This is the submitted version of the article: Rodríguez-Labajos, Beatriz; Ray, Isha. «Six avenues for engendering creative environmentalism». Global environmental change, Vol. 68 (May 2021), art. 102269. DOI 10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2021.102269 This version is available at https://ddd.uab.cat/record/248861 under the terms of the license 1 Six avenues for engendering creative environmental activism 2 3 Authors: 4 Beatriz Rodríguez-Labajos 1,2 *; Isha Ray1 5 6 Affiliation 7 1 Energy and Resources Group; University of California Berkeley, 310 Barrows Hall, Berkeley, CA 8 94720, United States 9 2 Institute of Environmental Science and Technology, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 08193 10 Cerdanyola del Vallès, Spain 11 * Corresponding author 12 13 Email of the corresponding author: 14 beatriz.rodriguez@uab.cat 15 16 CRediT author statement 17 Beatriz Rodriguez-Labajos: Conceptualization, Methodology, Formal analysis, Writing- Original draft. 18 Isha Ray: Conceptualisation, Writing - Review and Editing, 19 20 Acknowledgements: 21 The authors thank the members of the Water Group + of the Energy and Resources Group at the 22 University of California, Berkeley, and to Jeremy Tauzer for insightful comments to a previous version 23 of this paper. The research received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and 24 innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie Grant Agreement N° 797444 (CLAMOR). 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 1 32 33 1. Introduction 34 Art is thriving as a pathway to knowledge-sharing and the creation of new ideas. Today, art- 35 science collaborations flourish in major basic science hubs like CERN, the European 36 Organization for Nuclear Research (Eldred, 2016), and artistic experiences arguably support 37 novel understandings of scientific enquiry (Illingworth, 2019). Art’s ability to activate 38 particular cognitive processes and change values and behaviours (Steyerl, 2010) has made it 39 ubiquitous in activities in defence of the environment (Tavera Fenollosa and Johnson, 2015). 40 The focus of our review is on this latter practice. 41 Over time the use of the artwork-as-object (e.g., paintings, music, films) has been mediated 42 by the involvement of audiences in constructing the artworks’ significance and in their very 43 creation (Weibel, 2014). Similarly, environmental art has shifted from representations of the 44 fragility of the environment to performative forms of understanding and communicating 45 environmental concerns (Thornes, 2008). Socially-engaged research has looked at the arts 46 (and culture) as the missing anchor in environmental action, especially in regards to climate 47 change action (Hulme, 2011; Sommer et al., 2019; van Renssen, 2017). That the arts trigger 48 grounded engagement has progressively become a tenet of activists and social movements. 49 Environmental activists contest damages such as water depletion and degradation, air or soil 50 pollution, local diversity loss, unwelcome transformation of landscapes, and the ensuing 51 exposure to environmental and health risks (Conde, 2014; Scheidel et al., 2020). Women, 52 often impacted by these damages in their daily lives, frequently lead protests over 53 unsustainable natural resource use practices (Jenkins, 2015). Women can also exacerbate 54 environmental degradation, however, when they participate in extractive activities (Kelly et 55 al., 2014), which could reinforce their role as possible agents of change. 56 Examining the role of women in environmental activism prompts a broader discussion on 57 gender and related identifiers. Links between gender and the environment range from the 58 view of some traditionally powerless groups, such as women, as caregivers and stewards of 59 nature (Griffin, 1978; Shiva, 1989) to analyses of gender-specific vulnerabilities associated 60 with material conditions, power asymmetries and ensuing resistances (Gaard, 2011; Salleh, 61 2017). Analysing the literatures on artistic activism, or ‘artivism’, provides an opportunity to 2 62 explore how this range manifests itself through art in environmental movements overall. 63 Environmental studies count on well-established classifications of environmentalism (Guha 64 and Martinez-Alier, 1997; Martinez-Alier, 2002), but these do not usually centre issues of 65 diversity and gender. This review approaches the arts as a window into the diversity in 66 environmental activism, a dimension in which gender inclusion is increasing. 67 Understanding diversity in environmental movements through the arts can reveal ontological 68 distinctions with significant policy implications. For instance, women and children are 69 frequently binned into a single category in policy interventions regarding sustainability (United 70 Nations, 2015). This not only normalizes the representation of women as caretakers but also 71 neglects children’s potential to pursue their own environmental agendas, whose existence has 72 been well documented (Holmberg and Alvinius, 2019). Also noteworthy, non- 73 heteronormativity has become an inspiration for radical transformation across social 74 movements, including critical environmentalism (Heckert, 2012). Exploring how creative 75 environmentalism is projecting these norm-questioning ideas is therefore relevant for the 76 governance of sustainability in a way that is (largely) missing in the academic literature, and 77 also connects art to ongoing debates on representation, visibility and social boundaries. 78 In particular, an under-explored theme in the literature on environmental activism is 79 whether (and how) gender-differentiated environmental claims and/or transformative or 80 restorative initiatives are voiced and promoted through arts and cultural expressions. This 81 paper aims to synthesize the existing literature on creative activism and gender, drawing on 82 a vast number of diverse expressions in nearly one century of studies, with emphasis on the 83 most recent publications. The literature is organized into six thematic strands, elicited 84 through network analysis. Analysing these six strands vis-à-vis current sustainability 85 challenges helps us to identify the extent to which gender is explicitly part of existing artistic 86 expressions of environmental activism. More broadly, our discussion synthesizes the 87 literature on the contribution of artivism to new framings of gender in environmentalism, 88 building on existing classifications of environmentalism(s). 89 90 2. Methods 3 91 Cultural artefacts produced individually or collectively constitute material objects that reflect 92 the ongoing creation of meanings and culture (Lubar and Kingery, 1995). Therefore, they 93 serve as evidence for particular analytic interpretations. We found this evidence in peer- 94 reviewed literature on how activists use art (Fig. 1), mining references with the search 95 sequence (("art" or "arts" or artist* or film* or photo* or music*) AND (activis* or "social 96 mov*")) in Scopus® and Web of ScienceTM in October, 28th, 2019. After examining their titles 97 and abstracts, this procedure yielded 5652 items (journal papers, books and book chapters) 98 related to artistic activism in 63 countries reported between 1922 and 2019. The reviewed 99 texts were all in English, although the studies referred to artistic expressions in other 100 languages, according to the country of origin. 101 The ensuing coding process of titles and abstracts took two steps. The first step confirmed 102 that the text related to environment-oriented activisms. The definition of “environment” 103 included ecological elements (species, ecosystems), environmental pressures (pollution, 104 waste, climate change), land uses (including the organisation of the urban space), and 105 environmental conflicts (against mining, oil extraction, etc.), among others. The literature on 106 social movements, especially from the Global South, recognizes ongoing debates questioning 107 the divide between “green” activism (i.e. concerned by environmental protection) and “red” 108 activism (i.e. centred on class struggle) (Forsyth, 2007; Hoffarth and Hodson, 2016), but our 109 focus here is on “the environment” in its common meaning of natural resources. 110 In the second step, all environment-related papers (NE=756) and all the papers on artivism 111 (not necessarily on the environment) published in 2018 (N2018=616) were coded. We chose 112 2018 because it is the most recent full year available at the time of the analysis, and also the 113 year with most entries in our dataset. The coding isolated three themes: a) The type of 114 cultural or artistic manifestation presented in the text; all forms of artistic creation that 115 appeared in the dataset were included; b) the environmental topic addressed; and c) the 116 absence or presence of gender as an explicit part of the paper’s argument. Gender presence 117 was coded into a yes / no variable. When the paper addressed gender, another column 118 coded the specific topic (e.g., ‘feminism’, ‘masculinity’, ‘girl’, ‘boy’, ‘queer’). 119 The notion of gender neutrality is problematic (Criado Perez, 2019), so we should clarify 120 what we call ‘gendered’ art. Diversity among people with intersectional identities –including 121 e.g., age, (dis)abilities and race in addition to gender – is a relevant aspect of political 4 122 representation to overcome discrimination and to facilitate social inclusion (Fredman and 123 Goldblatt, 2015). Therefore, an intersectional perspective on gender (Parent et al., 2013) 124 helps to reveal multiple interconnected identities and the relations they shape, with respect 125 to one another and to environmental struggles (Schilling et al., 2018). With this in mind, we 126 coded the literature based on the explicit mention of terms related to sex, gender identity or 127 related social structures (including gender theories; gendered concepts; key attributes of 128 gender; the role of gender in using or producing art; and the representation of genders in 129 the arts). 130 Frequency analysis methods of helped us to explore the resulting dataset of titles and 131 abstracts. In keeping with the gender-relational approach adopted, we developed a visual 132 representation of code structures on gender, types of artistic work and specific 133 environmental topics, using the social network analysis package Gephi 0.9.1 (Bastian et al., 134 2009). Certain codes within the network are more closely connected to one another. We 135 used modularity analysis, a measure of community structure in the network, to identify such 136 tightly knit groups of codes (Blondel et al., 2008; Newman, 2006). Building on the selected 137 literature, we describe each group of codes (or “strands”) in the results section. 5 138 DATA ANALYSIS OUTCOME DATA GATHERING139 DATA ORGANISATION 140 Environment-related papers? Search terms: • Descriptive statistics NE = 756 texts Fig. 2 Key topics and (art or arts or artist* or film* 141 (frequency analysis) or photo* or music*) Fig.3 interconnection of coded variables and Artivism papers in 2018? 142 N2018 = 616 texts (activis* or “social mov*”) Existing strands in the literature 143 • Network representation SCOPUS & WoS of gender & environment 1. Type of artistic manifestation? Fig. 4 Lacunae 2. Environmental topic addressed?144 related codes N = 5652 texts 3. Gender (Y/N)? If Y: Gender (NG&E = 169 text) topic? 145 146 147 Fig. 1. Data gathering, data selection, and analysis process 6 148 The resulting analysis does not capture all artistic endeavours with respect to environmental 149 social movements on the ground; it is limited to those reported in peer-review literature. Yet 150 the high number of entries that met our inclusion criteria suggests that the works represent 151 a good overview of these endeavours. Our analysis offers three insights. First, it maps key 152 topics, their salience in the literature, and their interconnections. Second, it identifies 153 distinct existing strands in research on environmental artivism and gender. Third, it reveals 154 lacunae in this scholarship. 155 156 3. Results 157 3.1. To what extent is environmental artistic activism ‘gendered’? (Schrader, 2017). Photo: Camille Perrottet (Seán and Kirrily, 2018) (Stalpaert, 2018) Photo: Urban Action Clinic (Battistini, 2018). Photo: @ujarock (Manabe, 2018) (Choi and McNeely, 2018). Photo: Laruse Junior/Flickr (Enz, 2018). Photo: Frame from the movie (Oakley et al., 2018); Photo: New (Green, 2018). Photo: Kiruna Lappland ’Hope of Green’, Dir. N. S. Cissé Nature Writers Economic Association 158 159 Fig. 2. Total frequency of artistic pieces (environmental topics) reported in the literature, 2018, with examples 7 160 The variety of artistic expression used in environmental activism is shown in Fig. 2, based on 161 2018 data. Twenty percent of 616 studies on art and activism focused on environmental 162 topics. They span 33 countries from all continents but are concentrated in the Americas and 163 Europe; this skew may reflect the skew in English-language publications. After ‘Art’ (general 164 category), the most frequent artistic categories used for environmental artivism are 165 performance, music, literature (including poetry) and films. Only the main type of artistic 166 expression was coded for each study, although admittedly these forms often co-occur, as in 167 the case of musical performances, or scriptwriting that combines filmmaking and literature. 168 We examined the studies to note whether the description and argument on each artistic 169 expression explicitly included gender topics. Fig. 3 compares the perspective of studies on 170 environmental activism and on other forms of activism, in terms of the proportion of artistic 171 pieces with an explicit gender dimension. A transversal line divides the chart into two 172 sectors, with dominance of environmental activism studies on the right and other forms of 173 activism on the left. 174 8 175 176 Fig. 3. Percentage of artistic pieces with explicit gender dimension, per type of cultural or artistic manifestation, 177 2018. Source: Own analysis, with data from references in the dataset. (N2018 = 616, N2018+G= 222) 178 179 Fig. 3 suggests low levels of gender analysis in current works on artistic activism, particularly 180 those involving the most frequent expressions such as Art (general category) and 181 performances. Just 38 percent of all artworks across artistic types include gender 182 considerations explicitly when they discuss activism. For works on environmental activism 183 the level drops to 21 percent. Explicitly gender-oriented studies lean towards the 184 organisation of festivals, storytelling, “message” clothing, social media, photovoice, the work 185 of cultural centres, and poetry. 186 187 9 188 3.2. How does environmental artivism articulate with gender? 189 Another angle to evaluate the gendered nature of artivism is to categorise the works in 190 relation to the topics they cover and note how they connect with gender. We coded specific 191 gender-related topics in the texts, such as ‘childbearing’, ‘young man’ and sorted them into 192 broader categories, such as ‘reproduction’, ‘youth’ and ‘man’. The network in Fig. 4 shows 193 the structure of connections between the gender-related codes (orange nodes), the 194 environmental topics addressed (green nodes) and the types of artistic and cultural 195 expressions used (yellow nodes). 196 The layout of the network relies on the representation of six modularity classes, or strands, 197 that are most densely interconnected within the network. The most prominent ties between 198 nodes of different classes appear as brown lines. The six strands shown in Fig. 4 provide a 199 map of reports on gendered practices in creating and using different forms of artivism in 200 environmental matters. Each one of these strands is an assemblage of numerous studies and 201 the topics covered have been expressed in different ways. In this section we do not 202 elaborate on the nuances (or debates) within each strand of the literature but emphasize 203 key differences between them. 10 6 1 2 5 3 4 204 205 Fig. 4. Gender and environment terms connected with artistic forms used in environmental action. Colour code: types of artistic 206 manifestations (yellow nodes), environment terms (green nodes), gender-related terms (orange nodes). Only ties with 5 or more 207 interconnections are represented. The grey hexagons indicate the six strands described in the text. Source: Own analysis using data from 208 169 papers in Gephi 0.9.1 (Distribution: Radial Axis layout based on modularity classes). 209 210 The rest of the section describes each strand, using the numbering of the grey hexagons in 211 Fig. 4 to designate each subsection. Additionally, the network discloses a strong linkage 11 212 between the node ‘woman’ with the codes ‘artist’ and ‘activists’, across the six strands. 213 Therefore, the final part of this section discusses the overall role of women in environmental 214 artivism more broadly. 215 216 (1) Women’s and girls’ embodiment of the environmental crisis 217 Different artistic expressions, sometimes in combination, reveal the links between 218 environmental management –e.g., of land, energy generation, or waste– and the pervasive 219 devaluation of women’s work (Kuhn, 2016). For instance, films about landless women's 220 engagement with social movements in Brazil show their difficulties in reversing patriarchal 221 cultures in their attempts to secure land and become self-sufficient (Schwendler, 2009). 222 Additionally, artworks can portray direct environmental impacts on women and girls. 223 Exhibitions and installations present their bodies as impacted spaces devoid of privilege and 224 challenge delusions of gender neutrality in how the distribution of environmental impacts 225 operate (Tlostanova, 2017). The focus on the body serves to implicitly denounce the violence 226 that the unequal distribution of environmental goods and ‘bads’ entails; a collection of 227 essays and photographs containing Appalachian women's account(s) of their own activism is 228 a case in point (Bell, 2014). 229 Embodied expressions of environmental encounters abound in the environmental literature. 230 Early ecofeminists drew attention to the body as the first environment that is experienced 231 through the senses even before people learn about the notion of environment (Field, 2000). 232 The interest in gendered bodies continues today, both as theoretical question (Clara Fischer 233 and Dolezal, 2018) and as a part of the social imaginary. A simple internet search on ‘women 234 and the environment’ quickly reveals images of women carrying timber, or water, or 235 engaged in farming activities, in a context of environmental degradation, increased violence, 236 or both (see, e.g., The Guardian, 2020). The thin line between fascination and objectification 237 of the female body in connection with the environment has provoked reflections about 238 women’s situations, as in the case of meat dresses worn (and exhibited) by several artists 239 and activists (Newman, 2017), or of flaunting nudity in biopolitical statements by feminist 240 activists such as Aliaa Magda Elmahdy (Egypt) and the Pussy Riot collective (Russia) (Silva, 241 2016). 12 242 Beyond the depiction of impacts, this category of literature also portrays women and girls 243 engaged in artistic practices that catalyse environmental commitment through the creation 244 of meaningful objects with organic fibres or waste materials (Kuhn, 2016; Rivera-Lutap, 245 2015). In this approach, collaborative and relational artistic practices –e.g. food provision 246 through land-based art and permaculture– allow the reconnecting of human bodies with 247 Earth, ‘the body of the world’ (Most, 2018). 248 Therefore, this approach invites new forms of living and coexisting that sustain 249 environmental and social mutualism: Wearable art such as the t-shirt design ‘Wear Qisi’, 250 depicting the co-evolution of Inuit people, seals and land (O’Connor et al., 2017) exemplify 251 the approach. In the same vein, artistic projects depicting the human-biosphere 252 relationship, such as the ecoLAB and Herbarium in Spain, facilitate the exchange of 253 knowledge about local flora diversity as connected to embodied acts (Lozano, 2015), in 254 which women and girls play a major role. 255 (2) Feminist and queer political imaginaries for the Anthropocene 256 The turn of the twenty-first century witnessed the confluence of theoretical and political 257 gender struggles and increased recognition that action was needed to counter global 258 environmental change (Stevens et al., 2018). Our analysis reveals different literary forms 259 (e.g., poetry, essays, novels) bringing together the social construction of gender and the 260 recognition of the effects of human action on Earth systems. Many of these works are 261 rooted in feminist and queer perspectives. Through their lens, ecocriticism (the study of the 262 environment in literary works) understated vectors of domination, including gender issues, 263 embedded in the existing modes of environmental theory, praxis and activism (Gaard, 2014; 264 Stevens et al., 2018). For instance, the recent works of the ‘New Nature Writers’ in the UK 265 have generated mixed reactions, as writers concerned about the global ecological crisis find 266 solace in a creative escape into ‘wild’ environments, thus avoiding direct confrontations with 267 histories of oppression (Oakley et al., 2018). 268 From a gendered perspective, the solution to global debates about climate, ecological crises 269 and ensuing socioeconomic impacts has been proposed as new political imaginaries engaged 270 with a “feminism without borders" (Faris, 2019: 79). In ‘Sisters of Ocean and Ice’, Faris 271 reports a peer-to-peer exchange between distant geographies with common histories of 272 erasure, voiced by indigenous islander poets. In this line of analysis, the rethinking of policy, 13 273 law, and education should rely on post-humanism (or post-anthropocentrism), reconsidering 274 the meaning of being human and of human – nonhuman relationships (Alaimo, 2016). Thus, 275 this strand seeks to propose and ‘engender’ systemic solutions that confront the root causes 276 of the Anthropocene crisis, going beyond depoliticized techno-scientific solutions on offer 277 (Gaard, 2014). These works focus mainly on literary expressions, although there is also a rich 278 feminist genealogy of post-human aesthetics in the visual arts exploring the diversity of 279 radical imaginations (Ferrando, 2016). 280 (3) Students leading sustainability transitions 281 The school is a major space where boys, girls and non-conforming children and adolescents 282 develop gender awareness; thus schooling is both a setting and a source for the formation of 283 social identity and confrontation with intersectionality (Ball et al., 2013). In the reviewed 284 studies under this strand, the classroom emerges as a space of organizing for environmental 285 change from elementary education to the university level. Artworks support cross- 286 disciplinary sustainability education, and promote peer-to-peer learning, through for 287 instance, artists’ collectives formed by students (Larsen, 2016). 288 Creative and collaborative pedagogic models and research methodologies –e.g. music or 289 photovoice projects inspired by Freire’s pedagogy of the oppressed (Nucho and Nahm, 290 2018)– help to identify local environmental problems and act collectively to tackle them. In 291 this process, students of any gender are not passive recipients of environmental knowledge; 292 they reshape ethical standpoints and sensibilities that percolate through to their future 293 professional practice (Kennedy, 2017). A case is the collective garden experience for culinary 294 students at the college level (Hellermann, 2017). Thus, students lead sustainability 295 transitions through site-specific practices, e.g. in artistic projects related to urban agriculture 296 or water management (Cohen and Subramaniam, 2012). Schooling also inspires models of 297 transformation, with artists being one type of role model towards sustainability, and 298 teachers being significant as well (Cavallaro et al., 2017). Students of all genders seem to be 299 participating equally in these forms of artivism. 300 (4) Children’s activism towards environmental justice 301 The initiation into activism arises from powerful experiences that ritualize the new 302 connections with the self, with others, and with other species. Performances, music and 14 303 writings are a pivotal part of such initiations during childhood and young adulthood, as Pike 304 (2017) shows for the case of animal-rights activism in the US. 305 Environmentalism has become a pillar of children’s values and activism in the last two 306 decades, with environmental justice at the core of their interests (Sturgeon, 2009). Arguably, 307 this is due to childhood experiences and not simply to children’s moral preferences towards 308 racial and gender equality. Childhood asthma due to mining (e.g. coal mining) (Turner, 2012) 309 and urban facilities (e.g. incinerators) (Sze, 2004), or child poisoning due to pesticide use 310 against rodents in poor urban areas (Swartz et al., 2018) are instances of pollution portrayed 311 by children’s artworks. While academia tries to improve knowledge about the causal chains 312 leading to adverse health impacts, the children and their families put pressure on 313 institutional and corporate actors by creating public awareness through literature, films and, 314 especially, performances (Swartz et al., 2018; Sze, 2004). 315 These expressions help to dramatize the problem (e.g., when African American or Latinx 316 children attend rallies wearing gas masks (Sze, 2004)), speak deep truths to the society as a 317 whole, and can generate spontaneous support for the activists’ causes. A case in point is that 318 of a mother showing photojournalistic images about the impacts of coal in West Virginia, 319 who was then accused by pro-coal politicians of trafficking in child porn; by this means their 320 lack of empathy became clear to the public at large (Turner, 2012). The emotional politics of 321 reproduction is therefore a key connector between this strand and gender. In fact, not 322 mothers alone, but an extended of set of kin and caregivers, such as fathers and 323 grandparents, participate in these forms of creative activism (Sze, 2004). 324 (5) Gendered subjectivities facing environmental conflicts 325 The eco-critical cultural activism of Sámi people in Scandinavia (Fuller, 2018) or the digital 326 media platforms against the Dakota Access Pipeline at Standing Rock, North Dakota 327 (Cappelli, 2018), are examples of the visual representations of environmental protests, and 328 of their effectiveness in creating solidarity alignments between indigenous and non- 329 indigenous movements. Yet the contribution of artivism in environmental conflicts goes well 330 beyond visuals. Disputes over the environmental decision-making often mirror conflicting 331 environmental representations. For instance, the ‘artscapes’ created by the Chicano Art 332 Movement convey counter-hegemonic narratives about nationality, gender, and class in the 333 U.S.-Mexico border region (Aushana, 2012) . They aim to confront globalised cultural norms, 15 334 largely shaped by elites of the Western world, and based on what they see as universalising 335 assumptions about economic rationality. Similarly, the performances and installations of the 336 Northern Caucasus de-colonial artist and activist Taus Makhacheva challenge the humanist 337 ideals shaped by Western modernity and create artistic metaphors of alternative links 338 between space and human perception (Tlostanova, 2017). Works such as these open the 339 door to a diversity of subjective meanings that eventually emerge in struggles for recognition 340 in environmental conflicts. 341 Such diversity manifests itself through the perceptions, feelings and expectations of the 342 subjects involved. The iconic photograph "lady in red" at the Gezi Park protests in Istanbul, 343 2013, became viral as it gave Turkish activists a visual outlet to frame the many constituents 344 of their struggle, and helped them to convey the wide range of personal, social and political 345 concerns behind the defence of a public park (McLeod, 2016). Films and bioart have sparked 346 similar critical debates about pluralist ways of being and perceiving environmental change, 347 and also of how to respond to such change (Clover, 2011; da Costa and Philip, 2010). 348 Gendered subjectivities are particularly significant when the environmental issue portrayed 349 by the artwork affects reproduction (including care work) and self-perceived identities. For 350 instance, photography has unveiled positive emotions of joy and fulfilment that rural women 351 in Tanzania associate with unpaid care work, and not just the endurance of the work load 352 (Chung et al., 2019). This leads to the (re)consideration of masculinities and femininities and 353 of how these are performed with respect to environmental conflicts and transformations 354 (Prügl, 2011). 355 When gendered subjectivities manifest themselves though the arts, the response of activists 356 in the struggle can be defiant and oppositional with a sense of agency gained thanks to 357 artistic works (Aushana, 2012; McLeod, 2016). The response could also call for inclusion of 358 diversity in how environmental processes are perceived, building on positive emotions and 359 affections (Chung et al., 2019). Two concrete instances of inclusion through the use of arts 360 are public participation in scientific discussions on biotechnologies using bioart (da Costa and 361 Philip, 2010), and adult and community environmental education through documentary 362 films (Clover et al., 2013). Both examples entail an interest in diversity and require a 363 nuanced understanding of identities of the subjects engaged in diverse disputes. 364 16 365 (6) Young artists pushing for urban transformation and nature conservation 366 A part of the reviewed literature shows that, around the world, claims towards 367 environmental transformation are increasingly being made by artists-activists working on / 368 in urban spaces. The ‘Amateur’s Revolt’ of cultural artists against nuclear power in Koenji, 369 Tokyo (Park, 2012) or Aboriginal youth artist-activists mapping health experiences apropos 370 their right to the city in Winnipeg, Canada (Skinner and Masuda, 2013) serve as examples. 371 Overall, this strand of literature is concentrated around young men, and it is also the 372 category drawing most explicitly on LGBT issues. In some instances, however, women have 373 used art as a tool to challenge sexism within ongoing protests, as with the People's Park 374 movement in California that converted unused spaces into urban green space (Lovell, 2018). 375 Young people are leading these urban changes, claiming citizenship rights today rather than 376 representing the voice of 'future generations'. To this end, the youth cohorts in revolt create 377 politicized visual symbols through films, painting, murals or digital media, or on clothing, and 378 circulate them via social media (Bright, 2012; Park, 2012; Schrader, 2017; Wade, 1999). This 379 resonates with the democratisation of engaged artistic practice defended by Gramscian 380 theorists in cultural studies, such as Raymond Williams, or anarchist cultural critics, such as 381 Herbert Read (Stevenson, 2019). 382 Young people also connect strongly with music, especially in urban multi-cultural settings 383 where (mostly) young men confront existing disparities in socio-environmental distribution. 384 To this end, indigenous rural-to-urban migrants in Mexico use rap (Colina and Talancón Leal, 385 2017) , activists in the Sao Paolo outskirts use samba (Moreno, 2016), and foreign-born 386 suburban residents of Sweden use hip-hop (Beach and Sernhede, 2012). Worldwide, youth 387 artists have become skilled in critically connecting global ideas with ad hoc forms of cultural 388 identity, merging vernacular legacies with international influences, such as with Siberian 389 variations on pop culture (Habeck and Ventsel, 2009). 390 In the young artists’ environmental movements, critical views of consumption, including of 391 global tourism, are part of a broader critique of capitalism, with second-hand style adopted 392 to make a point (Le Zotte, 2017). This effort to promote radical environmental change blurs 393 the boundary between cultural intervention and political activism. For instance, the houses 394 of young independent artists in Bucharest, Romania, are hybrid spaces of artistic creation 395 and performance, but also of civic mediation (Surugiu, 2018). Thus, artists develop or reclaim 17 396 common spaces for the creation and experience of artistic production, in a way similar to 397 how cultural centres or festivals operate. Accordingly, the use of art is seen as a form of 398 public pedagogy that privileges creative praxis and empowerment against social apathy. In 399 some cases, this challenge motivates teachers to try and stimulate collective discussions 400 through artistic and multimedia creations (Reis, 2014). 401 Solidarity and civic mediation are at the core of the ethics of place for these young 402 movements. Inclusion policies build in partnerships with groups that emphasize social 403 equality, such as the LGBT community (Misgav, 2015). Rather than imposing or directly 404 advocating moral conduct, artists ‘activate’ their audiences by promoting critical thinking 405 through exposure to art. An example would be the work of the Portuguese-Belgian 406 performance artist Maria Lucia Cruz Correia, who created ‘Urban action clinics’ against the 407 problem of air pollution in Ghent, which confronted the spectators with their agentic 408 capabilities (Stalpaert, 2018). Overall, this strand emphasizes a vision that is anchored in the 409 use and improvement of the urban environment. It also projects a vision of nature 410 conservation, with engagement on critical socio-environmental debates, such as the future 411 of nuclear power (Park, 2012). 412 A detour: women and environmental artivism 413 Though the literatures we reviewed recognize the conceptual (and political) difference 414 between women and gender, in fact most selected studies on gender are on women. The 415 network diagram (Figure 4) shows that a large body of gender studies puts women at the 416 core. The term ‘woman’ is the most frequently coded term in our review, and is the most 417 connected with other nodes, especially in studies reporting women’s capacities as artists, 418 activists, and students. Therefore, the use of the concept “woman” within topics beyond the 419 embodiment of environmental crises, physical or perceptual, as presented above, deserves 420 some attention. 421 Women can re-appropriate their cultural identities to empower themselves and take 422 concrete steps to challenge dominant visions of health, food provision, and poverty. For 423 instance African-America women in post-industrial Detroit use rap, a genre often associated 424 with sexism and misogyny, to inspire those experiencing life challenges after the city’s 425 industrial decline (Farrugia and Hay, 2018). Filmmaking is also a powerful mechanism for 426 women’s empowerment and connection to space. An example would be Palestinian 18 427 women’s footage of human-rights abuses: Due to their engagement with the place in which 428 the women are filming, usually shooting from the homes they try to protect, this footage is 429 of high quality from a technical point of view (Ginsburg, 2016). By contrast, the vision of 430 women as victims is common in films –e.g., the story of a woman traded for land in Mexico 431 (Ross and Funari, 2016); and in performances –e.g., Hakka housewives in Taiwan suffering a 432 catastrophic natural disaster (Liang, 2012). These visions are often intended to support 433 processes of overcoming adversity, memory or healing. 434 A primary contribution of women artists is to help visualise the role of other women in 435 environmental struggles. For instance, the literary work of Shannon Elizabeth Bell (2014), 436 illustrated with photo-stories, portrays the grassroots activism of Appalachian women 437 against mountaintop removal mining. Her work not only reflects specific initiatives 438 undertaken by the women, but also the connection between contested situations and the 439 women’s everyday lives. A similar stance is adopted by the artist and filmmaker Zira Saro- 440 Wiwa when visually exploring the implications of resource extraction and labour exploitation 441 in the Niger Delta (Makhubu, 2018). 442 Women artists as covered in the reviewed works seem particularly keen to create 443 encounters with vulnerable groups. Such is the case of participatory film-making with 444 victimised women in Mexico in contexts of access to land or in maquila factories (Ross and 445 Funari, 2016), or emancipatory feminist events connected with the production of space, 446 such as the Ladyfest in Romania, linked to the Riot Grrrl movement (Lelea and Voiculescu, 447 2017). A characteristic of these collective works is the desire to recognise and foster 448 creativity around elements of nature, particularly in locations facing environmental 449 injustices, such as rural areas or industrial settings. 450 4. A conversation between gendered artivism and varieties of environmentalism 451 The analysis of the literature on gender and artistic environmental activism has revealed six 452 distinctive forms of expressing, communicating, and engaging with, transformative 453 environmental politics through the arts. The works carry different messages. Some of them 454 are oppositional, some of them are not. Besides unveiling diversity, how does the lens of art 455 broaden our vision of the diverse ways in which claims are made by people engaged in 456 environmental action? 19 457 In order to contextualise our results, we bring them into conversation with the well-known 458 ‘varieties of environmentalism’, first proposed by Guha and Martinez-Alier (1997), 459 elaborated by Martinez-Alier (2002) and later revisited by Anguelovski and Martínez-Alier 460 (2014). These authors cluster demands for environmental improvement around three 461 currents: a) an appreciation and active protection of wilderness, b) the advocacy of eco- 462 efficiency and ecological modernisation through technological improvements and market 463 solutions, and c) the engagement of people relying directly on the environment as a material 464 foundation for their livelihood, or the “environmentalism of the poor”. Anguelovski and 465 Martinez-Alier (2014) emphasize the philosophical and practical ties between the first two 466 currents, and the affinity of the latter with environmental justice movements worldwide. 467 In the following, we review the gender dimensions of each one of these currents, as 468 presented through the arts, and comment on how the results of our analysis challenge or 469 expand upon these dimensions. Our paper does not oppose or advocate for any of these 470 currents but signals the types of insights that engagement with gendered artivism can bring 471 to each one of them. 472 4.1. Appreciation of wilderness beyond the gender binary? 473 Originally, conservation science and action paid little attention to gender, or to people for 474 that matter (Rodríguez-Labajos and Martínez-Alier, 2013). With the increasing interest in 475 understanding humans’ role either as a threat to, or as agents of, conservation, a variety of 476 social-ecological approaches gained momentum at the turn of the new century (Kareiva and 477 Marvier, 2012). Yet twenty years later, the consideration of gender aspects in conservation 478 actions is in its infancy. 479 A step forward is the acknowledgement of inequalities and biases based on gender-based 480 differences. Discrimination against women leading conservation projects (Jones and 481 Solomon, 2019), and underrepresentation of women researchers in conservation institutions 482 (Bauer et al., 2019), clash with the evidence of better conservation outcomes when 483 progressive gender quotas are in place, even within a gender-binary formulation (Cook et al., 484 2019). Yet our analysis emphasizes the central role of women in artistic activism. We have 485 presented instances in which artistic activism becomes a space of political mobilisation for 486 women in traditionally male-dominated spaces of contestation. In the past, similar advances 487 have been made in labour struggles (Neunsinger, 2010) or struggles for social justice 20 488 (Bhattacharjya et al., 2013), though not necessarily relying on artivism. In these movements, 489 women pushed up the agenda of gender equity, with uneven results. An argument for 490 artivism and for the inclusion of women artivists in particular is their willingness to represent 491 (and support) the role of other women in environmental management, as the reviewed 492 studies have shown. 493 Similarly, environmental studies have used the gender binary [women / men] as a factor to 494 explain differences in conservation attitudes and personal constraints towards adopting 495 conservation positions (Tindall et al., 2003). The limitations that different gender and age 496 groups face in acting upon their environmental concerns differ considerably (Jenkins, 2015; 497 Mohai, 1992), as do their needs and preferences, as made apparent in our categorisation of 498 environmental artivism. In congruence with Butler's (1990) concept of gender 499 performativity, people tend to adopt environmental behaviours congruent with gender roles 500 due to sociocultural expectations, which they may themselves absorb (see Swim et al. (2018) 501 on climate change policies). This view is also reflected in the feminist political-ecologist 502 argument that engendered and differentiated “experiences of, responsibilities for, and 503 interests in ’nature’ and ’the environment’ “ (Gonzalez Hidalgo, 2017: 15) are socially 504 constructed rather than inherently feminine (cf. Shiva, 1989). 505 Artivism can go beyond providing tools to support increasing women’s engagement in 506 conservation efforts. Some of the same voices calling for gender quotas in nature 507 conservation processes have started to recognise gender diversity beyond the conventional 508 binary, and also intersectionality (especially considering age, ethnicity or class) in 509 conservation action (Editor Nature Climate Change, 2019). In this regard, our results advance 510 a nuanced understanding of diversity in artistic artivism. While we identified a connection 511 between biodiversity, biomass and land management with the representation of women and 512 girls (Strand 1 in the network), conservation is in fact a topic to which the creative work of 513 young urban generations, especially men and LGBT groups, can relate (Strand 6). As a result, 514 a variety of channels (digital and social media, festivals, mural painting) have gained 515 relevance in favour of conventional conservation initiatives. 516 Additionally, artivism can also trigger meaningful conversations about contradictions in 517 current biodiversity policies that invite the construction of new visions for nature (Otero et 518 al., 2020). The avenue on the gendered political imaginaries for the Anthropocene, which 21 519 connects with insights from feminist and queer politics, seem particularly relevant for that 520 purpose (Strand 2). 521 4.2. Searching for ‘unstereotyped’ eco-efficiency saviours? 522 Consistent with the market-orientation of the eco-efficiency approach (see Bakker, 2014), 523 gender debates are reflected in analyses of consumption and production processes in which 524 women are involved, and in calls for the feminisation of corporate practices. While the 525 limited scientific literature around these topics does not provide strong bases for expecting 526 gender differences in corporate responsibility (Calabrese et al., 2016), extended market 527 practices can accentuate the role of women as being at the forefront of consumption 528 choices, and assert women’s roles as agents of change. Furthermore, technology policies on 529 energy efficiency, and water and waste management may benefit significantly from a 530 gender-responsive approach (UN Environment, 2017; UN Women, 2014). 531 The eco-modernist approach within environmental studies showcases examples of women 532 taking on tasks in production processes predominantly done by men (e.g., Unilever, 2018) as 533 evidence of the transformative potential of women’s leadership. However, stressing 534 women’s responsibility in household decisions about consumption could perpetuate their 535 role as caregivers or ‘sustainability saviours’ (a label questioned by Leach, 2015) on the one 536 hand, and de-emphasize the focus on corporate responsibilities on the other (Hunt, 2020). 537 Also, as much as the eco-modernist approach presents itself as free of stereotypes, it barely 538 challenges the political and socioenvironmental context of existing production processes. It 539 may even lead to the risk of creating new stereotypes, with women in the limelight, as Leach 540 (2015) points out. 541 Against this background, our analysis provides two insights that are broadly compatible with 542 an eco-efficiency approach. The first one is to challenge the notions of women solely as 543 providers of care (of their families and of the environment) by portraying them in actions of 544 creative activism. The lens of artivism reveals forms of care (parental or otherwise) that fit 545 new realities and new subjectivities that the broader environmental movements literature 546 could usefully absorb. These subjectivities liberate women from the pressure of leading 547 transformations of large processes that they are just a part of, as is apparent from the 548 literature on children and artivism (Strand 4). At the same time, new leaderships (of children, 549 urban youth, or LGBT groups presented in Strands 4 and 6) need to be acknowledged and 22 550 integrated into decisions about sustainability. Our analysis reveals schooling as an important 551 source of environmental leadership for young artist activists at all levels of the formal 552 education sector (Strand 3). Increased knowledge about the implications of students’ 553 leadership for corporate social responsibility (Galvão et al., 2019), and a better 554 understanding of the use of arts in alternative models of education seem two helpful lines of 555 future research and action for sustainability. In general, we find that the emphasis of artistic 556 practice as a relational tool (with others, or with the environmental issue at hand) under- 557 emphasizes the role of individual “saviours” in favour of shared leadership and 558 responsibilities. 559 A final note on activism linked to production processes has to do with an emerging interest 560 in promoting gender diversity in corporate boardrooms (Nadeem et al., 2017). This aligns 561 with ongoing initiatives of shareholder activists (Pax, 2018). We found no examples of 562 artistic activism in the reviewed literature that link to this line of action. 563 4.3. The environmentalism of the (gendered) poor? 564 The environmentalism of the poor voices the perspective of the powerless. It features the 565 value of environmental conflicts and resistances against developments that affect the 566 relationship between underprivileged people and their environments. For this reason, it 567 might be thought to resonate with the argument of a special connection between women 568 and Nature as argued by an essentialist ecofeminism. Against this, the contribution of poor 569 women in defending the environment has more often been explained in political-ecological 570 terms, by a direct material dependence on environmental quality and associated use of work 571 time (Agarwal, 2001; Anguelovski and Martínez-Alier, 2014). 572 In general, few studies on ecological conflicts or distributional injustice from the 573 environmentalism of the poor perspective have paid attention to gender differences 574 (Veuthey and Gerber, 2012, 2010), perhaps due to the conviction that “both men and 575 women are close to nature, whether we like it or not” (Martinez-Alier, 2002: 211). However, 576 there is an emerging interest in the role of gender and violence in ecological resistances 577 (Nixon, 2011), and especially in direct violence against women activists (Martinez-Alier and 578 Navas, 2017). Environmental artivism focused on the embodiment of the environmental 579 crisis in women and girls (Strand 1) mirrors this interest. 23 580 Additionally, the identified strands of literature indicate that artistic activism contributes to 581 rendering more visible the gender relations embedded in processes of environmental 582 defence. In particular, three insights from our analysis seem to fit particularly well the 583 premises of the environmentalism of the poor. 584 The first one is the capacity of artivist practices to transcend disciplinary perspectives and 585 demonstrate the complex relations, including of gender, that often emerge in conflicts over 586 ecological distribution. In our analysis, this was shown at two levels. At the global / planetary 587 level, the works advocating queer and feminist politics for the Anthropocene (Strand 2) call 588 for breaking boundaries both in artistic production and in environmental politics. The 589 artworks generated in specific environmental controversies and disputes (Strand 5) implicitly 590 call for a (re)consideration of femininites and masculinities, how these are represented, and 591 the room they create to express different subjectivities. 592 The second insight is the recurrent call across gendered avenues of artivism for collective 593 and collaborative action, and the relevance placed on the creation of relational values 594 through art. All the strands in the network offer guidance on salient interactions. A starting 595 point is Strand 1 which, while emphasising the visualisation of environmental crises through 596 their impacts on women and girls, also insists on embodied acts in response. Young (1980) 597 noted the complicated relationship of women with the corporeal, experiencing their bodies 598 both as a burden and as an object to be protected. Strand 1 captures this point, emphasising 599 ‘protective’ responses through artivism that reinforce environmental and social mutualism. 600 Such relational practices are to be expected across genders and generations, as gender 601 dynamics and situated agencies basically consist “in relations, forging and reforged through 602 complex interactions between embodied persons through socially-shaped practices” 603 (Morgain and Taylor, 2015: 3). 604 The third insight is the turn of activists’ practices towards emphasizing the emotional. 605 Processes of environmental degradation, it has been argued, are imbued with ecological 606 grief (see Gordon et al., 2019), a mourning and loss that transcend the material. In their 607 attempt to solidify the material basis of ecological destruction, studies on the 608 environmentalism of the poor sometimes neglect this aspect. This aspect resonates with the 609 consideration of gendered subjectivities in resource struggles (Strand 5) and of how the 610 emotional plays a role in the creation of art, and in the transformation of the conflict. Critical 24 611 movements challenging traditional gender-mediated roles in environmental conflicts 612 emphasize the value of emotional involvement, “creating spaces for alternative selves and 613 practices and by unveiling the contradictory/ambiguity of selves/identities as sites of social 614 transformation” (Velicu, 2015: 847). 615 616 Our analysis has some limitations that must moderate our conclusions on how artistic 617 activism expands three leading varieties of environmentalism. The review has captured a 618 diversity of processes reported in the literature. Yet we are certainly missing insights from 619 environmental movements that use artistic expressions that are not reported in the 620 scholarly literature. We know that activist groups, large and small, continue to engage in 621 attempts to fuse art and advocacy, e.g., the Natural Resources Defence Council’s artist-in- 622 residence program (Greenfield, 2018). At certain times, artists have led the response to 623 socio-environmental problems they perceive, as in the case of the ‘Des-minado’ exhibition in 624 Colombia that unpacked the contrast between governmental efforts to remove land mines 625 after the civil conflict, while also positioning of the mining sector as a national growth 626 engine, despite its disruptive effects (Liberatorio Arte Contemporaneo, 2016). These and 627 other similar initiatives deserve closer examination, particularly in terms of the role that art 628 plays in articulating with gender in terms of inclusion, leadership, and mobilisation strategies 629 of environmental activists. 630 In this respect, we can question the low figures of artistic production with gender 631 considerations in environmental topics (21 percent, according to results presented above); 632 they could well signal an under-reporting of gender aspects in artivism, but also in research 633 on artivism. Our review therefore calls for a broader, but also deeper, exploration of 634 embedded gender analysis in research on art and environmental movements (see also 635 Segnestam, 2018). 636 637 Conclusion 638 By examining intellectual production around the use of the arts in environmental activism, 639 this paper sheds light on the ways in which broader environmental movements, and the role 640 of gender in environmental movements, have been categorised. The six identified avenues 25 641 might not be the only ones. But our analysis organises a broad body of academic literature 642 into a map of ideas that mirrors many existing practices of environmental activists. 643 A highlight of the study is calling out the significant presence of young demographics, 644 including young adults, children and students in environmental artivism. Any transformative 645 project aiming at engaging younger populations should emphasize artistic activism as part of 646 its strategies. At the same time, a gendered vision of artistic activism makes visible the 647 differential power to act of different groups, be they women, young people, or LGBTQ 648 collectives, and their chosen scopes of creative action in the environmental arena. The 649 reviewed works collectively acknowledge the diversity of entry points into environmental 650 artistic activism as respecting cultural norms and individual preferences. 651 A noteworthy finding of the review is that the gender dimension is more present – at least in 652 the scholarly literature -- in other types of artistic activism than in environmentalist activism. 653 Given the timing of the research, we could not take into account the explosion of new 654 artworks in North America and Europe that were created in the wake of Black Lives Matter 655 (BLM); we suspect that the skew would be even more pronounced had we been able to 656 incorporate analyses of BLM in the visual arts in particular. A comparative analysis of gender 657 as in environmental artivism versus in other types of political artivism could be a productive 658 line for future research. 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