The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx Contents lists available at ScienceDirect The Extractive Industries and Society journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/exis Original article Mining struggles in Argentina. The keys of a successful story of mobilisation Mariana Walter a, *, Lucrecia Wagner b a Institut de Ciència i Tecnologia Ambientals, Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona, Edifici C Campus de la UAB, 08193 Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vallès), Barcelona, Spain. b Institute of Nivology, Glaciology and Environmental Science - National Scientific and Technical Research Council (IANIGLA-CONICET), Av. Ruiz Leal s/n Parque General San Martín, Mendoza - CP 5500, Argentina A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T Keywords: This paper explores an intriguing case of environmental mobilisation in the world, Argentina´s anti-mining Environmental justice movement. This movement has contributed to the cancelation or suspension of about half of the contentious Mining conflicts projects they have opposed and has led to the approval of regulations and laws restricting large-scale mining EJAtlas activities in 9 out of 23 national provinces. This process of mobilisation and institutional change is quite unique Political opportunity structures Multi-scalar networks when compared to other Latin American and worldwide environmental mobilisation processes. This paper studies how the actors and the strategies mobilised in Argentinean mining conflicts have led to these and other mobilisation outcomes. With this aim we have developed, in collaboration with the Environmental Justice Atlas (www.ejaltas.org), a systematic identification and analysis of all public large-scale mining conflicts in the country from 1997 (when large scale mining began) to 2018. We conclude signalling three key interrelated features of anti-mining contention in Argentina: the diversity of actors and their strategies, some political op­ portunity structures (i.e. decentralised mining governance to provinces, mobilisation at early stages of projects) and the role of multi-scalar environmental justice networks acting on local, provincial and national scales. 1. Introduction Argentina, especially when we consider large-scale extraction tech­ niques. Between 1997 and 2017, the extraction of metal ores (in tonnes) This paper explores an intriguing case of environmental mobi­ multiplied by 10 in Argentina (UNRP, 2019). Nevertheless, the high lisation, Argentina´s anti-mining movement. This movement has increase of ore material extraction is part of a larger Latin American (and contributed to the cancelation or suspension of about half of the global) trend (UNEP, 2013). Mining booms started in the context of contentious projects they have opposed and has been a key actor in (regional and global) economic liberalisation reforms and skyrocketing larger socio-environmental transformations in the country. Argentina is metal ore prices that fostered a shift of the international geography of a country with national governments that have openly supported mining mining investment towards the developing world during the 1980 and activities as a strategic activity for more than two decades. Nevertheless, 1990s (Bridge, 2004). A trend that remains to date (Karl and Wilburn, actors critical to mining activities have led to the approval of regula­ 2017). tions/laws restricting large-scale mining activities in 9 out of 23 national While mining activities have a long history in the Latin American provinces (including two restrictive laws that were later reverted). This region, the size of material extraction pressures and exports, particularly process of mobilisation and institutional change is quite unique when regarding mineral ores, has no historical precedent (León et al., 2020). compared to other Latin American and worldwide environmental Since the 2000s, Latin America has been the first ore mining investment mobilisation processes (Scheidel et al., 2020). In this paper, we aim to destination of the world (Ericsson and Larsson, 2013; Karl and Wilburn, unravel some of the keys behind Argentina´s story of successful 2017). This mining exploration and exploitation pressure has been anti-mining mobilisations. accompanied by a growing number of mining conflicts in the region According to the Latin American Observatory of Mining Conflicts, in (Walter and Urkidi, 2017; Svampa, 2009) and (deadly) violence against 2019, Mexico, Chile, Peru and Argentina had, in this order, the largest environmental defenders (Global Witness, 2019). Global Witness reports number of mining disputes in the Region (OCMAL, 2019). In comparison an increase in environmental defenders’ assassinations and the use of with the other countries in this ranking, mining is quite recent in laws, arrests, intimidation and smear campaigns to silence them (Global * Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: marianawalter2002@gmail.com, mariana.walter@uab.cat (M. Walter), lucrewagner@gmail.com (L. Wagner). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2021.100940 Received 9 February 2021; Received in revised form 11 May 2021; Accepted 11 May 2021 2214-790X/© 2021 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Please cite this article as: Mariana Walter, Lucrecia Wagner, The Extractive Industries and Society, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2021.100940 M. Walter and L. Wagner The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx Witness, 2020). This research has also produced a detailed and open access dataset The significant and accelerated territorial, social, environmental, (available in the EJAtlas website) about ongoing processes of mining political and economic transformation that these processes have trig­ contestation in Argentina, their actors, grievances, strategies, claims and gered during the past two decades in Latin America have attracted the outcomes. These results are available to activists, researchers and policy attention of local and international scholars (Bebbington, 2012). makers. Argentina´s metal and mineral mining contestation is fostering signifi­ After this brief introduction, section 2 presents our conceptual cant research, especially in the country’s scholarly community. Most framework to approach mining conflicts, mobilised groups and their existing research has focused on single in-depth case studies or regional outcomes. Section 3 explains our methodological approach. Section 4 processes of contestation (e.g. Patagonia region, Mendoza province, the outlines the results that we discuss in section 5. Section 6 concludes. Esquel case) and only few studies have analysed multiple cases (Svampa and Antonelli, 2009; Delgado Ramos, 2010; Alimonda, 2011; Machado 2. Mining struggles Araoz et al., 2011; Bottaro and Sola Álvarez, 2018; Alvarez Huwiler and Godfrid, 2018). This research offers the first national-level systematic 2.1. Mining struggles and environmental justice movements analysis of mining conflicts in Argentina. Another approach to large-scale mining conflicts in Argentina has Mining is among the most conflictive activities in the world (Schei­ addressed the role of political opportunity structures facilitating or del et al., 2020). Literature examining mining struggles around the limiting the outcome of social mobilisation (Christel, 2015, 2020; world identifies different concerns mobilising communities against Denoel, 2019). These studies have, so far, analysed and compared some mining activities. Environmental impacts and risks are usually central in provinces (e.g. Mendoza, Córdoba, Catamarca, San Juan, Jujuy), high­ these disputes (Conde, 2017). According to the US EPA, mining is one of lighting provincial political, economic and social features. We claim that the main sources of heavy metals and pollutants to the environment these studies are relevant to understanding the outcome of anti-mining (EPA, 2020). However, communities mobilising against large scale contention in different Argentinean provinces. However, we propose to mining are not only reacting to perceived or visible environmental im­ broaden the scalar approach to capture the role of multi-scalar networks pacts but also to their lack of information, representation and partici­ of activism developing and supporting strategies to gain leverage at pation in decision making processes concerning their development path, local, provincial and national scales, sometimes bypassing local limited lack of monetary compensation or distrust of the state (e.g. lack of in­ opportunity structures. dependence, control capacity) and mining companies. Mining struggles The development of multi case-study analysis on mining (Özkaynak are transversed by different discourses that range from compensation et al., 2021; Özkaynak et al., 2015; Haslam and Tanimoune, 2016; and other market embedded measures, to broader claims regarding Rodríguez-Labajos and Özkaynak, 2018; Walter and Urkidi, 2017; post-material and socio-ecological alternatives (Conde, 2017). As Bebbington et al., 2008; Neyra, 2020), and environmental conflicts signalled by Bebbington et al. (2008), the defence of livelihood in (Latorre et al., 2015; Delamaza et al., 2017; Napadensky and Azocar, mining conflicts should not be understood only as the protection of a 2017; Pérez-Rincón et al., 2019; Temper et al., 2020; Del Bene et al., source of subsistence and income, but also as the protection of its 2018) has grown during the past decade in different countries (e.g. Peru, embedded meanings, values and identities. In Latin American conten­ Ecuador, Colombia, Chile, Mexico) and worldwide (Scheidel et al., tious politics, there is an inseparable relationship between the material 2020; Özkaynak et al., 2021) with the development of the EJAtlas and and the cultural in livelihoods (Escobar, 2001). other datasets. However, most of these studies examine a sample of Based on an extensive literature review, Conde and Le Billon (2017) cases, in our case we identify and analyse all public large-scale mining identified key factors that affect the likelihood that local communities conflicts in a country. will mobilise against mining activities. Case study evidence, they In this paper we study how the actors and the strategies mobilised in conclude, suggests that dependency on mining companies, political Argentinean mining conflicts have contributed to cancel/suspend about marginalisation, and trust in institutions tend to reduce resistance half of the contentious mining projects and have restricted mining likelihood. However, severe environmental impacts, lack of participa­ extraction throughout the country. The paper adopts a complex tion, extra-local alliances, and distrust towards state and extractive approach, studying anti-mining mobilisation across time and space, companies tend to increase resistance. combining qualitative and quantitative methodologies. We have con­ Many of the factors leading to resistance signalled by Conde and Le ducted a literature review and in-depth study of key mining conflicts in Billion (2017) are present in Latin America (Bebbington et al 2008). the country. And we have developed, in collaboration with the Envi­ Many communities distrust governments and companies. The notion of ronmental Justice Atlas (2019) (www.ejaltas.org) a global database on the ‘‘right to decide” has been raised as a key concern of communities environmental justice struggles, a systematic identification and analysis where projects are seen as imposed (Muradian et al., 2003; Vela-Al­ of all large-scale mining conflicts in the country from 1997 (when large meida et al., 2021). It has become common for anti-mining groups to scale mining began) to 2018. We examined in particular trends related prevent or boycott public hearings, as these are seen as an empty to mobilised actors, their strategies and the outcomes of their struggles. requisite for project approval (Jahncke Benavente and Meza, 2010; We conclude that in order to understand the outcomes of socio- Walter and Urkidi, 2017). Vela-Almeida et al. (2021) conclude that large environmental mobilisation a multi-scalar and temporally sensitive mobilisations, legal actions, calls for binding consultation, and forms of approach is needed. An approach attentive to both political structures blockades are successfully used by affected communities to shape and mobilisation features and dynamics. We highlight the role played by decision-making. But, they emphasise, whilst these actions from below multi-scalar networks, not only as spaces of learning, strategising and achieve certain outcomes, they are only temporarily successful as support but also as a collective actor able to move across scales long-term decisions surrounding extractive governance and underlying bypassing and challenging structural limitations and producing change. structural inequalities remain unaffected. Nevertheless, these actions The paper develops a complex methodological and conceptual approach can create a path for questioning political participation outside the that puts into dialogue social mobilisation features, political opportunity existing structural constraints for questioning established social orders structures and scalar interplays across time to understand the outcomes and building emancipatory tools. of mining contestation in Argentina. Our research also points to the role If we consider the aims, grievances and discourses of the movements of mining actors and struggles fostering broader social, political and that mobilise against mining activities, these can be framed as Envi­ institutional changes. Contention has transcended mining concerns to ronmental Justice Movements (EJM) (Özkaynak et al., 2021). In the case engage in debates over institutional change, justice, democracy, envi­ of Latin America, and Argentina in particular, resource extraction con­ ronmental protection and alternative development paths. flicts (mining, fossil fuels, forestry, intensive agriculture, etc.) are at the 2 M. Walter and L. Wagner The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx core of environmental networks. “Plunder” is one of the key words of level (Chaparro, 2002). Furthermore, this political decentralisation also Latin American EJMs that do not necessarily self-define as EJM but do fostered the development of semi-direct democratic instruments for address the relation between social inequalities and the environment. provinces and municipalities. These government bodies can conduct Latin American EJMs frame mining struggles in terms of (eco)territorial local plebiscites or referenda on environmental issues. These in­ defense against sacking, anti-dispossession and anti-colonialism (Urkidi struments have allowed social movements to promote such events (e.g. and Walter, 2011), appealing to Latin American social justice sensibil­ Esquel and Loncopue in Argentina). ities (Carruthers, 2008). However, we claim that while political opportunity structures are Mining activities and the Environmental Justice struggles these relevant to understand some outcomes of social mobilisation, additional trigger require scale-sensitive approaches (Urkidi and Walter, 2018). insights on the mobilisation process, its actors and scalar interplays are Large scale mining is an activity that involves large translational capitals needed to understand the local, provincial and national outcomes led by and is a highly industrialised activity (open cast, chemical and me­ anti-mining movements in Argentina. As a social movement, environ­ chanical processes, large energy and water requirements) that can lead mental justice has distinctive collective actors (Martinez Alier, 2021). In to conflicts at different temporal stages of a mining project development the conflicts registered in the EJAtlas, they display several forms of (prospection, exploration, extraction, post-mining closure). Conflicts mobilisation or “repertoires of contention”. The “repertoires of conten­ can even emerge at early stages of the activity due to problems of access tion” refer to the different forms of protest or action mobilised by social to resources such as land or water, that are claimed by a company movements which are often influenced by national and local contexts fostering processes of speculation and dispossession, or later on as the and trajectories (Tilly, 2002). The outcomes and consequences of activity is deployed (Bebbington, 2012; Perreault, 2013). mobilising a certain repertoire of action in a certain way is complex. Moreover, while not all countries in Latin America have the same Issues such as the movement interaction and dynamics, in terms of their environmental legacies and impacts due to mining activities, the claims, actions and context have to be considered (Tilly, 1999). Internet and supra-local activist networks are making them visible We highlight two studies based on the EJatlas that explore the out­ within and beyond borders (Keck and Sikkink, 1998; Evans and Rodrí­ comes of mobilised groups. In their analysis of the EJAtlas global guez-Garavito, 2018). As anti-mining activists jump scales (Smith, 1993, dataset, Scheidel et al. (2020) find that if the mobilised groups combine 1996), they learn from other experiences and get closer to other strategies of preventive mobilisation, diversification of protest and liti­ movements and networks. EJMs scale up or jump scales when they gation they can significantly increase the success rate to up to 27% successfully engage in networks with social actors from different (ability to stop projects). Özkaynak et al. (2021) studied 346 cases of geographical locations and/or appeal to supralocal regulatory in­ mining struggles from the EJAtlas (including construction materials) stitutions. Indeed, multi-scalar activist networks have had a central role and found that stopping a project relates to the timing of mobilisation spreading knowledge and strategies of resistance among anti-mining and institutional contexts. They also observed that projects were less local groups across Latin America (Walter and Urkidi, 2017). likely to be halted when the company´s relevance was higher. The Environmental Justice Atlas, used and co-developed as part of The concept of “conflict productivity” (Melé 2007; Merlinsky, 2013) this research, is an online repository of environmental justice struggles has been proposed to examine the outcomes of socio-environmental worldwide (3353 cases as of January 2021). This database offers a sin­ controversies in terms of the changes these foster in the political sys­ gular tool to approach EJ struggles from a multi-scalar and activist- tem, territorial consequences, social ties, the construction of knowledge oriented perspective. The Atlas offers both individual and collective and the development of new environmental protection devices (Mer­ uptakes to processes of mobilisation against environmental injustices linsky, 2020). In this sense, environmental justice struggles are seen as a (Scheidel et al., 2020; Temper and Martinez Alier, 2015). potential source of social innovation. In a similar vein, Temper et al. (2018) developed a conceptual framework to approach the trans­ 2.2. Outcomes of mining struggles formations led by EJ movements. They propose to consider the different forms of power and the multi-dimensional and intersectional spheres The study of the outcomes of social mobilisation and more precisely (ecological, social, economic, cultural and democratic) that are trans­ the factors or conditions under which social mobilisation is able to formed adopting a multi-scalar approach that is mindful of impacts emerge and enact (successful) collective action is a key enquiry of social across place and space. In this vein, we can consider the outcomes of movement studies (e.g. McAdam et al., 2001; della Porta and Rucht mobilisation and their success from a case by case approach but different 2002; Heijden and van Der, 2006; Tarrow, 2011; Bosi and Uba, 2009). insights can emerge from a broader multi-scalar and multi-dimensional However, what “successful” mobilisation means depends on diverse perspective. What is considered as an unsuccessful struggle locally can factors (Ozkaynak et al., 2021). trigger powerful processes of organisation and institutional changes that The concept of “political opportunity structures” has been proposed go beyond space, time or specific issues of contention. to study the features of a political system that facilitate or constrain collective action. In this vein, political opportunity structures allow us to 3. Methodological and conceptual approaches understand some strategies and outcomes of mobilisation, as well as different levels of mobilisation (Heijden and van Der, 2006). Tarrow Our methodological approach combines an analysis of general trends (1996) pointed to the “intrastate and dynamic” nature of political op­ - based on the EJAtlas dataset - with a review and analysis of mining portunity, in which social movements work to change the actions of the conflicts and their history in the country. This is possible given the state creating their own political opportunities. manageable size of the sample and the authors’ research background. Argentina presents some particular political opportunity structures Both authors’ PhD theses and more than 17 years of research have that have been studied in the context of mining conflicts. There are laws focussed on mining conflicts in Argentina and Latin America. regulating mining activities and environmental protection at the na­ The identification and analysis of large-scale mining struggles in tional and provincial levels. However, the constitutional reform adopted Argentina was conducted in collaboration with the Environmental Jus­ in 1994 established that provinces have the original domain over their tice Atlas (Temper et al., 2015). Each EJAtlas case has been developed natural resources. In this vein, Argentina is a federal country where the by activists, scholars, journalists, etc. following a structured form. environmental authority is national, but the jurisdiction over mining Before publication, the EJAtlas team (a small team of researchers based activities and environmental permits is provincial. This means that, at the Environmental Sciences and Technologies Institute of the while in most Latin American countries the technical and political daily Autonomous University of Barcelona) reviews the cases and asks for management of mining is centralised in national ministries located in changes/clarifications if necessary (Temper et al., 2015; Temper and Del the capital of the country, in Argentina it takes place at the provincial Bene, 2016). 3 M. Walter and L. Wagner The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx This research follows the definition of socio-environmental conflict that were exploited between 1850 and 1914. Low workers’ wages and adopted by the EJAtlas, as: “mobilizations by local communities, social the exploitation of natural resources influenced the crises of these his­ movements, which might also include support of national or interna­ toric mines. These crises led to the abandonment of ore-rich sites for tional networks against particular economic activities ... whereby decades and even did away with regional economic approaches that environmental impacts are a key element of their grievances” (www.ej were based on large-scale mining (Rojas and Wagner, 2017). In the atlas.org). The EJAtlas documents social conflicts related to claims 1990s, the approval of new mining legislation boosted the development against perceived negative social or environmental impacts that follow of open-pit mines with the use of new technologies (e.g. cyanide these criteria. There has to be, first, an economic activity or legislation leaching). The first three large-scale mines in the country started ac­ with actual or potential negative environmental and social outcomes; tivities in the 1990s. Between 1997 and 2017, the extraction of metal second, claim and mobilisation by environmental justice organisation(s) ores (in tonnes) multiplied by 10 (see Fig. 1) (UN Resource Panel, 2018, that such harm occurred or is likely to occur as a result of that activity; see Fig. 1). In 2002, in Esquel, large scale mining contestation emerged and third, reporting of that particular conflict in one or more media and spread across the country. stories (in some cases where such media coverage is difficult exceptions Our research identified 38 large scale mining conflicts in Argentina can be made). For each case information is given regarding the location, from 2002 (first ore mineral extraction conflict) to December 2018. features of the contested activity, the commodity at stake, the mobilised These are not necessarily all existing conflicts, but those that meet actors, their grievances, their strategies and the outcomes of the conflict. EJAtlas criteria (for instance, labour or private conflicts are excluded). In order to conduct this research the authors of the paper conducted a All public (environmental) mining conflicts related to our selected review and update of all public large-scale mining conflicts registered in commodities at the time of the research are included. Fig. 2 presents the the Atlas in Argentina regarding gold, copper, lead, iron, lithium and geographical location of the identified conflicts, distinguishing those uranium until December 2018. Moreover, a review of scholarly litera­ conflicts that led to cancel or suspend (temporarily) mining projects. The ture, media (national, provincial and local newspapers) and Non- map also signals those provinces where mining activities were restricted Governmental Organisation (NGO) sources was conducted in order to as a result of social mobilisation. identify missing cases. New cases were identified, documented and Most conflicts are related to gold and copper mining projects (12 added to the EJAtlas dataset. As a result, a total of 38 cases were iden­ cases each), followed by uranium and lithium projects (4 conflicts each), tified. A final review of all cases was conducted in order to have lead (3 cases), iron, silver and potassium with one each. This distribution consistent and comparable categories among cases (e.g. how indigenous, resonates with the weight of these metals in the economy. In 2017, gold ethnic/racial groups or women groups were coded). The EJAtlas data­ was the main metal exported by Argentina (3.7% of total exports value), form structure provided an analytical structure, identifying different followed by silver, zinc, copper, iron and lead (OEC, 2019). types of actors, strategies, impacts, outcomes that were used for the Argentina is currently the third worldwide lithium exporter and analysis. there is an increasing pressure to open new mines in the north of the country (7 projects proposed according to the national mining chamber 4. Mining struggles in Argentina in 2019). Lithium carbonate is a key element to build phone and electric car or bus batteries. However, lithium mining is a poorly known activity In this section we address the history and features of mining strug­ for the general public and indigenous communities are rejecting it in gles, their actors, strategies and outcomes in Argentina from two ap­ their territories (Göbel, 2013; Schiaffini, 2013; Ruiz Peyré and Dorn, proaches. Firstly, section 4.1. presents a general overview of the mining 2020). conflicts identified and their key trends. Section 4.2 presents a narrative More than 50% of the mining conflicts in Argentina registered until account of the emergence and spread of mining contestation in December 2018 were of high or medium intensity (28 cases). Meaning Argentina, highlighting key moments, EJM, cases and outcomes. Sec­ that there were public and visible mobilisations that in 4 cases resulted tion 5 discusses these results. in violence or arrests (against protestors). Furthermore, 23 of the 38 conflicts were identified as preventive, meaning that mobilisation star­ ted before the development of the mining project, and 8 as the result of a 4.1. Characterisation and trends reaction to the implementation of mining activities (during the con­ struction or operation). Argentina does not have a long history (of small or) large scale metal While each conflict identified and registered in the database is mining. Historically, the largest mines in Argentina were Famatina and unique with its own history, geographical setting, and contexts, looking Capillitas, located in the northern provinces of La Rioja and Catamarca Fig. 1. Domestic extraction of metal ores in Argentina (1970-2017). Source: based on UN Resource Panel (2018). Note: 2015 to 2017 are projections. 4 M. Walter and L. Wagner The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx Fig. 2. Main large-scale mining conflicts in Argentina (2003-2018). Note: conflicts are identified by the name with which they are publicly known. at them together offers an opportunity to identify patterns across lo­ procedures; c) modifications affecting the development of mining pro­ calities in resistance movements. This approach complements the his­ jects, and; d) violent outcomes for mobilised actors and communities, torical and interconnected approach that is offered in section 4.2. Here such as criminalisation, repression, assassinations or displacements. we present in an aggregated manner the main outcomes (4.1.1), actors As we will discuss further in section 5, the level of public engage­ (4.1.2) and strategies (4.1.3) identified in Argentina´s mining conflicts. ment, the ability to affect the development of projects and foster insti­ tutional changes is very high when compared to other global studies on 4.1.1. Main outcomes of conflicts environmental conflicts (Scheidel et al., 2020). Fig. 3 presents the frequency of the different outcomes registered in the database. There is usually more than one outcome per conflict but 4.1.2. The protagonists of mining conflicts some are more frequent than others. We have grouped outcomes to Fig. 4 dissects the frequency of participation of different social actors highlight those related to a) public engagement (i.e. increase in public in mobilisations against mining projects in Argentina (following the participation); b) institutional outcomes, such as those related to judicial EJAtlas form options). We note that categories of actors are not mutually decisions, application or changes in formal institutions (regulations, exclusive, these are actor characteristics. For example, indigenous laws) and corruption affecting public institutions, their actors and farmers can be counted under both groups, showing intersectionality 5 M. Walter and L. Wagner The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx Fig. 3. Main outcomes of large-scale mining conflicts in Argentina. Source: own elaboration based on EJAtlas (2019). Fig. 4. Social actors mobilised in mining conflicts in Argentina. Source: own elaboration based on EJAtlas (2019) and in Scheidel et al. (2020) proposed grouping of actors. between different actor characteristics. We have grouped the actors 4.1.3. Forms of mobilisation (characteristics) registered in the database in four categories. The first Fig. 5 presents the different forms of mobilisation identified (or not) category includes local grassroot actors and organisations. These are the in each case. We have ordered the different strategies registered in the most frequent actors. The second category groups professionalised ac­ database in non-violent and potentially violent strategies. Among non- tors given their high level of activist organisation (international NGOs) violent strategies we distinguish those strategies that aim to a) make or professional formation (e.g. lawyers, chemists). The third category visible public mobilisation; b) create/expand networks; c) engage with lists institutionalised groups, such as political parties, unions or the formal institutions and regulations (formal allegations to EIAs, local church. Finally, we have grouped vulnerable groups, considering those referenda/consultations, etc.) and; d) develop counter-knowledge that highly exposed to intersectional discrimination (e.g. women, indigenous challenges hegemonic discourses and official expert accounts. We pre­ groups) and those vulnerable groups that are directly affected in their sent the potentially violent strategies coded in the database even if these (urban or rural) livelihoods by mining projects. were not registered in the studied cases. These violent strategies are 6 M. Walter and L. Wagner The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx Fig. 5. Forms of mobilisation. Source: own elaboration based on EJAtlas (2019). however present in 3-4% of the global database registered cases instance, for the anti-mining mobilisation that emerged in Ingeniero (Scheidel et al., 2020). Jacobacci, a very small town in Rio Negro province where a gold mining project planning to use cyanide was proposed. This project was rejected 4.2. Emergence and spread of mining contestation in Argentina by the local population and thanks to this social mobilisation a pro­ vincial law restricting metalliferous mining was also sanctioned in Rio We have presented in section 4.1 a general characterisation of min­ Negro province in 2005. ing struggles in Argentina. In this section we want to provide more de­ That same year, in 2005, a conflict against mining appeared on the tails on the process of emergence and spread of these struggles. The streets of another province, Mendoza. The neighbours of San Carlos, an spread of anti-mining mobilisations in Argentina has been related to a agricultural town located in the central oasis of this province, rejected a cascade effect of two key conflicts: Esquel (gold mine conflict in Pata­ metalliferous mining project planned near the Diamante lagoon, a gonia) and La Alumbrera (copper and gold mine in Catamarca, one of natural-protected area also considered a hydric reserve. After that, other the poorest provinces of the country related to environmental acci­ neighbours from different towns of Mendoza province rejected other dents). These key cases triggered a learning process about the impacts of metalliferous mining projects, including the reopening of an uranium mining activities and the power of social mobilisation (Svampa et al., mine, Sierra Pintada. These processes led to the organisation of a pro­ 2009). vincial network of neighbourhood assemblies called Mendocinean As­ The Esquel mining conflict and its “No to the mine” movement in semblies for Pure Water (AMPAP), one of the strongest organisations Chubut province (Patagonia), is considered the birth of the anti-mining against mega-mining in Argentina. In 2007, a coordinated demonstra­ movement of Argentina. This conflict emerged in the midst of a national tion in different locations in Mendoza was key to the sanctioning of political, economic and social crisis. Esquel Municipality had a 25% provincial law 7722 that protects Mendoza water from metalliferous unemployment rate and 20% of the population was under the poverty mining activities (Wagner, 2014). The same year, similar laws were line. In this context, national, provincial and local governments were sanctioned in La Rioja, Tucumán and La Pampa provinces. La Rioja highly supportive of new investments (Walter, 2008). Esquel conflict province has one of the most important local movements against mining: placed the discussion of mining – its environmental, social and economic the neighbourhood assemblies of Famatina and Chilecito. With the impacts, as well as the question of the right of local populations to slogan “El famatina no se toca” (Don’t touch Famatina), the neighbours choose their own development path – on the national political agenda organised a road blockade on the way to the mine, blocking the arrival of (Walter and Martínez Alier, 2010). A municipal plebiscite was held in supplies to the mining camp (see Sola Alvarez, 2016). One year later, March 2003, the second vote of the kind in Latin America after Tam­ Córdoba and San Luis provinces also sanctioned laws restricting mining, bogrande local consultation in Perú, in 2002. Esquel plebiscite resulted driven by local mobilisations in rejection of mining activities. Finally, a in an 81% rejection of the gold and silver mining project located seven law restricting mining was sanctioned in Tierra del Fuego province, in kilometres from the city. Esquel was also the first public mining conflict 2011. Currently, out of the nine laws restricting mining approved in that reached the national media and led to the formation, in 2003, of a Argentina, seven remain. The laws of Río Negro and La Rioja were National Network of Communities Affected by Mining with the partic­ rescinded or cancelled under pressure of private and public mining ipation of communities from six provinces in Argentina, all opposed to promoters (see Fig. 2). mining projects in their areas (Walter and Martinez Alier, 2010). Strong mobilisation also emerged in Catamarca province, where the Another result of the Esquel conflict was the sanction of a provincial law first metalliferous-mega mine of the country, La Alumbrera, started ac­ that restricts mining activities. The Esquel movement also engaged in tivities in 1997. The lack of benefits perceived by local communities the task, that remains today, of systematising and disseminating na­ (Mastrangelo, 2004) and the negative environmental impacts of this tional and international information related to large-scale mining im­ project drove the organisation of the neighbours of Andalgalá and other pacts, especially regarding the use of cyanide. They created a website towns, who prevented the opening of other new projects like “Agua (noalamina.org) and have published materials and books on the matter. Rica”. These resources were very important in other conflicts that followed, for As mining and other environmental struggles were spreading in the 7 M. Walter and L. Wagner The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx country, several neighbourhood assemblies from Argentina got together certainly an outcome of mobilisation that does not create an incentive to form the “Citizens Assemblies Union” (Unión de Asambleas Ciuda­ for private investment in some areas of the country. Since the beginning danas), recently renamed as the Community Assemblies Union (UAC) of mining contestation, nine provinces have approved laws restricting (aiming to make clear the inclusion of indigenous and peasant groups). mining activities (two were reverted). Moreover, as shown in Fig. 4.1.1 This network was created in 2006 to promote the gathering of a diversity mining mobilisations have led to diverse institutional outcomes. EJMs of struggles, not only against mining, but also against plunder and have not only fostered new regulations but also have demanded the contamination (“contra el saqueo y la contaminación”). The UAC application of existing environmental regulations. In some cases, regu­ became a central place for grassroot groups to meet, discuss and shape lations were applied for the first time as a result of mobilisation strate­ local and supra-local collective strategies to challenge the advance of gies. Gutiérrez (2015) highlights that environmental organisations mining activities as well as other contentious activities (UAC, 2018). legitimised and revitalised environmental rights that were not put into UAC members have successfully worked with other environmental practice before the environmental mobilisation started at the beginning organisations and foundations in the country to develop provincial and of the 2000s. In this vein, Merlinsky (2013) underlines the institutional national environmental regulations and laws. Besides provincial mining and judicial productivity of environmental conflicts in Argentina. restrictions these networks led to approve some - largely delayed - laws Furthermore, as we argue (section 4.2) mining mobilisation has that aim to establish national minimum environmental standards contributed to relevant institutional outcomes that go beyond specific (“Leyes de presupuestos mínimos”). Two laws were sanctioned thanks to mining controversies (i.e. approval of broader environmental laws). environmental mobilisations and the involvement of scientists: the In this paper we argue that the high occurrence of stopped projects Glaciers Law that catalogues and protects glaciers (from mining activ­ and institutional reforms -among other relevant outcomes of mining ities in particular) and the Native Forest Law that aims to stop defor­ controversies - in Argentina were the result of different political op­ estation and indigenous and peasant communities’ displacement. portunity structures that were made possible by a large bottom up, Currently, the environmental movement in Argentina is struggling to set diverse and interconnected network of actors and strategies. We high­ a law to protect wetlands, the frontier of urban development near light the role played by the multi-scalar networks in the creation, spread Buenos Aires and other sites (Langbehn et al., 2020). and support of key strategies of mobilisation. These networks were In this sense, we would like to stress the role of anti-mining move­ especially central in contexts of limited political opportunity structures. ments in the formation of a larger national environmental movement that has fostered the transformation of (formal and informal) environ­ 5.1. Navigating and shaping opportunity structures mental institutions that go beyond mining particular concerns to address larger environmental and development issues as well as alternatives Previous research has pointed out that socio-environmental contes­ (Alvarez, 2017; Aranda 2008). tations starting at early stages of a project development are more likely to stop these activities (Conde, 2017; Scheidel et al., 2020; Özkaynak 5. Discussion et al., 2021). This is the case in 23 out of the 38 cases registered in Argentina that are preventive (60.5%). Usually small capital junior One of the most significant outcomes of mining struggles in companies are involved at early stages of project development, as is the Argentina has been the stopping of projects (in the form of cancellations case in most cases identified in Argentina. Junior companies usually do or temporal suspensions) in 20 out of the 38 cases. This means 52.6% of not have the experience or resources to deal with potential resistance mining struggles. This effect at the project level is very high when negotiation with local communities leading to more conflict and distrust compared to mining struggles in Latin American countries and the (Conde and Le Billion, 2017; Özkaynak et al., 2021). world. Table 1 presents the number of projects stopped as an outcome of Moreover, the approval of laws restricting mining activities can be mining struggles (excluding construction minerals) in other Latin seen as the result of the work of social mobilisation that was able to American countries (9-30%) and the world (26.5%) (based on the navigate the particularities of provincial politics and contexts (Christel, EJAtlas database in October 2020). 2015). The political organisation of Argentina locates mining decision Different factors could be considered to understand why a company makers closer to the sites of conflict and forces them to face more po­ or state stops a mining project. For instance, international metal price litical accountability. This has provided a key political opportunity for fluctuations, speculation, national political and social policies and sta­ movements to push for legal compliance, project modifications and bility etc. However, when we consider regional and global trends institutional change. Civil society actors can present non-binding alle­ (Table 1, Özkaynak et al., 2021; Scheidel, et al., 2020), the percentage of gations to environmental impact assessment reports and express their project cancellations/suspension occurred in mining conflicts in views in a public hearing where the technical document is presented and Argentina clearly stands out. discussed for approval. The relevant involvement of local political elites Another unique outcome of Argentina’s mining conflicts has been is in part reflected by the large participation of local parties and gov­ the approval of new regulations limiting mining activities. This is ernments in mining conflicts that appears in 58% of our registered cases. For comparison, this actor appears in 36% of the global dataset (Scheidel et al., 2020). And, also reflects in the successful mobilisation of Table 1 legal and administrative strategies by anti-mining movements (i.e. Mining conflicts in Latin American countries and the world where projects stopping projects, institutional outcomes). where stopped (cancelled or suspended) However, these same decentralised institutional structures have also Country Number of mining cases Cases where the extractive made local movements located in conservative and repressive provinces registered in the EJAtlas project was stopped more vulnerable (poorest provinces located in the North of the country). Argentina 38 20 (53%) Events related to violence and criminalisation are registered mainly in Bolivia 13 2 (15%) the poorest and most unequal provinces of the North of Argentina Chile 25 7 (28%) (Jujuy, Catamarca, San Juan, La Rioja) (Cerutti, 2017; Möhle, 2018). Ecuador 14 2 (14%) Mexico 22 2 (9%) These provinces have a low political party rotation tradition and a high Peru 44 13 (30%) mining support by provincial governments. Although, in other provinces EJAtlas worldwide 647 172 (26.5%) like Mendoza, in moments of high conflict intensity activists were mining conflicts beaten and criminalised as well. This phenomenon is not new but is Source. Based on EJAtlas database in October 2020. Notice that the level of increasing in Latin America (and Argentina). coverage of mining conflicts varies across countries. Studies conducted in Argentina have shown that the plurality of the 8 M. Walter and L. Wagner The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx political system and the development and diversification of the eco­ collective spirit (UAC, 2021). nomic matrix has favoured the incidence of social resistance to mining In the following sections we discuss some particularities of the legislation in provinces like Mendoza and Córdoba, and limited it in mobilisation process in Argentina. We highlight the high levels of Catamarca and San Juan (Christel, 2020). The mobilisations against participation of actors from the local scene and the heterogenous stra­ large-scale mining in Mendoza (wine, oil, fruits producer) and Córdoba tegies they mobilise, including the widespread participation in supra- (strong tourism and agriculture sectors) showed the relevant participa­ local networks of action and support. tion of capitalised economic actors and sectors of the local or regional productive apparatus in the formation of a broad solidarity space in 5.2. High local participation defense of the environment (Delamata, 2019). The approach to envi­ ronmental issues depended on the interests, potential to raise support, As signalled in Fig. 4.1.1., one of the most significant outcomes of build alliances and produce solidarity of economic actors (Delamata, mining struggles has been the strengthening of participation. While in 2019). In Mendoza, San Juan and Jujuy, territories were not passive to the overall EJAtlas dataset this outcomes was flagged in 29% of cases the arrival of transnational capital, but rather, they shaped, co-produced (Scheidel et al., 2020) in Argentinean mining conflicts it appears in and conditioned the extractive pressures arriving from the global scale. 60.5% of cases. Previous research (Schiaffini, 2003; Walter and Martinez Local elites and other organisations acted as intermediaries and were Alier, 2010; Sola Álvarez, 2012; Wagner, 2014), including fieldwork fundamental to the access - or not - of transnational actors to the conducted by the authors, highlights how local assemblies mobilised exploitation of natural resources (Denoel, 2019). against mining were spaces of gathering and exchange between actors Basualdo (2012) estimated that one of the largest functioning mines with previous political militancy (political parties, human rights orga­ in Argentina, La Alumbrera, located in Catamarca, one of the poorest nisations, unions, teachers, cultural and artistic collectives) and actors provinces of Argentina, distributed 5% of its rents to the province - that with no previous experience in social organisations. The use of the terms then redistributed some of these funds to municipalities. The company “autoconvodados” (i.e. self-summoned) and “assemblies” chosen by the and the National government received 54% and 41% of mining rents. In members of local movements to name themselves reflects their intention this vein, there is a disenchantment of Catamarca inhabitants with "large to establish horizontal structures of participation and decision-making. mining" and its unfulfilled expectations (Mastrangelo, 2004). This could This is also reflected in the examination of the protagonists of mining explain, in part, the resistance that subsequently arose against other struggles (Fig. 4). There is a clear prominence of actors coming from the mining projects in this province, such as Agua Rica, and the develop­ local scene, both organised movements (Environmental Justice Move­ ment of a national EJM discourse sceptical about the local benefits of ments - EJM) and neighbours who mobilise or support the struggle mining rents (Svampa and Antonelli, 2009). without being nucleated in an organisation. In contrast to this, only 10 of There are mining struggles and cases of stopped projects in all mining the 38 cases involving the presence of international organisations have provinces. The only province without stopped or cancelled projects is been noted. This indicates that the participation of these actors is lower Santa Cruz (See Fig. 2). Studies have pointed to some features that than local actors. In the largest global analysis of environmental con­ explain this exceptional case. This province has an extensive territory flicts to date and based on the overall EJAtlas database, Scheidel et al. with low population density and mining projects are located far from (2020), show that both local organisations (involved in 69% of cases) inhabited areas, hindering resistance and making environmental con­ and neighbours (67%) are the two most frequent actor groups mobilising flicts and risks less visible (Torunzcyk Schein, 2015; Valiente, 2017). to defend their environment. However, in Argentina these actors are Moreover, Santa Cruz has an hegemonic and closed political regime that identified in up to 95% and 84% of cases, indicating a significantly has successfully isolated the demands of the socio-environmental higher relevance of local actors. movement. The repercussion of the Esquel conflict (in 2003) led to the The third most frequent actors in Argentinean mining controversies reformulation of corporate strategies to legitimate mining and to avoid are local governments and political parties. These actors are the first to the possible emergence of conflicts, creating and funding, for example, receive pressure from the EJMs. In some cases, the mayors (local exec­ development agencies involving private and public actors (Bechtum, utive power) initially tend to assume a favourable position to extractive 2018). Furthermore, studies point to how mining companies have projects, but when the social opposition increases, they change their developed strategies that reduce union action capacities (Gomez Lende, position and align themselves with the rejection expressed by the local 2016). population - even when this has led them to confront the provincial or However, we claim that while political opportunity structure studies national government (Walter and Urkidi, 2017). Recent research on offer valuable insights, it would be misleading to only focus on these to institutional transformations driven by social movements mobilised understand the local, provincial or national outcomes of mining con­ against mega-projects in Latin America has highlighted the importance troversies. There are successful and influential resistances in provinces of networks generated between civil society actors and different sectors with limited political opportunity structures. In this paper, we postulate of government, along with active mobilisation (Silva et al., 2018). for the consideration of the features of both the political opportunity In her study of environmental demands related to mining extracti­ structures and the socio-environmental mobilisations and how these vism in Argentina, Delamata (2013: 87) states that these demands have interplay, enter into tension and shape each other producing certain put in tension, and sometimes have been able to align, the general an­ multi-dimensional (e.g. institutions, identities, discourses) and multi- tinomy that transverses states between their dependence on investments scalar outcomes. Moreover, we claim, the focus on structures tends to and businesses and the construction of political power of governments overlook the role that supra-local networks of activism are playing on based on their popularity. political opportunity structures over space and time. Another relevant actor are scientists or professionals who provide As this paper was reviewed, in early 2021, the anti-mining assembly technical and scientific support to mobilised communities. One of the of Andalgalá (Catamarca), that succeeded to stop a mining project, was major debates is around environmental impacts of mining projects, facing state repression and the incarceration of local protestors. In this where scientific or technical knowledge becomes central to the legiti­ context, national EJ networks organised a national and international mation - or rejection - of mining projects. This group is present in almost campaign to denounce ongoing events and force the liberation of local half of the cases and has been key to the development of legal and activists, something they accomplished. This is an example of how technical strategies. Furthermore, as mentioned in section 4.2., scientists networks allowed local EJ groups to jump over inaccessible provincial and EJM have collaborated at the national level to foster broader political structures, creating multi-scalar paths of action. The national environmental regulatory reforms. network UAC issued a public statement claiming: “if they touch one of Based on our results regarding actors in mining conflicts, it is us, they touch us all” (one of its motos), conveying a deep sense of possible to refute the arguments put forward by governments and 9 M. Walter and L. Wagner The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx companies that international organisations - or organisations external to Argentina. the local scene - had a key role in promoting anti-mining mobilisations. Other research carried out in Argentina and Latin America also indicates 5.3. Diversity of strategies the growing importance of movements born from below (grassroots movements) in anti-mining mobilisations and the importance of their Scheidel et al. (2020) concluded, based on their analysis of the global networks, both at local and supra-local levels (Svampa et al., 2009; EJAtlas dataset, that if EJMs combine strategies of preventive mobi­ Walter and Urkidi, 2017; Silva et al., 2018). lisation, diversification of protest and litigation they can significantly We have identified national and international environmental orga­ increase their success rate to up to 27% (Scheidel et al., 2020). In this nisations involved in mining conflicts, but they are actors who have line, we discuss how actors mobilised against mining activities in taken part in specific moments of the conflicts or related to some issues, Argentina have mobilised a large diversity of strategies, including liti­ like the company involved. For instance, Greenpeace supported the gation, with successful outcomes. Esquel mobilisation, and there are supporting networks to affected Fig. 5 presents the different forms of mobilisation identified (or not) people around the world, like PARTIZANS - People against Rio Tinto and in each case. We claim that the diversity of strategies mobilised by anti- its Subsidiaries - or the international articulation of those affected by mining movements (repertoire of contention) is possible given the di­ Vale (“Articulação Internacional dos atingidos e atingidas pela Vale”), versity of actors involved in these struggles, where neighbours, lawyers, who participated in the conflict of the Potasio Río Colorado project, in chemists, professors, journalists, farmers, indigenous groups, and many Mendoza province. These organisations support networks when a spe­ others came together to mobilise their knowledge, resources and net­ cific company appears in the local territory. works in these highly uneven power struggles (against corporate in­ terests that usually have the support of national governments). 2.5.1. Local vulnerable groups We highlight four types of strategies deployed to oppose mining Fig. 4 provides some evidence of the diversity of vulnerable groups activities in Argentina. The first relates to strategies that aim for public involved in mining controversies. For instance, those actors whose outreach and dissemination of local conflicts (media activism, street livelihood can be directly affected by mining projects, such as farmers, protests, public campaigns, etc.). The second refers to the work within indigenous communities, pastoralists, trade unions, and recreational and among actors and movements to create networks, learn collectively users. In Argentina, the category "farmers" includes different kinds of and coordinate support actions. The third strategy is about the devel­ “farmers” ranging from the farmer who produces on a small scale to opment of counter-knowledge that challenges hegemonic discourses and large agricultural entrepreneurs, depending on each conflict, the official expert accounts. The fourth addresses strategies to formally act regional configuration and the kind of predominant agricultural activ­ upon decision making institutions and procedures (in coordination with ity. The tension between agricultural activity and metalliferous mining press releases and public activities to denounce the lack of official is one of the main topics of debate related to mining impacts, and this is information). evidenced by the fact that, in half of the conflicts, the agricultural sector The use of alternative media, blogs and social networks is a key plays an important role. strategy of local actors contesting mining activities in Argentina. It is Indigenous communities also have a relevant role in environmental present in 92% of our cases, but in only 47% of the global EJatlas dataset conflicts (present in 47% of cases). Since the conflict over the gold mine (Scheidel et al., 2020). Most of these alternative media channels were in Esquel (province of Chubut) and Jacobacci (province of Río Negro), created in the context of the conflicts. A key case is the creation of the the presence of Mapuche communities has been relevant. They also “No a la Mina” website (“no to the mine”) by the Asamblea de vecinos played a central role in mining conflicts in the province of Neuquén, autoconvocados (Community-based Assembly) of Esquel, as a central especially in Loncopué, where the second community consultation on outcome of the first large-scale metal mining conflict in Argentina. This mining (after Esquel) of Argentina occurred (Wagner, 2019). Another is currently a key source of information nationally and internationally. example is the conflict related to Navidad project, on the Patagonian Moreover, the approval in 2009 of the National Law 26,522 of audio­ plateau, where Mapuche-Tehuelche communities participated in the visual communication services, in the context of a national debate about conflict. Indigenous communities are also having a relevant role in freedom of expression and less information monopolies, allowed for the conflicts over lithium mining in the north of the country. spread of local and alternative communication media. This law facili­ Religious groups are also relevant in mining conflicts, mainly the tated the creation of alternative local radios and communication chan­ Catholic Church. Some parish priests have integrated EJM, and others nels that gave voice to social movement concerns, in contrast to existing have collaborated in denouncing the situation of inequality and injustice media channels. Moreover, in the context of many conflicts, local as­ experienced by local communities who have rejected large-scale mining. semblies were the ones creating and managing these alternative media The Papal Encyclical Letter called “Laudato SI: on care for our common channels (like radio La Paquita, in Uspallata, Mendoza), or were given home” was an important document in order to support these actions by spaces to voice their narratives and information (like radio Kalewche, in parish priests in communities affected by mining projects. Esquel). The existence of a national network of community radios also Mining conflicts place a key issue at the centre of disputes: land allowed circulation of information among different radios of the coun­ tenure. Actors such as goat herders or small farmers suffer the conse­ try, connecting distant places and mobilisation processes. These quences of land privatisation. For instance, people that raise animals dissemination strategies were among the activities that aimed to make (goats, among others) need to move these animals to places with better visible local claims, such as marches, protests and public campaigns (e.g. pastures (known as "transhumance") in the summer season. In many to support regulatory reforms). cases, they have precarious land tenure, and the enclosures carried out Another central feature of the anti-mining movement in Argentina by mining projects affect their subsistence. has been the construction of networks of support and collaboration Regarding trade unions, workers in mining or construction com­ across the country and, more recently, across different issues of envi­ panies often question EJM, concerned about the loss of jobs - real or ronmental mobilisation (as reflected in the creation of a network of local potential - if the companies decide to leave the projects. However, in assemblies involved in different environmental struggles that meet some conflicts, both EJM and unions make different, but complemen­ regularly in different places of the country, the Union of Community tary, demands in relation to problems generated by mining activity: Assemblies - UAC). This strategy appears in 79% of our cases and in 49% unions make claims for improvements in safety and health conditions in cases in the global EJAtlas dataset (Scheidel et al., 2020). Networks have the project area, while EJM highlight environmental pollution and social broadened the reach of local collective action, upscaling and coordi­ impacts in nearby localities. There are no registered alliances between nating actions. For instance, in 2011 different local assemblies organised mining unions and environmental movements in mining conflicts in a coordinated blockade of mining trucks transporting inputs to the La 10 M. Walter and L. Wagner The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx Alumbrera mine located in the province of Catamarca. Local assemblies mobilisation and multiple strategies for environmental justice move­ coordinated intermittent blockades in routes and streets, accompanied ments to succeed (Conde, 2017; Scheidel, 2020). Our study concludes with the handing of brochures and information about the mobilisation to that the majority of the mining conflicts are preventive (the reaction drivers and pedestrians. These blockades were called “cortes de rutas against the project is previous to its installation, succeeding to stop the informativos” or informative shortcuts. It is only in moments of high advance of mining exploitation), but not all. We argue that in order to pressure that movements have conducted permanent blockades. Activist understand the mobilisation process and its outcomes we need to networks have also allowed the spread of other strategies such as con­ consider the diversity and multi-scalar nature of its actors and their sultations/referendums, or the creation and circulation of strategies and the particular political opportunity structures (i.e. counter-hegemonic knowledge, among others (Walter and Martinez decentralised mining governance to provinces) that have allowed for Alier, 2009). successful local and provincial activism and institutional change. EJMs also generate and systematise alternative knowledge, also Moreover, we claim that the multi-scalar networks have played a central referred as “independent expert wisdom” or “counter-expert wisdom” role in the formation, dissemination and support of local and supra-local (we are translating saberes – in Spanish - as wisdom) related to local strategies that allowed Environmental Justice movements to gain knowledge (Svampa and Antonelli, 2009; Machado et al., 2011). This leverage at local, provincial and national scales over and beyond strategy is present in 68% of our cases and in only 36% of the global contentious mining issues. EJAtlas dataset (Scheidel et al., 2020). Similar to the processes of Mining struggles in Argentina are marked by a large heterogeneity of activism mobilising science studied by Conde (2014 in uranium conflicts actors and strategies, features that are closely related. In particular there in Niger) where local organisations and scientific experts co-produce is a high presence of local actors that usually organise in the form of local new knowledge. Mining conflicts are spaces of dispute about scientific Assemblies that give to these struggles a strong local identity approach. knowledge. Local organisations usually have members that are scholars However these Assemblies are coordinated at the national level (UAC or scientists or have the support of “certified” experts. EJMs have placed network), creating a complex structure of collective learning and sup­ large efforts in systematising information about the environmental and port of local and national struggles. Moreover, scientists and pro­ social impacts and experiences of large-scale mining in Argentina and fessionals are usually collaborators and/or members of these movements other countries. This information has been widely circulated among bringing different kinds of knowledge to develop strategies and counter- EJMs challenging hegemonic expert knowledge. Since the Esquel con­ expertise in mining debates. Other actors who are relevant in mining flict in 2003, the claim that there is a technical rationale that is inac­ conflicts are the affected groups, like farmers, indigenous communities cessible to non-experts, has been a central argument held by companies or traditional groups. and governments against communities. In this framework, local move­ The study also found that the Catholic Church is very important to ments are labelled as irrational or led by political intentions (Walter, put mining conflict on the public agenda, especially in small villages. 2008). As a response, “knowledge” has become a central field of dispute. This actor and its role remains poorly studied in the literature. Another Documents such as technical reports, critical studies of mining Envi­ relevant actor in mining struggles that has also been addressed in recent ronmental Impact Assessments and publications by critical scholars Latin American mining studies are local governments (Walter and become central elements in the struggle. EJ actors demand to access Urkidi, 2017; Silva et al., 2018). The involvement of local governments EIAs to conduct reviews of the technical documents. is key to enable the institutional changes led by local mobilisation. Local In parallel, legal strategies are also becoming a common strategy movements pressure local governments to make transparent and public used by EJMs to stop or slow the advancement of mining activities. As decisions about mining activities. In several cases, local governments projects are approved even when EIA observations are made, judicial support the local Environmental Justice movements from the beginning strategies have gained force among EJOs that have received the support of the conflict, or they change their initial position due to the pressure of engaged lawyers (Wagner, 2019). Formal petitions, lawsuits and EIA from local actors. objections were presented in 68%, 55% and 42% of our registered cases Strategies are also diverse and peaceful. The most frequent strategies and in 58%, 44% and 26% of the cases registered in the global EJAtlas show the importance that the spreading of the conflict has for EJ dataset (Scheidel et al., 2020). movements to make visible the complaints and the struggle against As we have discussed in this section, different factors and processes mining (e.g. media-based activism, street protest, blockades, and have allowed EJM to stop mining activities in about half of contentious strikes). Outreach strategies were combined with strategies aiming to cases and foster regulatory changes. Nevertheless, this approach change institutional frameworks: official complaint letters, judicial partially captures the reach of the social and cultural transformations activism, objections to Environmental Impact Assessments, referendum that this ongoing horizontal, interconnected and intersectional process and other local consultations. These types of strategies are very impor­ of mobilisation is triggering among and across EJM in the country. tant in Argentina where provinces own and manage natural resources. Hence, the provincial government is nearer than the national govern­ 6. Conclusions ment, and it is more possible to put pressure on its representatives, and participate in decision making. This work is aimed at generating a systematic identification and re­ We also stress the importance of the diversity of actors and strategies view of mining conflicts, mainly, but not only, metalliferous mining in employed by Environmental Justice movements and their capacity to Argentina (38 cases studies were identified, updated or added to the create networks and alliances to understand their ability to stop or slow EJAtlas database, including gold, copper, silver, lead, iron, lithium, mining activities. We also want to underline the effect of local re­ potassium and uranium mining). From the methodological point of sistances and multi-scalar networks in formal institutions, putting into view, we built and analysed an original qualitative and quantitative practice “dormant” legislation (i.e. not in use), opening spaces for debate methodology in collaboration with the EJAtlas. This research is the first and participation, driving the creation of new laws, and introducing national-level systematic study of mining conflicts conducted for environmental issues to judicial courts. Argentina. We analysed the history of mining struggles in the country We conclude that in order to understand the outcomes of socio- and the general trends of these struggles. The paper offers some keys to environmental mobilisation, a multi-scalar and temporally sensitive understand how the majority of the large-scale mining conflicts in approach attentive to both political structures and mobilisation features Argentina in the last few years resulted in the cancelation or temporal and dynamics is needed. We underline the role played by multi-scalar suspension of controversial mining projects (20 out of 38) and how these networks, not only as spaces of learning, strategising and support but movements led to national and local institutional changes. also as a collective actor able to move across scales, bypassing and Previous studies have pointed to the relevance of preventive challenging structural limitations to foster change. The paper puts into 11 M. Walter and L. Wagner The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx dialogue social mobilisation features, political opportunity structures Delamaza, G., Maillet, A., Martínez Neira, C., 2017. Socio-territorial conflicts in Chile: configuration and politicization (2005-2014). Eur. Rev. Latin Am. Caribb. Stud. 104, and scalar interplays across time, to understand the social and institu­ 23–46. http://doi.org/10.18352/erlacs.10173. tional changes that mining contestation is triggering in Argentina. Del Bene, D., Scheidel, A., Temper, L., 2018. Hydroelectric dams, violence, extractivism, Finally, we emphasise that mining contention has evolved into some­ ecological distribution conflicts, renewable energies, co-production of knowledge. thing more, a space to rethink socio-environmental relations, de­ Sustain. Sci. 13, 617–663. Delgado Ramos, G. C., 2010. Ecología política de la minería en América Latina: aspectos mocracy, justice, development and re-imagine individual and collective socioeconómicos, legales y ambientales de la mega minería. CEIICH-UNAM, México. ways of doing and thinking. della Porta, D., Rucht, D., 2002. The dynamics of environmental campaigns. Mobil.: Int. Q. 7 (1), 1–14. https://doi.org/10.17813/maiq.7.1.a2p473545718n577. Denoel, M., 2019. Rapports de pouvoir dans l’activité minière: entre modèle néo- Acknowledgements extractiviste et variations territoriales. Le cas des provinces de Jujuy. Université Toulouse 2 - Jean Jaurès, Toulouse. San Juan et Mendoza en Argentine. Phd Thesis. This research was supported by the ENVJust and ACKnowl-EJ pro­ EJAtlas (Environmental Justice Atlas), 2019. https://ejatlas.org/(accessed on June, 2019). jects, and CONICET. ENVJustice is an European Research Council (ERC) EPA, 2020. TRI National Analysis 2019. Environmental Protection Agency, U.S. project granted to professor Joan Martinez Alier. The international Escobar, A., 2001. Beyond the search for a paradigm? Post-development and beyond. ACKnowl-EJ project was funded by the Transformations to Sustain­ Development 43 (4), 11–14. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/palgrave. development.1110188. ability Programme (T2S) of the International Science Council (ISC) and Evans, P., Rodríguez-Garavito, C., 2018. Translational Advocacy Networks. Twenty Years the International cooperation agency of Sweden (SIDA). The CONICET of Evolving Theory and Practice. Colección Dejusticia, Bogotá. funded the postdoctoral scholarship that allowed Lucrecia Wagner to Global Witness, 2020. Environmental activists. https://www.globalwitness. org/en/campaigns/environmental-activists/(accessed 6 July 2020). conduct this research. We would like to thank Dr. Iva Pesa and Prof. Göbel, B., 2013. La minería del litio en la Puna de Atacama: interdependencias Corey Ross and the participants of the Workshop “Extractive industries transregionales y disputas locales. Iberoamericana XIII 49, 135–149. https://www. and the Environment” (Oxford, December 2019), as well as the EJAtlas jstor.org/stable/24369447. team for their support and comments on early drafts of this paper. Gomez Lende, S., 2016. Del Mito a la Realidad: Minería Metalífera, Psicoesfera y mercado de trabajo en la provincia de Santa Cruz (Argentina). Perspectiva Geográfica 11 (14), 13–26. References Gutiérrez, R., 2015. Teoría y praxis de los derechos ambientales en Argentina. Temas y Debates 30, 13–36. https://doi.org/10.35305/tyd.v0i30.320. Alimonda, H., 2011. La naturaleza colonizada. Ecología política y minería en América Haslam, P.A., Tanimoune, N.A., 2016. The determinants of social conflict in the latin Latina. CLACSO-CICCUS. american mining sector: new evidence with quantitative data. World Dev. 78, Alvarez, L., 2017. Asambleando el mundo. La experiencia de la Unión de Asambleas de 401–419. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.10.020. Comunidades en las luchas socioambientales en Argentina. Debates en Sociología 45, Heijden, H.- A., Van, Der, 2006. Environmental movements and international political 113–140. https://doi.org/10.18800/debatesensociologia.201702.005. opportunity structures. Organ Environ. 19, 28–45. https://doi.org/10.1177/ Alvarez Huwiler, L., Godfrid, J., 2018. Megaminería en América Latina: Estados, 1086026605285452. empresas transnacionales y conflictos socioambientales. CCC-Universidad Nacional Jahncke Benavente, J., Meza, R., 2010. Derecho a la participación y a la consulta previa de Quilmes, Buenos Aires. en Latinoamerica. Fedepaz Muqui Miserer CIDSE. Aranda, D., 2008. A cinco años del grito de Esquel. Página 12, 24 de marzo. https://www Karl, N.A., Wilburn, D.R., 2017. Annual review 2016: exploration review. Min. Eng. 69 .pagina12.com.ar/diario/sociedad/3-101200-2008-03-24.html. (5), 28. Basualdo, F., 2012. Regular la minería. Le Monde Diplomatique 10–11. Keck, M.E., Sikkink, K., 1998. Activists Beyond Borders. Cornell University Press, Ithaca. Bebbington, A., 2012. Underground political ecologies: the second annual lecture of the Langbehn, L., Schmidt, M., Pereira, P., 2020. Las leyes ambientales en el ojo de la cultural and political ecology specialty group of the Association of American tormenta. Un análisis comparativo en torno a la legislación sobre glaciares, bosques Geographers. Geoforum 43, 1152–1162. y humedales en Argentina. Cartografías del Conflicto Ambiental en Argentina 3. Bebbington, A., Humpreys Bebbington, D., Bury, J., Lingan, J., Muñoz, J.P., Scurrah, M., CLACSO-CICCUS, Buenos Aires, pp. 187–213. 2008. Mining and social movements: struggles over livelihood and rural territorial Latorre, S., Farrella, K.N., Martínez-Alier, J., 2015. The commodification of nature and development in the Andes. World Dev 36 (12), 2888–2905. socio-environmental resistance in Ecuador: an inventory of accumulation by Bechtum, A., 2018. El caso de Cerro Vanguardia y la localidad de Puerto San Julián. dispossession cases, 1980–2013. Ecol. Econ. 116, 58–69. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. Santa Cruz. Identidades. 14 (8), 154–174. ecolecon.2015.04.016. Bosi, L., Uba, K., 2009. Introduction: the outcomes of social movements. Mobil.: Int. Q. León, M., Lewinsohn, J.L., Sánchez, J., 2020. Balanza comercial física e intercambio, uso 14 (4), 409–415. y eficiencia de materiales en América Latina y el Caribe. Serie Recursos Naturales y Bottaro, L., Sola Álvarez, M. (Eds), 2018. Agua y Megaproyectos mineros en América Desarrollo, N◦ 200 (LC/TS.2020/150). Comisión Económica para América Latina y Latina. UNGS-WATERLAT/GOBACIT, Los Polvorines. el Caribe (CEPAL). Santiago de Chile. Carruthers, D., 2008. Environmental Justice in Latin America: Problems, Promise, and Machado, H., Svampa, M., Viale, E., Giraud, M., Wagner, L., Antonelli, M., Giarracca, N., Practice. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Teubal, M., 2011. 15 Mitos y Realidades de la minería transnacional en la Argentina. Cerutti, D., 2017. Comunidades en resistencia frente a violencias (en)tramadas en Editorial El Colectivo-Ediciones Herramienta. América Latina. Megaminería y control social en un espacio subnacional: San Juan, Martinez Alier, J., 2021. Mapping Ecological Distribution Conflicts: The EJAtlas. Catamarca y La Rioja. Tesis de Doctorado. CEA-Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Extractive Industries and Society (in press). Córdoba. Mastrangelo, A., 2004. Las niñas Gutiérrez y la mina Alumbrera. La articulación con la Chaparro, E.A., 2002. Actualización de la compilación de leyes mineras de catorce países economía mundial de una localidad del Noroeste Argentino. Antropofagia, Buenos de América Latina y el Caribe (Vol. I). Serie Recursos Naturales e Infraestructura. Aires. ECLAC/UN. Santiago de Chile. Available at: https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/ McAdam, D., Tarrow, S., Tilly, C., 2001. Dynamics of Contention. Cambridge University files/publication/files/6403/S025392_es.pdf (15/04/2021). Press, Cambridge. Christel, L., 2020. Resistencias sociales y legislaciones mineras en las provincias Melé, P., 2007. Identifier un régime de territorialité réflexive. Colloquium argentinas. Los casos de Mendoza, Córdoba, Catamarca y San Juan (2003-2009). Communication Territoires, territorialité, territorialisation: et après?. 7 and 8 de Política y Gobierno. XXVII (1), 1–22. june. Christel, L., 2015. Resistencias sociales y legislaciones mineras en las provincias Merlinsky, G., 2013. Introducción. La cuestión ambiental en la agenda pública. In: argentinas: los casos de Mendoza, Córdoba, Catamarca y San Juan (2003-2009). Merlinsky, G. (Ed.), Cartografías del Conflicto Ambiental en Argentina. CLACSO- Tesis de Doctorado, Universidad Nacional de San Martín, Buenos Aires. CICCUS, Buenos Aires, pp. 19–60. Conde, M., 2017. Resistance to mining. a review. Ecol. Econ. 132, 80–90. https://doi. Merlinsky, M., 2020. The productivity of environmental conflicts and their contribution org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2016.08.025. to social innovation. Agrocienc. Urug. 1–12. Available from: http://agrocienciaurug Conde, M., 2014. Activism mobilising science. Ecol. Econ. 105, 67–77. https://doi.org/ uay.uy/ojs/index.php/agrociencia/article/view/358. 10.1016/j.ecolecon.2014.05.012. Möhle, E., 2018. ¿Cómo se decide sobre el territorio? Gobernanza de conflictos mineros. Conde, M., Le Billon, P., 2017. Why do some communities resist mining projects while Los casos de Andalgalá, en Catamarca, y Famatina, en La Rioja (2005-2016). Tesis de others do not?. Extract. Ind. Soc. 4 (3), 681–697. Maestría. Universidad Nacional de San Martín - Georgetown University, Buenos Delamata, G., 2013. Actualizando el derecho al ambiente. Movilización social, activismo Aires. legal y derecho constitucional al ambiente de «sustentabilidad fuerte» en el sector Muradian, R., Martinez-Alier, J., Correa, H., 2003. International capital versus local extractivista megaminero. Entramados y perspectivas 3 (3), 55–90. https://publicaci population: the environmental conflict of the Tambogrande mining project. Peru. ones.sociales.uba.ar/index.php/entramadosyperspectivas/article/view/150. Soc. Nat. Resour. 16, 775–792. Delamata, G., 2019. ¿Intereses económicos en la protesta ambiental? Marcos de Napadensky, A., Azocar, R., 2017. Espacios globales y espacios locales: en busca de interpretación y coaliciones sociales en las movilizaciones ambientales contra nuevos enfoques a los conflictos ambientales. Panorámica sobre Sudamérica y Chile, sectores extractivos de recursos naturales en Argentina. Política y Sociedad 56, 2010-2015. Revista de Estudios Sociales 61, 28–43. https://doi.org/10.7440/ 127–144. https://doi.org/10.5209/poso.61676. res61.2017.03. Neyra, R., 2020. Conflictos Socioambientales en el Perú. Violencia y Extractivismo, Abya-Yala, Quito. 12 M. Walter and L. Wagner The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx OCMAL (Observatorio de Conflictos Mineros de América Latina), 2019. https://www. Tarrow, S.G., 1996. State and opportunities; the political structuring of social ocmal.org/(accessed on June, 2019). movements. In: D.McAdamMcCarthy, J.D., Zald, M.N. (Eds.), Comparative OEC (Observatory of Economic Complexity), 2019. Exports. Argentina, https://oec. perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing structures and world/en/profile/country/arg/#Exports. Cultural Framings. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 41–61. Özkaynak, B., Rodriguez-Labajos, B., Erus, B., 2021. Understanding activist perceptions Temper, L., Del Bene, D., 2016. Transforming knowledge creation for environmental and of environmental justice success in mining resistance movements. Extr. Ind. Soc. epistemic justice. Curr. Opin. Environ. Sustain. 20, 41–49. https://doi.org/10.1016/ https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2020.12.008. j.cosust.2016.05.004. Özkaynak, B., Rodríguez-Labajos, B., Aydın, C.I., Yanez, I., Garibay, C., 2015. Towards Temper, L., Del Bene, D., Martinez-Alier, J., 2015. Mapping the frontiers and front lines environmental justice success in mining conflicts: An empirical investigation. EJOLT of global EJ: the EJAtlas. J. Polit. Ecol. 22, 255–278. https://doi.org/10.2458/ Rep. 14, 96. http://www.ejolt.org/2015/04/towards-environmental-justice-success v22i1.21108. -mining-conflicts/. Temper, L, Avila, S., Del Bene, D., Gobby, J., Kosoy, N., Lebillion, P., Martinez Alier, J., Pérez-Rincón, M., Vargas-Morales, J., Martinez-Alier, J., 2019. Mapping and analyzing Perkins, P, Roy, B., Scheidel, A., Walter, M., 2020. Movements shaping climate ecological distribution conflicts in Andean Countries. Ecol. Econ. 157, 80–91. futures: a systematic mapping of protests against fossil fuel and low-carbon energy https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2018.11.004. projects. Environ. Res. Lett. 15 (12). Perreault, T., 2013. Dispossession by accumulation? mining, water and the nature of Temper, L., Walter, M., Rodriguez, I., Kothari, A., Turhan, E., 2018. A perspective on enclosure on the Bolivian Altiplano. Antipode 45 (5), 1050–1069. radical transformations to sustainability: resistances, movements and alternatives. Rodríguez-Labajos, B., Özkaynak, B., 2018. Environmental justice through the lens of Sustain. Sci. 13 (3), 747–764. mining conflicts. Geoforum 84, 245–250. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. Tilly, C., 2002. Stories, Identities, and Political Change. Rowman and Littlefield, Lanham. geoforum.2017.06.021. Tilly, C., 1999. From interactions to outcomes of social movements. In: Giugni, M., Rojas, F., Wagner, L., 2017. Desarrollos” fallidos en la minería histórica. Famatina y McAdam, D., Tilly, C. (Eds.), How Social Movements Matter. University of Minnesota Chilecito, apuntes para pensar el presente socio-ambiental. Trabajo y Sociedad 28, Press, Minneapolis, pp. 253–270. 281–307. Unión de Asambleas de Comunidades (UAC), 2021. Andalgalá: ¿Cuántas veces hay que Ruiz Peyré, F., Dorn, F., 2020. Aprovechamiento del litio en el noroeste argentino: decir no? 14 April. https://asambleasciudadanas.org.ar/2021/04/andalgala- realidades, desafíos y perspectivas en un mundo globalizado. Scripta Nova. XXIV cuantas-veces-hay-que-decir-no/(accessed 29 April 2021). 632. https://doi.org/10.1344/sn2020.24.22466. Unión de Asambleas Ciudadanas (UAC). 2018. Construyendo caminos colectivos en Scheidel, A., Del Bene, D., Liu, J., Navas, G., Mingorría, S., Demaria, F., Avila, S., Roy, B., defensa de nuestros territorios, https://asambleasciudadanas.org.ar/wp-content/u Ertör, I., Temper, L., Martínez-Alier, J., 2020. Environmental conflicts and ploads/2018/04/CuadernilloUACAbril2018.pdf. defenders: a global overview. Glob. Environ. Change 63. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. UNRP, 2019. Global resources outlook. 2019: natural resources for the future we want. gloenvcha.2020.102104. Available at: https://www.resourcepanel.org/reports/global-resources-outlook. Schiaffini, H., 2003. El agua vale más que el oro”: la constitución de fuerzas sociales en UN Resource Panel, 2018. International Resource Panel (by CSIRO. Dr James West and torno al conflicto minero en Esquel. 2002-2003. Tesis de Licenciatura, Departamento Mirko Lieber). http://www.resourcepanel.org/global-material-flows-database. de Ciencias Antropológicas-UBA, Buenos Aires. Urkidi, L., Walter, M., 2018. EJ and large-scale mining. In: Holifield, R., Chakraborty, J., Schiaffini, H., 2013. Litio, llamas y sal en la Puna argentina: Pueblos originarios y Walker, G. (Eds.), The Routledge Handbook of Environmental Justice. Routledge, expropiación en torno al control territorial de Salinas Grandes. Entramados y NY, pp. 374–387. perspectivas 3 (3), 121–136. https://publicaciones.sociales.uba.ar/index.php/en Urkidi, L., Walter, M., 2011. Dimensions of environmental justice in anti-gold mining tramadosyperspectivas/article/view/152. movements in Latin America. Geoforum 42, 683–695. Silva, E., Akchurin, M., Bebbington, A., 2018. Policy effects of resistance against mega- Valiente, S., 2017. Disputas en y por el territorio. El caso del macizo del Deseado. projects in latin america: an introduction. Eur. Rev. Latin Am. Caribb. Stud. 106, Geograficando 13 (1), e018. https://doi.org/10.24215/2346898Xe018. 23–46. https://doi.org/10.32992/erlacs.10397. Vela-Almeida, D., Gonzalez, A., Gavilán, I., Fenner Sánchez, G.M., Torres, N., Ysunza, V., Smith, N., Bird, J., Curtis, B., Putnam, T., Robertson, G., 1993. Homeless/global: scaling 2021. The right to decide: a triad of participation in politicizing extractive places. In: Tickner, L. (Ed.), Mapping the Future. Local Cultures. Global Change, governance in Latin America. Extr. Ind. Soc. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. Routledge, London, pp. 87–119. exis.2021.01.010. Smith, N., 1996. Spaces of vulnerability: the space of flows and the politics of scale. Wagner, L., 2019. Propuestas de inversiones chinas en territorio mapuche: resistencias a Critiq. Anthropol. 16, 63–77. la minería metalífera en Loncopué. Estudios Atacameños 63, 315–339. https://doi. Sola Álvarez, M., 2012. Conflictos socioambientales en torno a la megaminería metalífera org/10.22199/issn.0718-1043-2019-0028. a cielo abierto. El caso de Famatina, La Rioja, Argentina. Tesis de Maestría, FADU- Wagner, L., 2014. Conflictos socioambientales: la megaminería en Mendoza. Editorial de UBA, Buenos Aires. la Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, Buenos Aires, pp. 1884–2011. Sola Alvarez, M., 2016. Estados subnacionales, conflictos socioambientales y Walter, M., 2008. Nuevos conflictos ambientales mineros en Argentina. El caso Esquel megaminería. Reflexiones a partir del análisis de la experiencia del Valle de (2002-2003). Revista Iberoamericana de Economía Ecológica 8, 15–28. https://re Famatina, Argentina. Sociedad y ambiente 9. https://doi.org/10.31840/sya. dibec.org/ojs/index.php/revibec/article/view/280/152. v0i9.1632. Walter, M., Martinez-Alier, J., 2010. How to be heard when nobody wants to listen: Svampa, M., Antonelli, M., 2009. Minería transnacional, narrativas del desarrollo y community action against mining in Argentina. Revue Canadienne d’Études du resistencias sociales. Editorial Biblos. Développement/Can. J. Dev. Stud. 30 (1-2), 281–301. https://doi.org/10.1080/ Svampa, M., Sola Álvarez, M., Bottaro, L., 2009. Entre el efecto Esquel y el efecto La 02255189.2010.9669292. Alumbrera. Los movimientos contra la minería metalífera a cielo abierto: escenarios Walter, M., Urkidi, L., 2017. Community mining consultations in Latin America (2002- y conflictos. In: Svampa, M., Antonelli, M. (Eds.), Minería Transnacional, narrativas 2012): The contested emergence of a hybrid institution for participation. Geoforum del desarrollo y resistencias sociales. Biblos, Buenos Aires, pp. 123–180. 84, 265–279. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2015.09.007. Tarrow, S.G., 2011. Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics. Cambridge University Press. 13