Integrated Environmental Assessment and Management — Volume 16, Number 3—pp. 324–341 324 Received: 1 October 2019 | Returned for Revision: 4 November 2019 | Accepted: 18 December 2019 Critical Review A State‐of‐the‐Art Review of Indigenous Peoples and Environmental Pollution Álvaro Fernández‐Llamazares,*†‡ María Garteizgogeascoa,‡§ Niladri Basu,|| Eduardo Sonnewend Brondizio,# Mar Cabeza,†‡ Joan Martínez‐Alier,†† Pamela McElwee,‡‡ and Victoria Reyes‐García††§§ †Helsinki Institute of Sustainability Science, Faculty of Biological and Environmental Sciences, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland ‡Global Change and Conservation, Organismal and Evolutionary Biology Research Programme, Faculty of Biological and Environmental Sciences, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland §Artec Forschungszentrum Nachhaltigkeit, University of Bremen, Bremen, Germany ||Faculty of Agricultural and Environmental Sciences, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada #Department of Anthropology, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana, USA ††Institut de Ciència i Tecnologia Ambientals, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Bellatera, Barcelona, Spain ‡‡Department of Human Ecology, School of Environmental and Biological Sciences, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA §§Institució Catalana de Recerca i Estudis Avançats, Barcelona, Spain ABSTRACT Indigenous peoples (IPs) worldwide are confronted by the increasing threat of pollution. Based on a comprehensive review of the literature (n = 686 studies), we present the current state of knowledge on: 1) the exposure and vulnerability of IPs to pollution; 2) the environmental, health, and cultural impacts of pollution upon IPs; and 3) IPs' contributions to prevent, control, limit, and abate pollution from local to global scales. Indigenous peoples experience large burdens of environmental pollution linked to the expansion of commodity frontiers and industrial development, including agricultural, mining, and extractive industries, as well as urban growth, waste dumping, and infrastructure and energy development. Nevertheless, IPs are contributing to limit pollution in different ways, including through environmental monitoring and global policy advocacy, as well as through local resistance toward polluting activities. This work adds to growing evidence of the breadth and depth of environmental injustices faced by IPs worldwide, and we conclude by highlighting the need to increase IPs' engagement in environmental decision‐making regarding pollution control. Integr Environ Assess Manag 2020;16:324–341. © 2019 The Authors. Integrated Environmental Assessment and Management published by Wiley Periodicals, Inc. on behalf of Society of Environmental Toxicology & Chemistry (SETAC) Keywords: Environmental justice Health burdens Indigenous knowledge Pollution Native Americans INTRODUCTION considered an underestimate of the true health impacts of Global levels of pollution are increasing in many parts of pollution (Landrigan et al. 2016; WHO 2016). the world, generating pernicious impacts upon both eco- Recent international political agreements have emphasized logical and human health (Rockström et al. 2009; UNEP the need to control and abate environmental pollution. For 2017). Exposure to environmental pollution (Landrigan et al. example, the theme of the 2017 United Nations Environment 2018) is the largest environmental cause of disease, re- Assembly meeting was “Towards a Pollution‐Free Planet.” sponsible for >9 million premature deaths worldwide in Similarly, the Aichi Target 20 of the Convention on Biological 2015, although according to some research this number is Diversity's Strategic Plan for Biodiversity 2011–2020 aims to bring pollution to levels that are not detrimental to eco- system functioning and biodiversity by 2020. Finally, the This article contains online‐only Supplemental Data. Sustainable Development Goals stress the urgency of ad- * Address correspondence to alvaro.fernandez-llamazares@helsinki.fi dressing environmental pollution at the global level in several Published 21 December 2019 on wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/ieam. of its targets (Landrigan et al. 2018). This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons While environmental pollution is a global concern, its Attribution‐NonCommercial License, which permits use, distribution impacts are unequally distributed, with low‐income and/or and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly marginalized communities (particularly in urban and semi- cited and is not used for commercial purposes. urban settings) experiencing disproportionate burdens Integr Environ Assess Manag 2020:324–341 DOI: 10.1002/ieam.4239 © 2019 The Authors Indigenous Peoples and Environmental Pollution—Integr Environ Assess Manag 16, 2020 325 (Taylor 2014; Hajat et al. 2015). For instance, a meta‐analysis environmental pollution; and 3) cultural impacts, or changes of environmental pollution across 2083 US counties re- in a community's lifestyle, traditions, knowledge, practices, vealed that toxic releases increase as a function of the and/or beliefs, driven by the exposure to environmental number of local minorities (Allen 2001). On a global scale, pollution. Given that most of the reviewed documents did the Lancet Commission on Pollution and Health concluded not define any specific thresholds for defining impacts, we that >90% of pollution‐related deaths occur in low‐ and considered that there was an impact when this was explicitly middle‐income countries (Landrigan et al. 2018). described as such in the original source. Among populations vulnerable to pollution, indigenous Our methodological approach consisted of 3 sequential peoples (IPs) are of particular concern. Though IPs make up steps (see Supplemental Data) that resulted in a final sample only around 5% of the global population, they account for of 686 different publications and 367 case studies, providing >15% of the extreme poor (UNPFII 2016), lagging behind the most comprehensive review of pollution impacts on IPs other population groups on nearly every social and eco- at the global level. Although we do present some biblio- nomic indicator. Research suggests that this socioeconomic metric analyses, our objective was not to perform a quanti- situation is most likely the direct consequence of colo- tative assessment of the literature but rather to situate nization and historical exclusion (Morton 2007; Maru et al. pollution burdens on IPs in the context of growing research 2014). For example, under colonial rule, many polluting on global environmental justice. We take a critical approach infrastructures (e.g., mines, pipelines, waste incineration inspired by environmental justice scholarship, responding to facilities) were built without the free, prior, and informed recent calls to expand the analytical focus of systematic re- consent (FPIC) of affected communities; thus, pollution was views and better integrate qualitative insights (Sterling et al. displaced from colonial powers to colonized areas (Dokis 2017a). 2015; Parfitt 2017). Moreover, the impacts of environmental pollution for IPs go beyond health impacts. For example, as a healthy ecosystem is essential for IPs' sociocultural well‐ RESULTS being, the presence of pollution in wildlife or water has Overview of studies forced many individuals to shift away from traditional lifestyles (Hoover et al. 2012). Geographic patterns. The impacts of environmental pollu- While the number of studies examining the impacts of tion have been documented among 141 different in- environmental pollution upon IPs is growing (Brugge and digenous groups from all inhabited continents. Table 1 Gobble 2002; Curren et al. 2015), most of this research is shows the 20 indigenous groups for whom there is the isolated and fragmented across disciplines and geographic largest body of evidence documenting the impacts of pol- regions. Few efforts have cut across disciplinary topics or lution. Interestingly, 50.7% of all studies linking pollution regions (e.g., pollution in Arctic traditional foods [Kuhnlein and IPs have been conducted among only 15 different in- and Chan 2000]; water, sanitation, and IPs [Jiménez et al. digenous groups, with the Inuit from the circumpolar region 2014]), and there is no global review that maps out the (31 studies), and the Cree (23) and the Ojibwe (21) in North worldwide impacts of environmental pollution on IPs. Ac- America being the groups with the most available doc- cordingly, this study aims to present the current state of umentation. knowledge on: 1) the burden that pollution imposes on IPs; A large share of the documented evidence of the impacts 2) the environmental, health, and cultural impacts of pollu- of pollution upon IPs comes from North America (47%; tion upon IPs; and 3) IPs' contributions to prevent, limit, and 156 cases) and South America (27%; 99 cases), with strong abate pollution. research foci on the Arctic (Paunescu et al. 2013; Binnington et al. 2016; Krümmel and Gilman 2016) and the Amazon (da METHODS Silva Brabo et al. 2000; Rosell‐Melé et al. 2018) (Figure 1). We conducted an extensive review of scholarly papers, Research on pollution and IPs in Africa is relatively meager books, book chapters, doctoral theses, government and (11%; 41 cases), with most of it coming from the Niger Delta technical reports, and other grey literature examining dif- region; there is limited information for the rest of the con- ferent environmental pollution impacts on IPs. Following tinent. Basu et al. (2018) documented similar geographic Garnett et al. (2018), we used the International Labour patterns on a state‐of‐the‐science review of Hg biomarkers. Organization's definition of IPs throughout the paper (ILO 1989). We used the Lancet Commission's definition Pollutants. In our review of 324 case studies, we were able of pollution (Landrigan et al. 2018). In the context of this to identify at least 21 different chemical pollutants of con- paper, “impacts” are understood as any noticeable effects cern for IPs (Table 2). These pollutants largely separate into or changes wholly or partially resulting from the spread 3 main categories: heavy metals (e.g., Pb, Hg), persistent of environmental pollution. We focus on: 1) environmental organic pollutants ([POPs] e.g., organochlorines, PAHs) and impacts, defined as any pollution‐induced changes in the others (e.g., asbestos, endocrine‐ disruptors). Each of the local environment (including land, water, and biota); identified pollutants has been documented to be of human 2) health impacts, or the changes in the health of a health concern, and here we focus on the most compelling specific community resulting from continued exposure to cases that involve IPs. Integr Environ Assess Manag 2020:324–341 DOI: 10.1002/ieam.4239 © 2019 The Authors 326 Integr Environ Assess Manag 16, 2020—A Fernández‐Llamazares et al. Table 1. Indigenous groups in which pollution impacts have been most extensively documenteda Documented evidence Rank Group Geographic area Number of studies % of total Cumulative % 1 Inuit Canada, Greenland, USA 31 8.18% 8.18% 2 Cree Canada, USA 23 6.07% 14.25% 3 Ojibwe Canada, USA 21 5.54% 19.79% 4 Dene Canada 20 5.28% 25.07% 5 Métis Canada, USA 15 3.96% 29.02% 6 Mohawk Canada, USA 13 3.43% 32.45% 7 Achuar Ecuador, Peru 10 2.64% 35.09% 8 Ogoni Nigeria 10 2.64% 37.73% 9 Quechua Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru 9 2.37% 40.11% 10 Dayak Indonesia, Malaysia 8 2.11% 42.22% 11 Saami Finland, Norway, Rusasia, Sweden 7 1.85% 44.06% 12 Maya Belize, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico 7 1.85% 45.91% 13 Navajo USA 7 1.85% 47.76% 14 Kichwa Colombia, Ecuador, Peru 6 1.58% 49.34% 15 Aymara Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Peru 5 1.32% 50.66% 16 Mapuche Argentina, Chile 4 1.06% 51.72% 17 Sioux Canada, USA 4 1.06% 52.77% 18 Urarina Peru 4 1.06% 53.83% 19 Yupik Russia, USA 4 1.06% 54.88% 20 Wayuu Colombia, Venezuela 4 1.06% 55.94% a Both percentages refer to the total number of studies identified in the literature review. Sources of pollution. Indigenous peoples are exposed to showed levels of Hg higher than recommended limits numerous polluting activities, most of which are linked to (O'Callaghan‐Gordo et al. 2018). agriculture, extractive operations, urban growth, and in- dustrial development. Mineral extraction. Both from large‐scale industrial ore mining (Byrne et al. 2012) and local artisanal small‐ Oil and gas extraction and development. This category in- scale mining (Ashe 2012; Angosto‐Fernández 2019), it is cludes exploration, fracking and extraction operations, and another major source of pollution in IP lands. Mineral ex- pipeline transport, and is the source of considerable traction activities affect IPs who are participants or workers amounts of pollution in many IP lands (Cepek 2002; Dana at mines (Kwaansa‐Ansah et al. 2010; Basu et al. 2018), as et al. 2008; Pristupa et al. 2018). Although there is no global well as in wider areas downstream from operations affected database on the impacts of oil releases on indigenous by tailings disposal, impacting indigenous water supplies communities, well‐known cases featured in the media in- (Shaw and Welford 2007; Daigle 2018). For example, the Ok clude the Exxon Valdez oil spill that affected Chugach Tedi mine in Papua New Guinea dumped 1 billion metric tons hunting grounds in Alaska, resulting in a nearly 50% drop in of tailings in local rivers used by the Yonggom (Kirsch 2007), hunting (Burger 1997; O'Rourke and Connolly 2003) or the and the Grassberg mine in Indonesian Papua has also re- infamous oil spills in Ogoniland (Osuagwu and Olaifa 2018). sulted in substantial impacts upon the water resources used Our review of the literature indicates that there are by the Amungme and the Kamoro peoples (Rifai‐Hasan many other documented examples of water contamination 2009). Several studies have documented pollution by Ni resulting from direct release on rivers of deep waters mining in waterways used by Kanak fishers in New Caledonia extracted during petroleum exploitation (Moquet et al. (Horowitz 2010; Lassila 2016). There is also a legacy of As 2014; Barraza et al. 2018). In Peruvian Amazonia, down- deposition from mining and processing refractory Au ore stream of several oil spills, 64% of children <10 years old at Giant Mine in Canada's Northwest Territories, which has Integr Environ Assess Manag 2020:324–341 wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/ieam © 2019 The Authors Indigenous Peoples and Environmental Pollution—Integr Environ Assess Manag 16, 2020 327 Figure 1. Distribution map of the case studies documenting pollution impacts upon indigenous peoples (n = 367) with Kernel density estimations. had acute health impacts on the Yellowknives Dene First Agrochemical contamination. Pesticides (e.g., DDT and Nation (Keeling and Sandlos 2017). toxaphene) into IP lands have been documented by both freshwater and marine routes (Muir et al. 1992; Tsygankov et al. 2018). Long‐range air transport of organochlorine Toxic waste dumping. Often this is done by multinational pesticides and exposure to pesticides through bio- corporations or exported to developing countries (Adeola accumulation in animals are both common in the Arctic 2000). Hazardous waste siting, including incinerators and (Muir et al. 1992). Although the scale of pesticide pollution landfills, also seriously affects indigenous communities from agroindustrial operations in the Amazon has not yet because such polluting infrastructures are often placed in been systematically documented (Waichman et al. 2007; their lands, either because their lands have unclear tenure Schiesari and Grillitsch 2011), there is evidence of increasing status or because poverty has induced them to accept such pesticide pollution in the Xingu River Basin, affecting at facilities (Williams 1992; Sitkowski 1995; Gowda and least 16 indigenous groups (Brando et al. 2013; Pignati Easterling 2000). Some of the most controversial nuclear et al. 2018). waste facilities being imposed on IP lands include the cases of the Yami of Orchid Island in Taiwan (Chi 2001; Fan 2006), the Skull Valley reservation in Utah (Brook 1998), and the Radioactive contamination. Also well documented among case of the Yucca Mountain Nuclear Waste Repository on IPs (Haywood and Smith 1992; Williams et al. 2017), for the Western Shoshone lands (Thorpe 1996). Landfills are example, the historical legacy of radionuclide exposure also an important problem in IP lands (Soliman et al. 1993; among IPs in the Aleutian Islands following 3 underground LaDuke 1999). nuclear tests (1961–1975) has received substantial scholarly attention (Burger et al. 2007). Similarly, radioactive con- tamination of lichen communities, a principal winter feed for Industrial development. Long‐distance transport of pollu- reindeer, has been documented in Saami reindeer herding tants produced elsewhere through industrial processes or areas of northern Fennoscandia, a result of the Chernobyl use has been documented in numerous IP lands (van fallout (Beach 1990; Löfstedt and White 1990). Wendel et al. 2012). For example, long‐distance air pollu- tion is a major problem in the polar regions (AMAP 2006), as first evidenced by “Arctic haze” created by the volatilization Polluting activities conducted by IPs. Such activities have of chemical compounds that persist due to slower decom- been highlighted in the literature, particularly those activ- position times in cold weather (Ma et al. 2017). The long‐ ities related to the use of fire. Indoor air pollution caused by range transport of pollution from Asian emissions is also an cooking fires can be a serious concern for those who are important source of atmospheric Hg to the Arctic (Kirk in rural areas unconnected to electricity grids (Díaz et al. et al. 2012). 2007; Torres‐Dosal et al. 2008). Exposure from vegetation Integr Environ Assess Manag 2020:324–341 DOI: 10.1002/ieam.4239 © 2019 The Authors 328 Integr Environ Assess Manag 16, 2020—A Fernández‐Llamazares et al. Table 2. Pollutants to which indigenous peoples are exposed Category Pollutant(s) Reported evidence Heavy metals As Atkins et al. 2007; Liu et al. 2010; Bordeleau et al. 2016; Sandlos and Keeling 2016 Cd Orta‐Martínez et al. 2007; Mapani et al. 2010; Curren et al. 2015; Bordeleau et al. 2016 Pb Mapani et al. 2010; Bordeleau et al. 2016; Ullah et al. 2016 Hg Hoover et al. 1997; Dallaire et al. 2003; Basu et al. 2018; O'Callaghan‐Gordo et al. 2018 U Haywood and Smith 1992; Brugge and Gobble 2002; Lewis et al. 2017 Persistent organic Organochlorines Chlorinated benzenes (e.g., Dallaire et al. 2003; Walker et al. 2003; Flores‐ pollutants pentachlorobenzene, Ramírez et al. 2016 hexachlorobenzene) Chlorinated cyclodienes (e.g., aldrin, Kuhnlein et al. 1995; Johansen 2002; Dallaire dieldrin, endrin, chlordane, et al. 2003; Curren et al. 2015 heptachlor) DDT Dallaire et al. 2003; Walker et al. 2003; Curren et al. 2015 Hexachlorocyclohexanes (e.g., Kuhnlein and Chan 2000; Trejo‐Acevedo alpha‐hexachlorocyclohexane, et al. 2012 beta‐hexachlorocyclohexane, lindane) Mirex Chan 1996; CCU 2000; Kuhnlein and Chan 2000; AMAP 2004 PCBs Dewailly et al. 1994; Walker et al. 2003; Curren et al. 2015; Binnington et al. 2016 Toxaphene Chan et al. 1997; Wade et al. 1997; Kuhnlein and Chan 2000 Dioxins and dioxin‐like PCDDs (e.g., 2,3,7,8‐TCDD) Dewailly et al. 1994; Kuhnlein and Chan 2000; compounds AMAP 2004; Paunescu et al. 2013 PCDFs Dewailly et al. 1994; Kuhnlein and Chan 2000; AMAP 2004 PAHs and volatile Benzene San Sebastián et al. 2001; Pruneda‐Álvarez organic compounds et al. 2012 Toluene Pruneda‐Álvarez et al. 2012; Flores‐Ramírez et al. 2016 Organobromines Polybrominated diphenyl ethers de Wit et al. 2010; Carlsson et al. 2014; Byrne et al. 2018 Others Asbestos Myers 1981; Moerman and van der Laan 2011 Chemicals of emerging concern Godduhn and Duffy 2003; Jenssen 2006; (e.g., pharmaceutics, endocrine‐ Scott 2013; AMAP 2016 disruptors, microplastics) Cyanide McKinnon 2002; Leung and Lu 2016 Radioactivity and radionuclides Beach 1990; Haywood and Smith 1992; Johnston (e.g., radiocesium) et al. 1992; Williams et al. 2017 Integr Environ Assess Manag 2020:324–341 wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/ieam © 2019 The Authors Indigenous Peoples and Environmental Pollution—Integr Environ Assess Manag 16, 2020 329 burning, a common agricultural practice among some in- the hunting grounds of the Achuar in the Amazon digenous groups, can also lead to negative health impacts, (Orta‐Martínez et al. 2018; Cartró‐Sabaté et al. 2019). Pol- mostly on the respiratory system (Hanigan et al. 2008). In- luting activities can also drive other forms of ecosystem digenous burning has also been partially blamed for large‐ degradation; for example, illegal Au mining has been im- scale air pollution incidents in Southeast Asia, such as plicated as a main cause of deforestation and habitat loss in widespread haze in the 1990s in which emissions of carbon areas inhabited by IPs in the Amazon and Myanmar dioxide, carbon monoxide, and methane exceeded regu- (Swenson et al. 2011; Papworth et al. 2017). latory levels for several months (Aiken 2004; Dennis et al. Plastics are a growing source of marine pollution and a 2005). Other examples of polluting activities conducted by cause of marine animal mortality (Derraik 2002; Gregory IPs include the intentional use of poison against carnivores 2009). It is estimated that by 2050, 99% of all seabirds will and vultures across Africa (Ogada 2014; Murn and Botha have ingested plastic during their life cycle (Wilcox et al. 2018), or the numerous cases of reported contamination 2016), including many species central to IPs' diets (AMAP due to the use of Pb ammunition in subsistence hunting 1998; Gilchrist et al. 2005). Similarly, freshwater crabs and (Cartró‐Sabaté et al. 2019). turtles of several rivers in the Amazon, which are both culturally and nutritionally important for IPs, have been impacted by widespread high Hg and Pb pollution Impacts of pollution on IPs levels (Schneider et al. 2010). Intentional poisoning of Environmental impacts. Indigenous peoples inhabit some carnivores by African pastoralists have also resulted in of the most ecologically undisturbed areas of the world, wildlife declines (Ogada 2014; Murn and Botha 2018). often of outstanding biodiversity importance (Garnett et al. Pollutants accumulating in food chains through bio- 2018). Thus, pollution in IP lands has an uneven and sig- magnification have been particularly well‐documented in nificant impact on critical environments, affecting large marine mammals (Kuhnlein et al. 1995; Binnington et al. numbers of wildlife species (Basu et al. 2009; Wilson et al. 2016), seafood (Donatuto et al. 2011), riverine fish (Ullah 2018). While the impacts of pollution on ecosystems and et al. 2016), birds (Bidleman et al. 2010), large mammals biodiversity have been studied extensively (Taylor et al. (Doyle et al. 2012), and caribou (Ostertag et al. 2009), and 2016), particularly in aquatic systems (Desforges et al. 2018), IPs in many areas depend heavily on these foods. Several accumulated evidence of these impacts comes primarily studies have shown that global warming may increase pol- from industrialized nations, with a strong focus on con- lution levels in fish and marine mammals by increasing rates sequences of agricultural intensification and industrializa- of ecological mobilization and biomagnification (Jenssen tion. From this research we know that pollution has impacts 2006; Dudley et al. 2015). at multiple levels, from altering wildlife physiology (Vernberg and Vernberg 1974) and behavior (Briffa et al. Health impacts. Most health impacts documented among 2012), to noticeable impacts on population abundances IPs are mediated through the consumption of polluted (Gilburn et al. 2015), species richness (Stevens et al. 2004), water (Huseman and Short 2012; Dudarev et al. 2013; and ecosystem functioning (Woodward et al. 2012). Al- Bradford et al. 2016) and food (Bordeleau et al. 2016), in- though the detection of pollution impacts in remote areas, cluding wild foods obtained through hunting (Cartró‐Sabaté often inhabited by IPs, has so far lagged behind, remote et al. 2019), fishing (Marushka et al. 2017), and gathering sensing allows large‐scale and real‐time mapping of im- (Strand et al. 2002). Because IPs often eat animal parts pacts, such as the detection of oil spills (Asner et al. 2013; where pollutants accumulate (e.g., fatty tissues), their ex- Arellano et al. 2015). posure is higher than among nonindigenous groups who Pollution‐induced wildlife decline has been recorded in discard these parts. numerous IP lands (Cepek 2002; Young et al. 2016). For Exposure to POPs is associated with increased risk of example, native pollinators, on which the food systems of diabetes among many indigenous groups, such as the IPs rely, are declining due to increased exposure to pesti- Mohawk or the Kitchenuhmaykoosib Inninuwug First Nation cides (IPBES 2016). Similarly, oil spills in the Gulf of Mexico of Ontario (Sharp 2009). Exposure to POPs has also been have driven mortality of marine birds and sea turtles associated with immune system problems and increases in (Antonio et al. 2011). Reduction of pastures through in- infections among Inuit infants (Dewailly et al. 2000; Dallaire dustrial pollution has been also documented in tundra et al. 2003), and to hypertension among Inuit adults (Valera ecosystems (Forbes et al. 2009). et al. 2013). Among POPs, organochlorines such as PCB can Waste from artisanal and small‐scale Au mining in the cross the placental barrier and lead to permanent neuro- Madre de Dios region, Peru, is known to be one of the most developmental effects, as it has been the case among Arctic important sources of water contamination for Amazonian indigenous children (AMAP 2015). amphibians (Catenazzi and von May 2014), many of which There are also documented elevated cancer risks among are used in traditional medicine by Amazonian IPs such as IPs living near oil fields in the Ecuadorian Amazon, including the Yawanawa (Souto et al. 2013). Videos recorded with high incidence of childhood leukemias (Hurtig and San infrared camera traps have evidenced wildlife ingestion Sebastián 2002, 2004). Similarly, high levels of autism, car- of petroleum‐contaminated soils in areas situated within diovascular disease, and cancer have been reported among Integr Environ Assess Manag 2020:324–341 DOI: 10.1002/ieam.4239 © 2019 The Authors 330 Integr Environ Assess Manag 16, 2020—A Fernández‐Llamazares et al. the Aamjiwnaang First Nations living near Chemical Valley in Other traditional practices, such as harvesting local plants Canada (Bagelman and Wiebe 2017). Lead exposure is as- for sustenance, ceremonial, or medicinal purposes, or sociated with growth and weight deficiencies, neurological drinking from historical water sources can also increase ex- impacts, and anemia among the Achuar, Quechua, and posure to pollutants (Arquette et al. 2002). Thus, recom- Urarina (Anticona and San Sebastian 2014). The health mendations to refrain from fishing or gathering plants can impacts of Hg, a known neurotoxicant, have been docu- affect indigenous cultural traditions based on these activities mented among numerous IPS (Wheatley and Wheatley (Kuhnlein and Chan 2000). Further, without access to in- 2000; Takaoka et al. 2014; Basu et al. 2018). formation about sources of pollution, IPs can also in- Exposure to pollution has been associated with increased advertently associate health conditions with other factors. cancer incidence and mortality among several IPs (San For example, in Ecuador, the Cofan blamed high rates of Sebastián et al. 2001; García‐Esquinas et al. 2014). There cancer not on oil extraction but on shamanic identification of have also been concerns regarding high rates of miscarriage human agents, leading to cultural conflict (Cepek 2002). and high risks of kidney disease and hypertension among Several studies have shown how pollution jeopardizes the Native Americans (e.g., Navajo, Lakota) living near U mining complex web of relationality that many IPs establish with (Lewis et al. 2017). Exposure to endocrine disruptors their lands (Nelson et al. 2001; Hoogeveen 2016). Because has been associated with changes in age of menstruation activities associated with collecting wild foods generally and other health effects among some IPs (Godduhn and serve important community roles (e.g., intergenerational Duffy 2003; Denham et al. 2005). Inuit women have been exchange, maintenance of language), concerns associated reported to have levels of PCB in breastmilk 7 times higher with pollution regarding the consumption of wild foods can than control populations in Québec (Dewailly et al. 1993; also impact these practices (Berkes and Farkas 1978; Johansen 2002). Among Mohawk women, those who ate ICC‐AK 2015). For example, the Mohawk Nation at local fish near hazardous waste sites had higher levels of Akwesasne (United States and Canada) report a loss of contaminants in their breast milk than women in control language and culture around subsistence activities that groups (Fitzgerald et al. 1998). Numerous studies also re- have been largely abandoned because of fear of pollution port impacts of pollution on IPs' mental health, including exposure (Hoover et al. 2012). psychological disorders associated with oil spills (Nriagu Finally, pollution can also affect the spiritual wellbeing of et al. 2016) or high levels of anxiety among the Anishinaabe, IPs (Temper and Martínez‐Alier 2013; McCreary and Milligan Potawatomi, and Ottawa IPs of Canada due to worries about 2014). In many indigenous world views, water is a living and their children's health (Hanrahan 2017). sentient being or a spiritual resource (e.g., the lifeblood of There are indirect health impacts of pollution through IPs' Mother Earth) that must be respected and kept clean from food systems. For example, pollution can result in fear of pollution (Singh 2006; Toussaint 2008). From a Western consuming traditional wild foods (Turner and Turner 2008; scientific perspective, drinkable water may have some level Baker 2017), and the decline in game availability due to of acceptable contaminants, but in contrast, Māori in New pollution can foster increased reliance on nutrient‐poor and Zealand require drinking water to be entirely free of physical expensive market foods, often increasing the risk of mal- contamination in order to eliminate spiritual pollution (Tipa nutrition and chronic diseases (Young et al. 1992; Howard and Teirney 2006; Sterling et al. 2017b). Another example et al. 1999). For example, some IPs in British Columbia comes from Arizona where the Snowbowl ski resort wanted (Canada) have stopped gathering seaweeds in large to make snow from reclaimed sewage water and spread it amounts due to fears about marine pollution (Turner and on a mountain considered sacred by the Navajo and Hopi. Turner 2008; Turner and Clifton 2009). Loss of hunting or In a lawsuit, the communities argued that contamination by fishing activities can mean loss of physical activity as well, the sewage would undermine their belief systems and the with resulting health impacts (Hoover 2013). Fear of using cultural practices that depend on the mountain's purity contaminated local sources of medicine can lead to declines (Schlosberg and Carruthers 2010). in the use of traditional remedies, as documented among the Mohawk (Arquette et al. 2002). There are also reports of IPs' contributions to control pollution Inuit women choosing not to breastfeed their children be- cause of fear of pollutants in their milk (Johansen 2002). Resistance to polluting activities. Worldwide, IPs are cam- paigning against pollution impacts on their environment and Cultural impacts. Environmental pollution impacts both health (Evans et al. 2002; Veltmeyer and Bowles 2014). Re- material and nonmaterial cultural dimensions of IPs' ways of sistance against polluting activities includes actions such as life (Pufall et al. 2011; Alonzo et al. 2016), including their protests, cultural resistance camps, calls for policy action, knowledge systems (Boischio and Henshel 2000; Yakovleva occupation of resource infrastructures (e.g., pipelines, land- 2011). For example, herbicide treatments by the US Forest fills), and litigation to hold polluters accountable (Martínez‐ Service have contaminated plants used by California Native Alier et al. 2010; Rudel 2018). Mainly through global citizen American tribes for different cultural uses, including tradi- action; social mobilization; successful links with environ- tional basket weaving where holding reeds in the mouth is mental activists, scientists, and journalists; and capitalizing part of the process (O'Neill 2003). on modern technologies, IPs have attracted global attention Integr Environ Assess Manag 2020:324–341 wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/ieam © 2019 The Authors Indigenous Peoples and Environmental Pollution—Integr Environ Assess Manag 16, 2020 331 and support, helping to raise awareness of the impacts of strengthening of social networks has been an important pollution (Sikor and Newell 2014; Vásquez 2014). outcome (Sawyer 2004; Valdivia 2007). These activities have in some cases prevented the in- The arts (e.g., music, storytelling, photography) have stallation of polluting industries upon IP lands (Nesper been particularly effective at relaying IPs' fights against 2011; Temper 2018; Widener 2018). However, these cam- pollution to global audiences and inspiring social and policy paigns are not always articulated as solely a crusade against action towards pollution issues affecting IP (Branagan 2005; pollution, but rather as conflicts in defense of land rights, Gillespie 2013; Horton 2017). Increasing presence of IPs on sovereignty, and justice (Temper et al. 2015, 2018). Prom- social media (Carlson et al. 2017; Nunn 2018) is also con- inent examples include the opposition of different IPs (e.g., tributing to give visibility to conflicts around pollution Inupiat, Gwich'in) across Canada and the United States to (Örestig and Lindgren 2017). For example, contestation of different oil drilling plans in the Arctic (Cho et al. 2018), or resource extraction can be traced through digital media in widespread social mobilization against pipelines such as Inuit communities (Scobie and Rodgers 2013). the Dakota Access Pipeline (Donaghy and Lisenby 2018), the Enbridge Pipeline (Donaghy 2018), the Trans Mountain Traditional management systems. The management prac- Pipeline (CRED 2013), or the Keystone XL Pipeline tices conducted on many IP lands, including indigenous (Bradshaw 2015). community conserved areas and sacred sites, contribute to There are also many examples of these types of preventive pollution buffering and nutrient cycling (Ulrich et al. 2016; conflicts in countries in the global South, such as the U'wa Hill et al. 2019). Moreover, the abandonment of these in- fight against oil drilling in Eastern Colombia (Arenas 2007), digenous traditional management practices might result in the Chiquitanos opposition to the Cuiabá pipeline in eastern increasing levels of pollution (Baudron et al. 2009). Exam- Bolivia (Hindery 2013), resistance towards the Doba‐Kibri oil ples on how IPs contribute to limit pollution include the pipelines across Chad and Cameroon (Nelson et al. 2001), or maintenance of traditional management systems that make the fight of the Dongria Kondh against bauxite mining in no use of chemical products, as well as those that include their sacred homelands in India (Temper and Martínez‐Alier remediation techniques to restore polluted areas. For ex- 2013). The fact that indigenous values (e.g., sacredness, ample, many IPs are limiting local levels of N pollution spirituality) are often harmed by the expansion of commodity through the maintenance of traditional agricultural practices frontiers is a common thread in the IPs protests (Hinzo 2018; with minimal use of chemical pesticides or fertilizers (Wezel Panikkar and Tollefson 2018). Indigenous women across the et al. 2014). Organic farming is an integral part of many IPs' world have been particularly vocal against pollution impacts food production systems, including the Maya of Mexico and from mining, hydrocarbon exploration, and toxic waste the Wanka of Peru (Grossman 2003; Moreno‐Peñaranda and dumping in their lands (Krauss 1993; Macleod 2016). Egelyng 2008; Huaman 2014), in which applying natural Several examples of successful alliances of IPs with sci- pest control is more congruent with traditional IPs' world- entists (Armstrong and Brown 2019; Caron‐Beaudoin and views than the use of modern pesticides and agrotoxics Armstrong 2019) and non‐governmental organizations exist (Kayahara and Armstrong 2015; Malmer and Tengö 2019). (O'Faircheallaigh 2015). For example, the Gundjehmi Abo- Similarly, the multifunctional and holistic systems of IPs' riginal Corporation partnered with a league of environ- water resource management, sometimes referred to as in- mental activists to defeat the Jabiluka mine in Northern digenous water cultures (McLean 2017), have been deemed Australia (Hintjens 2000). These alliances extend to scientists effective at preventing pollution of freshwater environments because access to scientific information on pollution im- (Hughey and Booth 2012; Shemsanga et al. 2018). This in- pacts has been important in spurring indigenous protests in cludes traditional water purification methods (Opare 2017), many regions (Stetson 2012). For example, knowledge of complex systems of river zonation (Halim et al. 2013), pro- high levels of Cd in their blood triggered a change in the tection of sensitive areas (Dyck et al. 2015), and forestry‐ resistance methods employed by the Achuar in the Cor- based systems of water quality protection (Kreye et al. 2014; rientes River (Orta‐Martínez and Finer 2010) and the Yano- Camacho et al. 2016). IPs' management practices also in- mami in Brazilian Amazonia (Vega et al. 2018). Based on clude remediation techniques (e.g., phytoremediation) to their own experiences, some indigenous representatives restore landscapes affected by pollution (Sistili et al. 2006). have also travelled to warn others against accepting pol- Moreover, many IPs have also initiated or engaged in efforts luting industries on their lands (Kirsch 2007). to restore polluted rivers (Fox et al. 2017), lakes (Coombes There are several documented examples of how IPs' 2007), and wetlands (Henwood et al. 2016). movements have managed to limit or stop polluting activ- ities by putting both companies and administrative author- Participatory monitoring. While the number of projects that ities under pressure, for example, through strikes, financial claim to conduct participatory environmental monitoring is divestment campaigns, community‐organized consultations, growing (Turreira‐García et al. 2018), most research re- and rallies (Wiebe 2016; Bromwich 2017). Resistance to porting the impacts of environmental pollution on IPs has polluting activities has also rejuvenated indigenous activism been conducted by scientists. For example, the Aamjiwnaang because concerns about environmental justice are extended First Nations community in Ontario, Canada, requested sci- to advocacy in other issues such as racial injustices, and entists to assess level of exposure to pollutants both in their Integr Environ Assess Manag 2020:324–341 DOI: 10.1002/ieam.4239 © 2019 The Authors 332 Integr Environ Assess Manag 16, 2020—A Fernández‐Llamazares et al. lands and bodies through a community‐based participatory In addition to global policy advocacy, indigenous research project (Cryderman et al. 2016). There are, however, communities have also worked for policy changes to gain some pollution monitoring programs engaging IPs, such as local control over natural resource management, which has the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Program (AMAP 1998, been argued to increase IPs' abilities to address pollution 2015), the Māori Cultural Health Index for Streams (Tipa and more effectively (Verbrugge 2015; Dare and Daniell Teirney 2006), the Northern Contaminants Program in 2017). For example, many IPs participated in Canada's Canada (Donaldson et al. 2013), or stakeholder‐driven pol- Arctic Environmental Strategy to include a Northern Con- lution assessments with active involvement of Aleut com- taminants Program (Selin and Selin 2008). Other examples munities in Alaska (Burger and Gochfeld 2009). For example, include changes in Indonesian law to add indigenous since 2006, the Achuar and Quechua in the Peruvian Amazon permits for mining (Spiegel 2012), use of impact benefit have led a community‐based monitoring program to map oil agreements (Wright and White 2012); creation of IP cor- spills in their lands (Orta‐Martínez et al. 2007, 2018) and to porations and contracts for running oil concessions (Dana monitor their impacts (Rosell‐Melé et al. 2018; Cartró‐Sabaté et al. 2008; O'Faircheallaigh 2013), community mining et al. 2019). The release of this information has strengthened consultations (Walter and Urkidi 2017), or participatory the role of indigenous leaders in negotiations with the oil mechanisms to involve IPs in pollution assessments (Burger companies and the Peruvian state agencies. In Bolivia and et al. 2009). Peru such negotiations have resulted in sanctions to oil Indigenous peoples have also been strong advocates for companies, a relative improvement of their operational strengthening right‐to‐know laws and the use of FPIC pre- standards, and economic and social compensations to IPs vious to any establishment of polluting activities in their (Pellegrini and Arismendi 2012; Schilling‐Vacaflor and lands (O'Rourke and Connolly 2003; Leifsen et al. 2017). In Eichler 2017). Canada, the use of environmental impact assessments with Similar community‐led pollution monitoring programs indigenous participation and monitoring has helped to re- have also been conducted among the Kwakoegron IPs in duce the possibility of pollution and to have remediation Suriname to monitor Hg (Peplow and Augustine 2007), plans in place (O'Faircheallaigh 2015). Campaigns to get and the Akwesasne Mohawk Task Force on the Environment corporations to have FPIC policies and pollution reduction (Canada and the United States) to monitor the health con- measures in their corporate social responsibility statements sequences of environmental contamination (Schell et al. have also been relatively successful in some contexts such as 2005). Similarly, recent comparative research has docu- Fennoscandia, Australia, Ecuador, and Peru (O'Faircheallaigh mented Sami, Cree, and Nakaspi efforts to document pol- and Ali 2008; Finer et al. 2013; Billo 2015). However, in lution impacts of mineral development on reindeer habitats other regions, such as Eastern Siberia or Ghana, there is in Sweden and Canada (Herrmann et al. 2014). Community‐ a documented absence of attention to cultural issues in led pollution monitoring programs seem to offer the po- environmental impact assessment for polluting activities tential to monitor environmental pollution through the em- (Appiah‐Opoku 2001; Yakovleva 2011). Similarly, there are powering of IPs (Suk et al. 2004). However, such programs examples of co‐optation of IPs (e.g., in the Philippines) in face barriers such as lack of financial support, bureaucracy, FPIC processes (Holden et al. 2011). and lack of culturally appropriate indicators to monitor pollution according to community needs and priorities Litigation processes. Indigenous peoples facing pollution (Hutchings and Tipene 1998; Sterling et al. 2017b). threats have also been savvy users of legal systems to limit or stop polluting activities in their lands and to obtain Policy development. Representatives for IPs are increas- compensation or remediation after pollution events (Conde ingly participating in international policy development to 2014; Pickerill 2018). Their claims have often emphasized reduce pollution burdens (Godduhn and Duffy 2003; Selin that their high exposure to pollution is generally due to and Selin 2008). The Arctic Council has played a particularly polluting activities that are imposed on IP lands for the crucial role in amplifying indigenous concerns to interna- benefit of others, such as resource users elsewhere tional levels (Koivurova and Heinämäki 2006; AMAP 2015). (Martínez‐Alier 2001, 2014). However, many IP movements For example, the Northern Aboriginal Peoples' Coordi- have claimed that their fights go beyond monetary or ma- nating Committee on POPs helped support the Inuit terial compensations (Morden 2015). Circumpolar Council's participation in negotiating the There are several high‐profile lawsuits involving IPs and Convention on Long Range Transboundary Air Pollution polluting industries. For example, IPs in Ecuador filed a suit Protocols on POPs and Heavy Metals (Selin and Selin 2008). against the pollution caused by Chevron‐Texaco, which they The concerns of the Arctic IPs are also reflected in the alleged violated US laws (Kimerling 2006; Joseph 2012), and Stockholm Convention, where they have been strong a 2011 verdict against Chevron required the payment of advocates for expanding beyond the initial 12 banned billions of dollars in damages, although this has yet to be persistent chemicals, and including precautionary language realized by the IPs themselves. Moreover, this case moti- (Downie and Fenge 2003; Godduhn and Duffy 2003). More vated the adoption of the Rights of Nature in the Ecuadorian recently, Inuit populations have been vocal in helping shape constitution in 2012 (Cely 2014) and state‐mandated rules the Minamata Convention on Mercury (Basu 2018). on corporate social responsibility (Billo 2015). Integr Environ Assess Manag 2020:324–341 wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/ieam © 2019 The Authors Indigenous Peoples and Environmental Pollution—Integr Environ Assess Manag 16, 2020 333 A similar case against the BHP mining company in accept polluting infrastructures in exchange for develop- Australian court for the pollution caused by their Ok Tedi ment, such as the Skull Valley Goshute in Utah, who agreed mine in Papua New Guinea was settled for US$500 million in to host a high‐level nuclear waste facility on their reservation compensation damages to IPs and a commitment to con- (Gross 2001), or the Ipili of Papua New Guinea, who agreed taining the tailings from the mine (Kirsch 2007). In a related to the opening of a large‐scale Au mine in their lands (Jacka Indonesian case against Newmont, a US mining company, a 2007; Macintyre 2007). Similarly, in the Amazon and Ma- nongovernmental organization representing IPs and local laysia, IPs engage in polluting activites (e.g., artisanal communities demanded corporate guidelines for re- mining), as other livelihood options become unavailable due mediation and compensation after a lawsuit was filed environmental degradation (Papworth et al. 2017). against a local Au mine subsidiary, leading to changes in Indigenous peoples are particularly vulnerable to the im- corporate practices (Shaw and Welford 2007). Along these pacts of pollution due to their high and direct dependency lines, the case of the Ogoniland dispute about pollution in on local natural resources, limited access to health care, and their lands has been brought before the African Commission relatively low levels of governmental support (Lewis et al. on Human and Peoples' Rights (Atapattu 2018). 2015; Whyte 2015). Indeed, IPs' marginalization, and phys- Other IPs remain unsupported in their legal battles ical distance to centers of power (e.g., seat of government) against polluting corporations operating in their lands often decrease their ability to take advantage of protection (MacDonald 2015; Tsosie 2015; Shipton 2017), often due to from national pollution laws (Moerman and van der Laan a lack of legal recourse in states insufficiently supportive of 2011). Given that the levels of sanitation and water service IP rights (Holden and Ingelson 2007; Langton and Mazel coverage in IPs' lands are generally low, many IPs use un- 2008). This has led many to argue for an international legal treated surface water for drinking (González Rivas 2012; framework for compensation for social and environmental Hanrahan 2017). Even where IPs have access to treated or damages to IPs (Nuttall 2010; Orta‐Martínez and Finer piped water, this water is often of poorer quality than in 2010), given that IPs still face barriers to receiving full other areas. For example, 20% of all drinking water advi- compensation for pollution impacts (Martínez‐Alier et al. sories in Canada are in indigenous communities, who only 2014; Koh et al. 2017). make up 5% of the country's population (Daley et al. 2015). Overall, water contamination has resulted in greater ex- DISCUSSION posure to mine wastes among Native Americans than other The literature reviewed clearly shows that IPs are among populations (Brugge and Gobble 2002; Harper et al. 2012). the populations at highest risk of impact by environmental It is estimated that >600 000 Native Americans in the pollution of water, land, and biota through both exposure Western United States live within 10 km from an abandoned and vulnerability. Global evidence is accumulating for mine, having an increased likelihood of elevated exposures pollution‐driven environmental degradation in many IP to several pollutants (Lewis et al. 2017). lands (Dudgeon 1999; AMAP 2018). Environmental pollu- Moreover, pollution risks are not homogeneous within tion directly affects the health of IPs in several ways, for indigenous communities, with much research documenting example, by increasing risks and burdens of disease (Gracey that, for social and cultural reasons mostly linked to gender and King 2009; Mapani et al. 2010). While cultural impacts inequality, indigenous women are more vulnerable than have often been overlooked, the literature suggests that men to pollution impacts (White and White 2012; Hoover they are substantial in extent and scope (Pufall et al. 2011). 2017; Horowitz 2017). There are other culture‐specific sit- Because IP lands tend to be sparsely populated (Garnett uations of vulnerability, such as those of IPs living in volun- et al. 2018) but are often rich in resources like ores or oil and tary isolation, whereby the establishment of polluting gas (Finer et al. 2008), they are often the targets of ex- activities may bring not only pollution but also exposure to tractive operations that entail pollution risks (Dokis 2015; disease (Walker and Hamilton 2014; Kesler and Walker Álava and Calle 2017). For example, 71.76% of all oil blocks 2015). This is the case of several IPs in voluntary isolation in the Ecuadorian Amazon overlap with IP lands (Codato in Ecuador (e.g., Tagaeri, Taromenane), whose lands are et al. 2019), and around 60% of all areas identified in mining under increasing assault from oil extraction operations (Lu applications in the Philippines are within ancestral home- et al. 2016). lands of IPs (Aytin 2015). In recent years, this situation has It is also important to acknowledge that IPs often have become more acute, driven by the exhaustion of resource different conceptions and acceptance of pollution risks than extraction in easy‐to‐reach areas and the consequent move other sectors of society (Lu et al. 2014), which might aggravate toward more remote lands, many of which are inhabited by their vulnerability. For example, many members of the Aam- IPs (Gautier et al. 2009; Finer and Orta‐Martínez 2010). jiwnaang First Nation in Ontario, whose lands are surrounded A range of extractive frontiers are rapidly expanding upon IP by the largest complex of petrochemical plants in Canada, lands (Muradian et al. 2012; Martínez‐Alier et al. 2016). have repeatedly asserted that they would never leave their Polluting infrastructures have often been established in ancestral lands, regardless of concerns for high rates of cancer IPs' lands without FPIC and without the appropriate social and respiratory diseases in their communities (Luginaah et al. and environmental safeguards (Dokis 2015; Tófoli et al. 2010). Further, in many countries there has been a trend away 2017). In other contexts, IPs have also made the decision to from risk reduction in pollution control towards risk avoidance; Integr Environ Assess Manag 2020:324–341 DOI: 10.1002/ieam.4239 © 2019 The Authors 334 Integr Environ Assess Manag 16, 2020—A Fernández‐Llamazares et al. for example, advisories discouraging fish and wildlife con- by both national and international laws. Furthermore, the sumption among the Mohawk in the United States (Hoover contributions of IPs to prevent, limit, and control pollution 2013) or Inuit in the Arctic (Kuhnlein and Chan 2000) have have seldom been recognized (Bagelman and Wiebe 2017; focused on avoiding rather than reducing sources of risk Nunn 2018). Greater engagement of IPs on environmental (O'Neill 2003; Burger and Gochfeld 2011). governance can help to incorporate IPs' social, spiritual, and Further, while fish and wildlife consumption advisories customary values in environmental quality and ecosystem might discourage the hunting or fishing of species exposed health (Finn and Jackson 2011; Escott et al. 2015). We argue to pollutants, for some IPs the consumption of certain that IPs should be part of any conversation on policy options foods, even if impacted by pollution, may have more cul- to reduce risks of pollution to human well‐being, ecosystem tural benefits that make them willing to take certain risks services, and biodiversity. (Donatuto et al. 2011). Language and cultural barriers can Acknowledgment—We dedicate this work to all the also pose difficulties for health practitioners to warn about indigenous peoples around the world, particularly to those pollution and contamination affecting IPs (O'Neil et al. who are arduously fighting to combat pollution impacting 1997; Wheatley and Wheatley 2000). Additionally, har- their territories. This work has been funded by the Academy vesting and consuming traditional foods have many nutri- of Finland (grant agreement 311176) and the Kone Foun- tional, social, and cultural health benefits that must be dation. Author Reyes‐García acknowledges financial support weighed in risk management (Kirk et al. 2012). from BBVA Foundation (2017 Leonardo Grant for Re- Part of the literature on IPs and pollution has framed searchers and Cultural Creators). Authors Fernández‐ pollution as a field of technical intervention, where impacts Llamazares, Brondizio, McElwee, and Reyes‐García acknowl- can often be curtailed or compensated, thereby relegating edge the continued support from the Intergovernmental IPs to the status of helpless victims whose vulnerabilities Science‐Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Serv- should be remediated (Bagelman and Wiebe 2017; Nunn ices (IPBES). This work contributes to the “María de Maeztu 2018). The depoliticization of pollution through the de- Unit of Excellence” (MdM‐2015‐0552). We thank Lucas ployment of technical narratives (e.g., offering only tech- Bogaert and Arun Gyawali for cartographic assistance and nical solutions to problems that are fundamentally political) Dr. Ana‐Iris Fernández‐Llamazares for assistance in the clas- has rendered IPs' interests, agencies, and claims largely sification of pollutants. invisible (Cameron 2012; Liboiron et al. 2018), often Disclaimer—The authors declare no conflicts interests. overlooking the proactive role of IPs in fighting against Data Availability Statement—Data sharing is not appli- environmental injustices. A growing scholarly body is chal- cable to this article because no new data were created in lenging this research tradition by showing how IPs actively this study. contribute to develop innovative strategies to limit pollu- tion or prevent it from the outset (Capasso 2017; Wehi and SUPPLEMENTAL DATA Lord 2017). S1. Literature review strategy. In several countries, IPs have been marginalized from S2. Case studies documenting pollution impacts on IPs. environmental management bodies (Weir 2009; Finn and Jackson 2011), which undermines their capacity to defend ORCID their stakes in terms of environmental pollution at subna- Álvaro Fernández‐Llamazares http://orcid.org/0000-0002- tional levels (Behrendt and Thompson 2004). With the ex- 7813-0222 ception of the Arctic (Hansen 2000; AMAP 2015), in most Niladri Basu http://orcid.org/0000-0002-2695-1037 regions there is a lack of regular monitoring and impact Eduardo Sonnewend Brondizio http://orcid.org/0000- assessments on the specific impacts of pollution on IPs 0001-9376-8366 (Appiah‐Opoku 2001; Jollands and Harmsworth 2007). Bi- Mar Cabeza http://orcid.org/0000-0002-7410-7631 omonitoring informed by IPs' concerns can help to create a Pamela McElwee http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3525-9285 better understanding of IPs' exposure to pollution, ensuring Victoria Reyes‐García http://orcid.org/0000-0002-2914-8055 also that ethical research practices are followed (Sterling et al. 2017b; Caron‐Beaudoin and Armstrong 2019). Several studies have described the long‐term cultural and spiritual REFERENCES connections of IPs to their lands as a central element of IPs' Adeola F. 2000. Cross‐national environmental injustice and human rights issues: A review of evidence in the developing world. Am Behav Sci 43:686–706. experiences of pollution (Scott 2013; Armstrong and Brown Aiken SR. 2004. Runaway fires, smoke‐haze pollution, and unnatural disasters 2019). In fact, current levels of engagement of IPs in envi- in Indonesia. Geogr Rev 94:55–79. ronmental management bodies at national and international Álava JJ, Calle N. 2017. 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