various elements of this sentence have plural and singular grammar markers that disagree
      and I have resolved them so that they are all plural based on the Latin version (which also matches
      the Portuguese): “domini angulorum sint orientales crescentes in suo motu et ascendentes ad
      septentrionem” (ARLat, 311 / ARLus, 113).
      136
          The first part of the chapter (until “feu que la Luna sia ben fortunada”) is based on Abenragel,
      Liber completus, VII, 21, ARLat, 311 / ARLus 112-113.
      137
          Duodecima (“12th”) appears in the printed Latin version of Abenragel, but the Portuguese also
      says onzena (“11th”): “Sed si Luna fuerit super terram, sit in duodecima domo.” / “E se a Lua for
      sobre terra, seja ena onzena casa” (ARLat, 311 / ARLus 112).
                                                        43
      E fes que los angles non sien remoguts per nombre de figura, e entén-se que la
730   menor part del signe que serà en los angles sia dintre los angles e non pas devés la
      fi, e tant com porets feu que la Luna sia ben fortunada.

      [§89] E per aquesta matexa constel·lació podets fer córrer rius e fontanes o canals
      de molins e sos semblans, fets que pertangua[n] a aygua. E si volets que dure, fets
      ymatge d’ome e tenga odre en lo coll, axí com qui gita o buyda aygua en 1 vexell,
735   e que sia en la constel·lació la Luna estant en les esteles del sposador 138 d’Aquari,
      e que scrivets lo nom de la Luna e del senyor de l’ascendent e de la hora e del signe
      e de la mansió en què serà la Luna e lo nom de la Luna, e soterras en [f. 162v]
      aquella matexa constil·lació d’aquella figura ab la figura de la Luna, e per
      toststemps durarà aquella don que hom del món no l’en porà destruir. Mas sia ben
740   pregon que hom non la hi tròpia, e vendrà tanta aygua aquí per partida d’on que sia,
      crexerà poch a poch que serà gran ribera. E si Venus e Mercúrius havien aquí
      dignitats, faria més fort, e que hi fossen ses figures e sos noms.139

      [§90] Encercar tresaurs e traure lo tractat se saguex aprés del Mirall de Plató e de
      la Spera e egualadura que per si matexa se mou140. Ni de la spera e egualadura non
745   vull de present tractar: fer-s’a altra temps, quant Déu plaurà e a vós, senyor, serà
      mils avinent.




      138
          sposador, derived from the verb espozar, is an Occitanism meaning “pourer.”
      139
          We find a similar image in Pseudo-Prolemy’s Liber de imaginibus, 34, § 42: “cum volueris ligare
      fontem, fiat ymago viri in cuius manu sit addelu, id est aquarius, id est vas in quo hauritur aqua, Ia
      facie Aquarii oriente. Post sepeliatur in aliquo fonte et nemo accipiet aquam inde quin frangatur eius
      urceus.” However, it is attributed with effects contrary to those here: impeding the flow of water
      from a spring. Also, Tresbens’ description is more detailed.
      140
          At the end of this treatise, Tresbens makes references to the titles of several other works that he
      himself has produced, two of which appear after in the same Ripoll manuscript according to the
      table of contents, but only one of which has been preserved: Libel d’investigacions de tresors (ff.
      166r-173v), edited in Giralt, “Astrologia per a la recerca de tresors.” Instead, the Mirall de Plató
      (“Plato’s Mirror”) that is referenced here appears at the end of the table of context of R: : “En fer el
      mirall de què hom veia sos enemichs de mieja jornade” (as pointed out by Cifuentes, Sciencia.cat,
      ms459). However, it must have been lost along with the folios at the end of the codex, along with
      the end of the Libel. Contrarily, there is no evidence that he was able to complete the writing of the
      treatise on the Spera e egualadura, which is on the astronomical instruments of the sphere and the
      equator, which he indicates he will complete sometime in the future.
                                                        44
Critical apparatus

14 sobre2 sup. lin. R
15 vuy] uny R
23 minut] pnut R
28 d'aquí] de qui R
31 de] dels quals R
43 o1] no R
51 és iter. R           tart] scripsi ex tardior Zahel : car R
60 post cosa exp. qui R
93 lo infortuni] scripsi ex infortunium ARLat a infortuna ARLus : les infortunis R
103 post de add. et expl. ms R
110 e sup. lin.
115 o de la prevenció sup. lin.
116 post de exp. bona natura R
122 puys] punys R
125 planetes] plantes R
130 sobte] scripsi e cito ARLat : sobre R
133 post batallas exp. e R
135 deveu] devent R
148 post en3 exp. lur R
156 post son exp. poble R
173 verbo 39 sup. lin.
178 post Sol exp. és R
183 la] lo R
184 sia] sien R
190 post senyoria exp. e R
191 necessari] necessaris R
224 post la exp. virtut R
231 ferm] ferms.
236 post del exp. part R
247 del senyor del loc de lur senyor in marg. R
286 apparella sup. lin. R                appella exp. R
       1
304 lo ] los R
306 fe] fa R
312 post bona add. e R
376 del segon] dels segons R
384 Mercuri exp. ab ella R
390 e lo senyor de la quarta sia fortuna in marg. R
392 post axí exp. en R
413 és] en R
421 què sup. lin. R
427 lo] la R
441 so] son R
444 en lo sup. lin. R
465 corts] cors R
493 post contradir add. e R
507 en fer tesaurers conieci e R
514 general] generals R
515 post alcunas exp. companyies R
                                        45
524 post darà exp. m R
526 post leyal exp. m R
534 post aquella exp. senyoria R
537 que sup. lin. R
551 post sien add. sian.
555 post guarde exp. l R
565 post són2 exp. m R
573 comú] comuns R
574 post sia1 exp. ascendent R
578 post la1 exp. ell R
585 de1 iter. sup.lin. R
594 post signe2 exp. en R
596 córrer sup.lin. R post cavalls add. corre et cové sup. lin. R
597 post la1 exp. casa R
598 post casa exp. ass R
615 post ells add. e R
632 post mes add. de la Luna R
635 armes] arnes R
650 post e exp. de la R
672 sia scripsi e sit ARLat : si ab R
684 jocunditat conieci e jous ditat R
687 post victòria exp. a R
696 figura] figures R
710 post causa exp. del comprador R
719 post la1 exp. dignitat R
723 sien1 exp. salus R
727 post e add. non R cf. ARLat ARLus
736 lo corr. e la               post lo exp. Luna




                                         46
        Appendix 1: comparison of the Tractat de les eleccions §3-5 with its possible
        sources, Zahel and Abenragel. The passages showing significant similarities
        appear in italics. The order of Zahel’s and Abenragel’s texts has been rearranged
        to follow Tresbens’s discussion.

Tresbens, Tractat de les eleccions,       Zahel, De electionibus, §12-16 in        Abenragel, VII, 3, ARLat 302-303
§3-5                                      Crofts, Kitab al-iktiyarat, 34-37

Car los signes que són ferms e fixes      Scorpio autem levior est omnibus         Signa fixa sunt convenientia et bona
són Taurus, Leo, Escorpí e Aquari:        fixis et Leo magis fixus, Aquarius       rebus omnnibus quas durare
signifiquen fermesa e tarditat e          est tardior ac deterior, Taurus vero     volumus et longo tempore manere.
constància e perseveransa de les          magis est planus.                        Ideoque bonum est in eis aedificare,
coses e molt durar. E per amor d’açò                                               matrimonium confirmare post
qui vol fer cosa de durada o de           Porro fixa congrua sunt omni operi,      sponsalia facta in mobilibus. Si
                                          cuius stabilitas et prolongatio          aliqua mulier dimissa fuerit a suo
tardansa o hedificansa d’ostals o de
                                          quaeritur et quod vult auctor eius       marito, nunquam reverteretur ad
masos per durar és bon, e celebrar
                                          esse durabile. Bonumque et utile         eum. Nec itinera in eis nec lites nec
noces après que lo sposament sia fet      est in eis aedificare et nuptias         principia possunt esse bona, nisi
en los signes movibles. E si en los       celebrare, postquam fuerit               habuerint multa testimonia
signes ferms fembre serà fugida a son     desponsatio in mobilibus. Et si in       fortunarum. Si quis captus fuerit in
marit, tart o jamés no la recobrarà. E    eis dimissa fuerit mulier a marito,      eis, prolongabitur eius carcer, et qui
judicis e comensaments que sien en        non revertetur ad eum. In ludiciis       in eis incurrit odium alicuius, non
ells comensats de plets no se             vero et inceptionibus in eis non erit    reconciliabit amorem ipsius. Et
acabaran sens grans multiplicacions       postea fiducia, nisi multiplicentur in   pacta quae fient in eis subt bona.
de testimonis de grans fortunas. E qui    eis testimonia fortunarum. Et qui        Scorpio est levior signorum
serà mes en càrcer sots la senyoria o     vinctus fuerit in eis, prolongabitur     fixorum, Leo magis est fixus,
assencions de tals signes haurà lonch     eius carcer, et qui irascitur in eis,    Aquarius deterior et Taurus magis
càrcer. E si alcun se cuyta en ell, non   non poterit cito mitigari;               temperatus.
                                          conditiones vero et mercedes in eis
se mitiguerà leugerament. Conditions
                                          utiles sunt, bonumque erit
e retribucions són profitoses. E          aedificare et facere fundamenta.
sàpies que Escorpí és més leuguer
que negun dels signes ferms, e Leo és
més ferm e Acari és més tart e pijós.

[§4] Los signes movibles són Àries,       Scito quod signa mobilia significant     Signa mobilia obiter significant
Càncer, Libra e Capricornus:              mobilitatem rerum. Festinanter et        mutationem rerum, et non affirmant
signifiquen sobtesa e festinància e       nihil durabile sit in eis nec            nec durant significationes suas per
leugera o cuytament o mobilitat e         prolongatur tempus illorum. Bonum        aliquam conditionem. Bona sunt ad
tota cosa de pocha durada, e lo           tamen est in eis seminare, emere,        seminandum, emendum,
temps que significa és breu, e en         vendere et mulierem firmare (haec        vendendum et ad faciendum
                                          omnia sub eis proficiunt) et
aquells no és bona fer neguna cosa                                                 sponsalia. Si quis aliquo morbo
                                          infirmus liberabitur cito, contentio
que deja durar ni de què hajam                                                     corripitur in eis aut liberabitur aut
                                          quoque in eis non prolongatur et
parlat en los signes ferms. En ells és    fugitivus revertetur cito.               morietur cito nec causae in eis
bon semenar e comprar e vendre e          Peregrinatio etiam utilis est in eis,    prolongantur. Et qui fugit cito
fermar muller, mas non pas fer noces.     et si quis promiserit, in eis aliquid,   revertitur. Bonum est in eis iter
E lo malalte que comensa de               non proficiet promissum.                 facere. Promissio facta in eis non
malautejar tost serà guarit o mort, e     Locutiones, somnia et rumores in         complebitur. Et somnia et rumores
contencions que·s comense[n] en ells      eis falsi erunt, non curet sub eis       in eis sunt mendaces. Cave etiam ne
non durara[n], e l’hom que fugirà         aliquis medicus nec plantetur sub        plantes in eis aliquam plantam nec
tost retornarà. E fer peregrina/tge       eis aliqua plantatio et non fundetur     aedifices in aliquo loco, quia
bon és. Coses promeses non sa             in eis fundamentum, quia malum           malum est. Et omne quod inceperis,
tendran, parlament o novelles             est. Et omne quod inceperis in eis,      etiamsi durare volueris, non erit
portades en tals signes falsas són, ni    cuius stabilitatem volueris, non erit    durabile multum. [...] Signorum
                                          stabile, omne autem opus instabile
és bo plantar en aquells ni fer neguna                                             praeterea mobilium leviora sunt
                                          (et festinationes), quod volueris
cosa de durada. E los més cuytoses e                                               Aries et Cancer et haec eadem
los més movibles són Àries e Càncer,                                               magis tortuosa et quae citius
                                                          47
per què són més torts en les lurs         facere, incipe sub eis. Et velociora    permuntantur. Libra vero et
assencions, e Libra e Capricornus són     mobilibus sunt Aries et Cancer,         Capricornus sunt magis firma et
més forts e més tempras.                  sunt enim plus tortuositatis et plus    stabilia et magis temperata.
                                          mobilitatis. Libra vero et
                                          Capricornus sunt fortiora et magis
                                          temperata.

[§5] Los signes comuns són Gèmini,        (§16a) Signa communia in                Signa communia sunt bona ad
Virgo, Sagitari e Pisces. E aquell[s]     participatione et fraternitate sunt     participationem et amicitias et
són bons en tota cosa que vullas que      utilia et quicquid operatum fuerit in   fraternitate et res quae fiunt in eis
sia tornada altra vegada a fer e en       eis, saepe erit iteratum. Emere vero    multotiens revertuntur. Quare
companyes e participacions, e tota        et nuptias celebrare in eis non erit    emptiones et coniugia quae fiunt in
cosa tal o de tal natura és bona de fer   utile nec proficuum, et erit in eis     eis non multum durant, sed accidit
en ells, per què comprar ni núpcies o     ingenium et deceptio.                   illis deceptio.
noces fer non és bon en aquells, car
frau e decepció se trobarà en ells.


        Appendix 2: identified sources of the Tractat de les eleccions (Abr=Abenragel)

Preface                                                  Zahel, De electionibus, § 1-2,
I. Regles generals                                       Abr, VII, 1, “in regulis et radicibus que necessarie sunt
                                                         in hac ratione et excusari non possunt”
                                                         Zahel, De electionibus, § 12-16
II. Capítol general                                      Abr, VII, 2, “in principiis factorum”
                                                         Pseudo-Ptolemy, Centiloquium, 10, 29 and 84
III. En comensar son coronament e de sos fills           Abr, VII, 70, “in electione itineris”
                                                         Zahel, De electionibus, § 124 and 107,
IV. En pendre senyories o potestats e homenatges         Abr, VII, 81, “in recipiendo dignitatem”
V. En comensar conquerir terres de enemichs e de
infidels
VI. En fer affrontament e batalla                        Abr, VII, 55, “in electionibus pro lite”
VII. En trametre desafiaments e en pendre-los per
triar avantatge a si mateix
VIII. En saber que se’n seguirà per la hora en què li
és tramès o presentat lo desafiament
IX. En comensar la guerra per terra o per mar. Per       Abr, VII, 57, “in affrontando bella et faciendo pacem”
anar contra son vassall rebel·le                         Alcabitius, Introductorius, IV, 310
X. Ítem per las horas combustes                          Abr, VII, 55, “in electionibus pro lite”
XI. En destruir o rompre villas o castells               Abr, VII, 58, “in diruendo castra et villas inimicorum”
XII. En trametre cavallers o pehons per fer la guerra
XIII. En trametre legats per fer pau
XIV. En trametre legats o missatgés per matrimoni
de si o de fill o de filla
XV. En comensar viatge per terra o per mar               Abr, VII, 1, “in regulis et radicibus que necessarie sunt
                                                         in hac ratione et excusari non possunt” (but attributed
                                                         to Ptolemy by Trebens)
XVI. En fer cavallers novells
XVII. En comensar consell novell sobra alqun fet
XVIII. En ajustament de corts
XIX. En demandar adjutori o tribut al poble
XX. En demanar o metre officials o batles                Abr, VII, 83, “in aptando dignitatem alcaidiarum”
XXI. En fer cullir rendes
XXII. En fer tesaurers
XXIII. En fer trametre capitanis sobre companyes         Abr, VII, 85, “in eligendo de hominibis equalibus
                                                         quem eorum facient dominum et maiorum”


                                                          48
XXIV. En scriure cartes                             Abr, VII, 36 and 37, “in cursoribus transmittendis” /
                                                    “in scribendo cartas”
XXV. En convits pendre o fer
XXVI. En present pendre o trametra                  Abr, VII, 35, “in enxeniis transmittendis”
XXVII. En vestir novelles vestidures                Abr, VII, 34, “in incidendis et induendis novis
                                                    vestibus”
XXVIII. En domdar e córrer cavalls e comprar        Abr, VII, 52, “in emendo bestias magnas et parvas”
XXIX. En fer juntes o torneigs                      Abr, VII, 91, “in addiscendo arma tenere”
XXX. En comprar armes                               Abr, VII, 56, “in emendo arma pro bello”
XXXI. En fer ginys o navilis e armes                Abr, VII, 59, “in faciendo arma et ingenia ad
                                                    debellandum inimicos sicut galeas et alia vasa maris”.
XXXII. En fer bastides, lochs e edificis            Abr, VII, 20, “in faciendo fundamenta villarum et
                                                    domorum”
XXXIII. En poblar aquelles                          Zahel, De electionibus, § 124
                                                    De imaginibus attributed to Tabit ibn Qurra
XXXIV. En comprar lochs, empenyorar aquells o       Abr, VII, 22, “in emendis hereditatibus”
vendre
XXXV. En fer venir aygües e cavar pous o fontanes   Abr, VII, 21, ”in extrahendo aquas fodiendo et
.                                                   faciendo decurrere rivos sive zequias”
                                                    Pseudo-Prolemy, Liber de imaginibus, 34, § 42




                                                    49