The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect The Extractive Industries and Society journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/exis Original article Mapping ecological distribution conflicts: The EJAtlas Joan Martinez-Alier ICTA-UAB, Barcelona, Spain A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T Keywords: This article describes the origins of the terms “environmental justice” and “environmentalism of the poor and the Ecological distribution conflicts indigenous” since the 1980s. In 2012 the collection of “ecological distribution conflicts” (EDC) in an Atlas of Circular economy Environmental Justice (the EJAtlas) started. The EJAtlas reached 3350 entries by January 2021. Such conflicts Commodity frontiers arise because the industrial economy is not circular, it is entropic. Since the industrial economy is entropic, it EJAtlas Environmentalism of the poor continuously looks for new energy and material sources at the “commodity extraction frontiers”, and for waste Environmental justice disposal sites. There are counter-movements of resistance, which become also “valuation system contests” since Valuation contests the participants in such movements (environmental organizations, indigenous peoples, peasants, neighbors and Political ecology citizens) display different values. Examples recorded in the EJAtlas are given from different continents while Iconography answering the questions: Why did the world movement for environmental justice come into being, and which type of social movement is it? The relevance of the EJAtlas for research on comparative, statistical political ecology but also on business economics and management, is noticed. 1. Introduction: circularity, entropy and environmental other species. Hence the growth in the number of Ecological Distribution conflicts Conflicts (EDC), and as a response the strength of the environmental justice movement (Martinez-Alier, 2020). Georgescu-Roegen in The entropy law and the economic process (1971) The industrial economy is entropic (Haas et al., 2015, 2020; Giam­ and other authors before and after him (cf. Martinez-Alier 1987) insisted pietro and Funtowicz, 2020), therefore it requires new supplies of en­ on the fact that the industrial economy is not circular but entropic. This ergy and materials extracted from the “commodity frontiers” (Moore, explains the growth of environmental conflicts at the extraction and 2000; Joseph, 2019), and it produces polluting waste. Therefore waste disposal frontiers. This is lesson number one in a course of ecological distribution conflicts (EDC) arise. The Global Atlas of Envi­ ecological economics and political ecology. Of all the materials entering ronmental Justice is an online inventory of such conflicts based on the economy (fossil fuels, building materials, metal ores, biomass), by scholarly and activist knowledge. It reached 3350 entries by January 2005 only about 6% were recycled (Haas et al., 2015). There is no reason 2021 (ejtlas.org) allowing research in the field of comparative, statisti­ to expect an improvement to have happened since 2005. The low degree cal political ecology. The EJAtlas is a unique instrument co-produced of circularity has two main reasons. First, 44% of processed materials with and supporting environmental movements. One can do compara­ were used to provide energy and are thus not available for recycling. tive analyses on the social actors involved in the conflicts and their forms Second, socioeconomic stocks were growing at a high rate with net of mobilization, and also on the behaviour of private or public com­ additions to stocks of 17 Gt/yr. In the last 120 years, the human popu­ panies. Research may focus on countries or regions but also on lation grew five times (from 1.5 to 7.5 billion) while the inputs processed cross-cultural topics such as gold and copper mining, hydropower and in the global economy (biomass, fossil fuels, building materials, metals) dams, oil palm plantations, incinerators and other methods of waste grew approximately thirteen times, from 7.5 to 95 Gt per year (Haas disposal, coal fired power plants, and nuclear reactors. Analyses are et al., 2020). The economy is becoming less and less circular. The done also on the iconography (banners, slogans, documentaries, murals) expansion of stocks requires, once in place, a persistent input of mate­ of conflicts in the EJAtlas. rials and energy for their maintenance and operation (Haas et al., 2020). I agree with Hickel and Kallis (2019) and other ecological economists Therefore the industrial economy marches all the time in search of in their critique of “ecomodernism”, which I called “the gospel of energy and materials towards the commodity extraction frontiers, and to eco-efficiency” (Martinez-Alier, 2002) because: the waste disposal frontiers, often inhabited by humans and certainly by E-mail address: joanmartinezalier@gmail.com. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2021.02.003 Received 28 June 2020; Received in revised form 1 February 2021; Accepted 5 February 2021 Available online 23 February 2021 2214-790X/© 2021 The Author. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 a) We are not moving to a dematerialized economy based on services. ecology and not only from economics, a circular vision of the economy is The services use materials and energy; and the money gained in the also preached. The geologically produced energy and the materials service sector goes to material consumption (through salaries, divi­ entering the economy are here taken into account, and the waste is very dends for shareholders and their families). The material structures of much present, but it is assumed that technical change may close the the economies change, no doubt, but there is no “absolute circle. The waste becomes inputs. The energy (dissipated, or course, dematerialization”. because of the Second Law of Thermodynamics) is not a problem b) The world industrial economy is less and less “circular”, relying more because it will come from current sun energy (not fossil fuels, which are on cheap commodity extraction and waste disposal. “Green growth” exhaustible stocks of photosynthesis from the past). The circular supply is a mirage. chain is supposed to rule physically the economy. We know however c) The sustainable development goals or Agenda 2030 are flawed that the actual degree of the circularity of the industrial economy is very because SDG n. 8 preaches economic growth (measured by GDP low, and it is probably decreasing as formerly biomass-based economies growth) not only in poor countries but also in rich countries. (Men­ complete their transition to an industrial economy based on fossil fuels ton et al., 2020). in India and Africa (Roy and Schaffartzik, 2021). One favourable trend towards environmental sustainability is that 2. The environmental justice movement and the the human population is likely to reach its peak by 2060 at 9.5 billion. It environmentalism of the poor: a brief history was 1.5 billion in 1900. A slow process, 120 years since the neo­ Malthusian Feminists (Emma Goldman, Marie Huot, M. Pelletier, P. As the pressure from the extractive industries increases on the nat­ Robin) advocated la grève des ventres at heavy political cost to themselves ural environment and human livelihoods, there are more and more (Ronsin, 1980), and since E. V. Ramaswamy Periyar in South India in the ecological distribution conflicts (EDCs). They often overlap with gender, 1920s defended women’s freedom, collectively conducive to a lower ethnic, caste, social class, geopolitical conflicts, and hopefully will soon birth rate. (Martinez-Alier and Masjuan, 2004). We hear that economic occupy a central stage in political philosophy and politics (Charbonnier, growth is good for the people (SDG 8) and shall soon hear that popu­ 2019). Making old or emergent EDCs more visible through the EJAtlas lation growth is good for the economy. I have often been blamed for contributes to placing political ecology and socio-environmental justice supporting “bottom-up feminist Neo-Malthusianism that raises the at the centre of politics, displacing mainstream economics. spectre of population control” (e.g. Nirmal and Rocheleau, 2019). Never The Chipko movement in the Himalayas in the 1970s (Guha, 1989), mind. Present trends are welcome. They will indeed open up a new and the movement of the seringueiros, linked to Chico Mendes in Acre, important research field on Depopulation and Environment. Brazil, in the 1980s, represented two emblematic cases of “environ­ Other social and economic trends are still negative for environmental mentalism of the poor” when this notion was developed in the 1980s. sustainability. Driven mostly by economic growth, the decrease of Other contemporary examples of this type of environmentalism were the biodiversity continues as the HANPP (the human appropriation of net Ogoni, the Ijaw and other indigenous groups protesting the damage from primary production of biomass) increases due to meat consumption and oil extraction by Shell in the Niger Delta; resistance against eucalyptus in “biofuels” (Temper, 2016), while the world input of materials to the Brazil, Thailand and elsewhere on the grounds that “plantations are not economy (measured in tonnes) still goes up (until 2020) though it might forests” (Carrere and Lohmann, 1996); the movements of displaced soon reach a peak. Carbon dioxide in the atmosphere measured in the people due to dam construction as in the Narmada river in India (mostly Keeling curve was 320 ppm in 1960, reaching 415 ppm by 2020 in its Adivasi) and the atingidos por barragens in Brazil; and new peasant march to 450 ppm by 2050. True, peak CO2 emissions and also peak movements such as Via Campesina against agro-industries and bio­ extraction of materials (including coal and oil but not natural gas) might piracy. Ultimately, the sum of all these conflicts in a world environ­ be reached soon but descent from the high peaks will be slow. Moreover, mental justice counter-movement represents today a powerful social even a non-growing industrial economy would require continuous new force for greater sustainability. (Scheidel et al., 2018; Scheidel et al., inputs of energy and materials from the extraction frontiers because 2020). energy is not recycled and materials are recycled to a very small extent. The EJAtlas is an outcome of and also a tool for research on the At a time in which despite all the evidence to the contrary there is environmentalism of the poor and the indigenous, and the global envi­ much enthusiasm about the possibilities of an industrial circular econ­ ronmental justice movement. I started this research around 1990 with omy, it is necessary to explain the two senses in which authors write Ramachandra Guha and other colleagues (Martinez-Alier, 1992; Guha about the “circular economy”. They could be teachers of introductory and Martinez-Alier, 1997, 1999; Martinez-Alier 2016c). We argued microeconomics, or more recently they could be chemical engineers and (Martinez-Alier, 1991, 1995; Martinez-Alier and Hershberg, 1992) industrial ecologists. against Inglehart’s “post-materialist” thesis (e.g. Inglehart, 1995) which Introductory microeconomics is often taught in terms of what saw the origins of environmentalism in a cultural shift in rich countries Georgescu-Rogen called “the merry-go-round between consumers and after 1968 expressed in new social movements that discarded economic producers”, a circular scheme in which producers put goods and services values in favour of human rights, feminism and the environment. Ac­ in the market at prices which consumers pay; meanwhile, consumers (as cording to Inglehart, citizens prioritized environmental concerns when providers of labour, land or other inputs or “factors of production”) get they became rich enough not to worry about food, housing and shelter. money from producers in the form of salaries, rents etc. and they buy, as Environmentalism was part of this so-called “post-materialist” mind-set. consumers, the products or services that have been produced. The Instead, I argued that “post-materialism” was a “terrible misnomer” “merry-go-round” needs energy for running (energy which gets dissi­ (Martinez-Alier, 2002) because of two reasons. Environmentalism in pated), and it produces material waste which is not recycled. This is left rich countries, although focusing sometimes on the “cult of wilderness”, aside in introductory mainstream economics, or maybe it is introduced had a strong industrial material component as in the alarm against DDT, much later, in the analysis of the “intergenerational allocation of nuclear power, sulphur dioxide emissions in the 1960s and 1970s. And, exhaustible resources” and in the treatment of externalities which are second reason, there was a worldwide wave of an environmentalism of “internalized into the price system”. the poor and the indigenous born of their own cultural values and from As ecological critics of mainstream economics since the 1970s and very material concerns for access to land, clean water and air threatened 1980s, we thought that we were slowly convincing the public if not the by industrial growth and plantations. From the early 1990s we disputed professional economists that the “merry-go-round” representation of the the views that the environment was a “luxury good” with a high economy was wrong. The economy is embedded in physical realities. income-elasticity of demand, and that “the poor are too poor to be However, to our surprise, the recent novelty is that, from industrial green” (Martinez-Alier, 1995a). As noticed in the 1990s, there was a 2 J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 close relation between this environmentalism of the poor and the strategies of preventive mobilization, protest diversification and litigation can indigenous in the Global South (Guha and Martinez-Alier, 1997, 1999; increase this success rate significantly to up to 27 percent. However, defenders Martinez-Alier 1998) and the “environmental justice” movement in the globally also face high rates of criminalization (20 percent of cases), physical United States coming from the Civil Rights movement and fighting violence (18 percent), and assassinations (13 percent), which significantly against ”environmental racism”. increase when Indigenous people are involved… bottom-up mobilizations for The words “environmental justice” are used here in a sociological more sustainable and socially just uses of the environment occur worldwide sense, as they were first used in this movement born in the USA in across countries in all income groups, testifying to the existence of various struggles against waste dumping in North Carolina in 1982 (Marti­ forms of grassroots environmentalism as a promising force for sustainability. nez-Alier et al., 2014). Activist-authors such as Robert Bullard (1990, This US perspective inspired us at ICTA UAB to start the EJAtlas in 1993), Civil Rights activists with no academic affiliation, and members 2012 on the steps of activist maps compiled by OCMAL (Observatorio de of Christian churches saw themselves as militants of environmental Conflictos Mineros de America Latina), Fiocruz (Mapa de Saúde e Jus­ justice. By October 1991, an assembly of “leaders of peoples of color” in tiça Ambiental no Brasil) (Porto et al., 2013), also Ricardo Carrere Washington DC proclaimed the 17 principles of Environmental Justice (World Rainforest Movement), ASUD in Italy, Oilwatch in Ecuador and which went beyond a focus only on the United States. The document Nigeria, and Turkish colleagues. We drew on the experience of move­ included affirmation of the sacredness of Mother Earth and the right to ments of the environmentalism of the poor and the indigenous around be free from ecological destruction; peoples’ right to self-determination; the world (as researched and described in Martinez-Alier, 2002). Adivasi rights of participation and enforcement of principles of informed con­ struggles in India (particularly in Odisha against bauxite mining, (Padel sent; rejection of military occupation, repression and exploitation of and Das, 2010; Temper and Martinez-Alier, 2013), and indigenous lands, peoples, and cultures, and other life forms (Menton et al., 2020). grievances and claims by the Oilwatch network against the foreign oil The Principles explicitly refer in their Preamble to the need to build a industry in the Niger Delta and the Amazon of Ecuador, provided initial “national and international” grassroots movement for EJ, considering impetus for the EJAtlas. The concepts and events inspiring and framing environmental injustices facing the current generation but also future the EJAtlas came in part from “Dixie” in the United States (Bullard, generations and other species. It is a strong document coming from the 1990) and mostly from the global South. The framing of EJ as a struggle Civil Rights movement and therefore from the experience of slavery, against the disproportionate negative environmental effects of economic racism and coloniality, a document produced by the descendants of activities on what in the US are “minority” populations or “people of African slaves transported by Europeans to American sugar and cotton color”, is of permanent value. plantations to produce on stolen lands the cheap inputs of the industrial What in the US are “minorities”, at world level are often majorities revolution. The EJ movement was grounded from its beginning in the (Martinez-Alier, 2002). One cannot presume that, as “environmental 1980s in the lived experiences, places and locations of those commu­ justice” as a social movement was first identified and named in the US, it nities that suffered still from colonialism and racism. One of the best is a “Western” colonialist and racist notion (as wrongly argued by known locations was “Cancer Alley” in Louisiana, in the deepest South of (Álvarez and Coolsaet, 2018). In fact, the Decolonial Political Ecology of the United States (Fig. 1). The fight against the disproportionate inci­ the Americas (Ferdinand, 2019) emphasizes the Maroon cultures of dence of pollution in predominantly Black, Hispanic or Indigenous escaped slaves in the wide Caribbean plantation world, including communities was seen by activists in this United States movement as “Dixieland”. Ferdinand himself, from Martinique, has studied this his­ fighting for environmental justice and against “environmental racism”. tory, and also the racialized injustice of pesticide use in banana plan­ Often they referred to the need to go beyond US borders (e.g. Bullard tations. Among other sources, his Decolonial Political Ecology is and Johnson, 2000). explicitly inspired (as we also are) by the US environmental justice For instance, Mossville is placed in “Cancer Alley” in the USA. (In movement against environmental racism. China a term that translates as “Cancer Villages” is used (Lora-Wain­ wright, 2013, 2017), in the context of pollution from heavy metals 3. A brief history of the EJAtlas: “let the subaltern speak” rather than from oil and gas as in Cancer Alley). Mossville was one settlement of free blacks since 1790. After the 1940s it became sur­ Empirical research shows that “subaltern classes”, manual workers, rounded by industrial plants, making it "the most polluted corner of the indigenous peoples and the poor in general are often the first to defend most polluted region in one of the most polluted states in the USA" the environment in which they work and live, or from which they get (Fig. 1). “Environmental racism” in Mossville is historically analogous to their livelihood (Barca, 2012; Satheesh, 2020). A unifying definition for that against Brazil’s quilombolas, Colombia’s palenques and maroon these “subaltern environmental struggles” was the “environmentalism of settlements in Jamaica. the poor”, tied to material issues of environmental degradation in terms The relations between the original movement for Environmental of human health, livelihoods and well-being. Evidence from around the Justice in the USA and the EJAtlas were beautifully captured in a world led to a theory of Ecological Distribution Conflicts (EDCs), i.e. website in the US illustrating one of our recent articles with an iconic conflicts over the social distribution of environmental costs and benefits 1982 photo (Fig. 2) from Warren County, NC. https://portside.org deriving from the material interchange between societies and nature /2020–06–06/new-global-report-environmentalism-poor-and-indigeno (Martinez-Alier and O’Connor, 1996). In general, such costs and benefits us. are not only expressed in economic terms; the diverse social actors They echo our article in these terms. A new report presents the most display other values. After publishing The Environmentalism of the Poor in complete analysis of environmental conflicts to date, focusing on 3000 cases 2002, our research programme on world environmental justice was of grassroots activism worldwide, activism by the poor and indigenous that facilitated from 2008 to 2021 at ICTA-UAB by three European funded comes with a heavy cost of criminalization, violence, and murder. Quanti­ projects (CEECEC, EJOLT and EnvJustice). The EJAtlas (Fig. 3) reached tative analyses shed light on the characteristics of environmental conflicts and 3340 entries of EDC across the world in December 2020 allowing new the environmental defenders involved, as well as on successful mobilization work on comparative, statistical political ecology (Temper et al., 2015, strategies. Environmental defenders are frequently members of vulnerable 2018, 2020; (Martinez-Alier et al., 2016a; Scheidel et al., 2018; Liu groups who employ largely non-violent protest forms. In 11 percent of cases 2020; Tran et al., 2020; Martinez-Alier 2020). One early article from our globally, they contributed to halt environmentally destructive and socially group was Gerber’s analysis (2011) of 58 tree plantation conflicts in conflictive projects, defending the environment and livelihoods. Combining cooperation with Ricardo Carrere of the WRM. The EJAtlas, co-directed 3 J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 Fig. 1. An ironic advertisement photographed in Mossville, Lousiana. Here the link to the EJAtlas. https://ejatlas.org/conflict/mossville-louisiana-environmental-ra cism-united-states. by Leah Temper and myself, coordinated by Daniela Del Bene, was scientists and professionals, or members of religious groups. They publicly launched in 2014 with 920 entries focusing on the environ­ display their “repertoires of contention” or “forms of mobilization” mentalism of the poor which often overlaps or “intersects” with (Martinez-Alier et al., 2016a; Temper et al., 2015, 2018; Scheidel et al., agrarian, urban, feminist, indigenous, working class and public health 2020). movements but has distinctive contents.1 This “environmentalism from below” is different from the “cult of The EJAtlas entries consist of a data sheet of 5 or 6 pages in open wilderness” and the “gospel of eco-efficiency” (Martinez-Alier, 2002). access with a description of the conflict, sources, and many codified Research on this grassroots environmentalism has been practiced by variables: visible or potential impacts (environmental, health and social political ecologists with other names: some called it “liberation ecolo­ impacts) of the project or policy causing the conflict, social actors of the gies” (Peet and Watts, 1996), others call it “subaltern environmen­ conflict, forms of mobilization, outcomes. Each case is documented and talism”, a term whose use seems to be growing (Egan, 2002; Ruiz contains some photographs. The EJAtlas classifies the environmental Cayuela, 2018).2 I refer here to Gayatri Spivak’s critique (1988) against conflicts in one of ten main categories: nuclear energy, biomass and land Ranajit Guha denying the possibility for the subaltern to speak.3 Outside grabbing, fossil fuels and climate justice, mining, infrastructures (such India, Laura Pulido (1996, p. 128) in a classic book on Hispanic pasto­ as motorways, airports), industry, biodiversity conservation, water, ralists’ claims for environmental justice and land rights in New Mexico waste management, tourism. There are many secondary categories. quoted Spivak: “being a subaltern includes lack of voice or at best a voice (Temper et al., 2015, 2018). that is barely audible … moments of mobilization and uprising are then Across the whole sample of the 3340 contentious episodes registered openings that allow us to interrogate those visions … to explore what in the EJAtlas we see for instance (using the Filter function in the EJAtlas they mean to the subaltern”. In Peru ambientalismo subalterno was platform) that in about 414 cases deaths of one or more environmental analyzed (Valencia, 2013) while Italian historian Marco Armiero drew defenders are reported. The members of the EJAtlas team and myself are directly from Gramsci and wrote of subaltern environmentalism in the (in my view) accurate observers arriving after the battles, “rearguard” waste crisis in Campania bypassing altogether Ranajit Guha and Spivak actors to use Sousa Santos’ image (2014) recording and making conflicts (Armiero and Sedrez, 2014) as Stefania Barca had done already (Barca, visible after they have taken place or when they are still burning actively 2012). Compared to the powerful corporations, governments and or their embers might revive. The social actors (as classified in the mainstream media confronting the poor and the indigenous, the EJAtlas EJAtlas data sheets) are women and men taking part in highly intense or allows such “subalterns to be heard” even when they died long ago, were subdued conflicts as indigenous peoples, farmers, neighbors and citi­ killed recently or are still alive but almost voiceless. zens, members of local EJOs, landless peasants, industrial workers, pastoralists, fisherfolk or others. They might be militant activists or even 4. Comparative, statistical political ecology based on the “resigned” environmentalists (Lora-Wainwright, 2017). Some are EJAtlas In the EJAtlas, the many conflicts showing many aspects of an environmentalism of the poor or, if you wish, “subaltern environmen­ 1 Here my gratitude to the main co-authors and colleagues in the work on talism”, are classified according to their outcome into (many) failures, these European funded projects and the EJAtlas in the last 15 years: Leah Temper, Beatriz Rodriguez Labajos, Daniela Del Bene, Yakup Cetinkaya, Hali Healy, Begum Özkaynak, J.F. Gerber, Mariana Weber, Swapan Kumar Patra, 2 Arnim Scheidel, Federico Demaria, Paul Mohai, Marcelo Firpo Porto, Juan Liu, Sreejith Varmas. The Subaltern Environmentalism of Mayilamma. Reading and Brototi Roy, Grettel Navas, Sofia Avila, Eleonora Fanari, Arpita Bisht, Irene Translating Mayilamma: The Life of a Tribal Eco-Warrior (Plachimada struggle in Iniesta, DalenaTran, Amaranta Herrero, Sara Latorre, Mario A. Pérez Rincón, Kerala against Coca-cola, and its leader, Mayilamma 2019). http://ala. Raquel Neyra, Sara Mingorria, Max Stoisser. Patrick Bond, Lucrecia Wagner, keralascholars.org/issues/13/mayilamma/ Diacronie. “Can the Subaltern Ksenija Hanacek, Anna Lora-Wainright, Keninichi Matsui, Irmak Ertör, Emi­ Speak” through the Environment? At the crossroads of Environmental History liano Teran, Jovanka Spiric, Julie Snorek, Alfred Burballa, Camila Rolando and Subaltern Studies 2020. https://www.studistorici.com/2020/01/31/c Mazzuca, Nick Meynen. Also interns and master students at ICTA UAB and fp-44_en/ 3 FLACSO Ecuador. And not least, EJOs such as OCMAL, Censat, Oilwatch and The word “subaltern” was Gramsci’s term in the Prison Notebooks, taken up Acción Ecológica, CSE and Kalpavriksh in India, ERA in Nigeria, ASUD in Italy, by Ranajit Guha’s remarkable school of historical “subaltern studies” in India in GRAIN, the WRM and others. the 1980s with many volumes published by Oxford U.P. 4 J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 Fig. 2. Their photo caption reads: In the demonstration that birthed the environmental justice movement, North Carolina State Troopers prepare to oust protestors demonstrating against the dumping of toxic dirt in the Warren County landfill on September 17, 1982. BFA Environmental Consultants. (some) successes and (many) “don’t know for sure”. Among the 3340 actors and their successful protest forms, and key positive and negative cases, about 544 are deemed as “successes” in environmental justice - conflict outcomes and their association to Indigenous and there is no sustained social movement unless it obtains some successes non-indigenous mobilizations. from time to time. We can check whether reported “success” correlates Profiles on the main commodities involved, the most frequent com­ closely with “project cancelled” as an outcome. It does (Rodríguez-La­ panies (private or public) and social actors, the visible and potential bajos and Özkaynak, 2018; Aydin et al., 2017; Scheidel et al., 2020; impacts, the “repertoires of contention” for the whole EJAtlas could be Hanaček et al., 2020). One can do analyses of the movement for envi­ compared across countries or regions (India, South America, China, ronmental justice based on countries or regions but also cross-cultural Western and Central Europe). Similarly one could compare the profiles analyses on topics such as copper mining and smelting, sand mining, for the outcomes (Martinez-Alier et al., 2016b) (for comparison between eucalyptus or oil palm plantations, dams, incinerators and landfills, coal India and South America). For instance, hunger strikes are dispropor­ fired power plants, gas fracking, nuclear reactors, windmills, CAFOs tionately present in conflicts in India. (“concentrated animal farming operations”) (Saes and Bisht, 2020) . As a social movement, environmental justice has distinctive collec­ 5. The EJAtlas: an advocacy map and an archive for socio- tive actors. In the conflicts registered in the EJAtlas, they display several environmental history forms of mobilization or “repertoires of contention” (Table 1). The first studies using the EJAtlas as a novel database were published in 2015 Such research results from the EJAtlas are becoming available in top (Latorre et al., 2015; Temper et al., 2015). A 2018 special issue further academic journals, testifying to the consistency of the abundant infor­ consolidated its use for comparative political ecology (Temper et al., mation gathered in it (Scheidel et al., 2020; Temper et al., 2020). The 2018). These studies analysed up to a few hundred cases and focused EJAtlas is an archive of environmental conflicts in the form of a “protest mainly on regional trends, such as environmental conflicts in Andean map” (Drozdz, 2020), a product of a wave of “bottom up” cartography at countries (Pérez-Rincón et al., 2019), sectoral dynamics, such as con­ the service of social counter-movements and also of academic scholar­ flicts over wind power (Avila, 2018), hydropower and dams (Del Bene ship. In Drozdz’s words (2020), the EJAtlas is an “advocacy map” on et al., 2018), mining (Aydin et al., 2017), or specific thematic concerns, conflicts around environmental issues. It is an accurate advocacy map such as multidimensional violence in central American conflicts (Navas useful for activism, research and teaching, a database collaboratively et al., 2018). The only early study employing a global dataset of 1357 collecting information on environmental conflicts coming directly from EJAtlas cases was published by Martinez-Alier et al. (2016a), providing activists and, more often, coming indirectly from journalists and statistics on actors involved and mobilization forms, while focusing academics. further on qualitative aspects, such as a description of the protest vo­ The collaborative maps from the EJAtlas provide an example of what cabulary used by environmental justice movements. Since then, the critical mapping can do to reframe the dominant cartographic narrative number of registered conflicts has nearly tripled. With 2743 conflicts, (Drozdz, 2020). Maps sometimes present a view of the environment as a Scheidel et al. (2020) is by far the largest study using EJAtlas data space dotted with strategic resources, which implies that their man­ providing analyses of conflicts in relation to sectors and income groups, agement and exploitation are the main focus of land use and resource 5 J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 Fig. 3. The EJAtlas with a column for recently updated cases (www.envjustice.org). policies (Drozdz, 2020), looking at nature from the logic of so-called shows is that land and natural resource use cannot be simply viewed as a capital accumulation (meaning resource extraction and dissipation). matter of post-political technical management but also of politics. The The EJAtlas shifts the focus from what economic potential the envi­ EJAtlas registers victims of extractive violence, the dead, the criminal­ ronment holds to the consequences resulting from its exploitation and ized (Scheidel et al. 2020), the wounded, the frightened and displaced the resistance against the consequences (Drozdz, 2020). In all cases, the by “the coercion present in natural resource extraction”, “socio-­ EJAtlas puts conflict in front and centre, and restores the antagonistic ecological warfare techniques to control human and natural resources”, dimension of resource control and management. What the EJAtlas “corporate counter-insurgency strategies” and “state terrorism” Table 1 Repertoires of contentious actions in the EJAtlas. 6 J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 (Dunlap, 2019). Dunlap rightly emphasizes the use of such techniques 6. The relevance of the EJAtlas for business management: by corporations and states against environmental defenders with a “corporate social irresponsibility” mixture of soft approaches (from bribery to Corporate Social Re­ sponsibility, CSR) and violent practices (Brock and Dunlap, 2018). But As EDC intensify along commodity extraction and waste disposal this top-down viewpoint risks to deprive the oppressed from agency. frontiers (including excessive amounts of carbon dioxide emissions) Instead, the EJAtlas looks at reality from below. (Moore, 2000), and through the creation of rather new commodities (e. The EJAtlas opens up new avenues for research in comparative, g. lithium, submarine mining, geoengineering services), the EJAtlas statistical political ecology focussing on the power dynamics and valu­ aims to research, exchange and disseminate information. Within and ation contests in EDCs (O’Connor, 1993). There are hundreds and hun­ also beyond academic research, the EJAtlas wants to be relevant by dreds of such valuation contests in the EJAtlas where economic costs and ’naming and shaming’ (so to speak) the actors behind injustices. This benefits, and demands for monetary compensation for damages, appear can be done through Network Analysis of corporations (privately or in the recorded conflicts. But other valuation languages are also force­ state-owned) involved in EDCs. We have published several “featured fully deployed. For most conflicts we can answer the question: which maps” collecting the conflicts in which some transnational companies valuation languages have been brought into the dispute, which have are involved. The EJAtlas therefore is relevant for studies of business politically prevailed? So the EJAtlas is an instrument for research and economics and management, and not only in the environmental social teaching not only in political ecology but also in an ecological economics sciences. As Rajiv Maher writes in the Business and Human Rights Journal focused from its beginning (Otto Neurath, K. W. Kapp, (2020) the EJAtlas documents and catalogues social conflicts around Georgescu-Roegen) not only on the study of social metabolism but also environmental issues. It aims to make these instances of mobilization on the plurality and incommensurability of values (Martinez-Alier, more visible, highlighting claims and testimonies, making the case for 1987; O’Neill and Uebel, 2015; Rodríguez-Labajos and Martinez-Alier, true corporate and state accountability for the injustices inflicted 2013). sometimes through their activities. For instance, in Tuticorin, Tamil The materials contained in the EJAtlas, incuding the iconography, Nadu, after 20 years of complaints, thousands gathered in Thoothukudi often reveal such “valuation contests”. district in March 2018 asking for the copper smelter to be shut down. In Thus, a slogan heard in many gold mining conflicts in Latin America May 22, 2018 as people still protested against the Vedanta-owned is el agua vale más que el oro. Water is more valuable than gold, not Sterlite copper plant, the police opened fire on a rally which marked certainly in money per kg but in other standards of value. This slogan is a the 100th day of demonstrations. The following day another person died performative symbol in banners, t-shirts (Fig. 4) and songs since the from being hit by a rubber bullet, taking the death toll up to 13. Dozens early boom of open cast gold mining in the 1980s and 1990s. Demon­ of people were wounded. The government of Tamil Nadu then asked for strators shouting el agua vale más que el oro ask for the primacy of socio- a definitive closure of the plant (Fig. 5). https://www.business-standard. environmental values over chrematistic values. Does el agua vale más que com/article/opinion/sterlite-protest-how-it-began-what-next-11805 el oro appear in other continents in conflicts over open cast gold mining, 2901513_1.html translated into any of the thousands of languages of the “subaltern”, The Vedanta corporation (housed in London) is well known because many of which are becoming extinct? of the conflict on bauxite mining in the Niyamgiri Hill in Odisha where In the next section I shall discuss the use of the EJAtlas in a related sacredness, indigenous rights, and environmental values were success­ research field: business economics and management. fully deployed (Temper et al., 2015; Temper and Martinez-Alier, 2013). There are many other conflicts in the EJAtlas that arouse or are arising from copper mining and smelting, including two of the oldest conflicts registered: the massacre in Rio Tinto (Huelva, Spain) in 1888, and the Fig. 4. Pope Francis and Senator (and film-maker) Pino Solanas, 2013 (public domain). 7 J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 Fig. 5. peasant complaints protagonized by Tanaka Shozo around 1900 in 1960s; or the agrarian or peasant movements in Latin America from the Ashio, Japan, against the water and air pollution caused by the Fur­ Mexican Revolution of 1910 onwards, or the triumphant anti-colonial ukawa smelter. (Copper appears as a main commodity in about 175 world movement after 1945 particularly in Africa, or the Civil Rights cases in the EJAtlas). movement in the USA; or the growing and increasingly successful Therefore, the materials collected in and the research done with the feminist movement of the last hundred years or more (Della Porta and EJAtlas are relevant to the construction and criticism of the indices and Diani, 2020). Such socio-political movements as feminism, the peace benchmarks meant to inform and guide shareholding investors and movement, peasant movements, industrial working class movements other stakeholders, such as the Responsible Mining Index, the Business have rarely had a unique organization and leadership even at national Human Rights Benchmark and others. According to the EJAtlas, high- level, they are dispersed and to some extent heterogeneous. The usual ranking companies in the CHRB and RMI are demonstrably involved chronology is from grievances and claims to movements. For instance, in multiple socio-environmental community conflicts, perhaps even peasant grievances and claims came earlier than the recognized histor­ protagonists of Global Witness’ narratives on deaths of environmental ical terms for the movements (such as jacqueries in France, Russia, defenders. Similarly, there is much information in the EJAtlas on “social Bengal and elsewhere) or standardized slogans such “land to the tiller”, licence to operate” (SLO), a term much used in the extractive industries la tierra al que la trabaja. The slogan Land and Freedom, tierra y libertad, (Prno, Slocombe, 2012; Gehman et al., 2017) meaning communities’ has its origin in the Russian narodnik movement after 1870 and travelled approval or acceptance of ongoing projects. The use of the EJAtlas in the to Spain and to Zapata’s Mexico in 1910. Peasant movements existed teaching on CSR, or Environmental Social Governance (ESG) as it is much before the Via Campesina was born in the late 20th century. nowadays called, opens up a large opportunity for research and teaching Grievances and claims typical of the industrial working class move­ in schools of business economics and management where not only CSR ment (the right to form unions, the 8 -hour day against acute exploita­ but also Corporate Social Irresponsibility (CSIR) (Saes et al., 2021) is a tion of wage labour, the refusal of piece-work) or the terms for topic of interest. The use of the EJAtlas in professional advisory financial mobilizing actions such as strikes or grèves and boycotts, were born activities and in fields like eco-labelling, product certification and in before the movements as such and their organizations were recognized. general ESG opens up opportunities for research on the opposition be­ Thus, “boycott” meaning social ostracism or protest against a company tween the objectives of “shareholder value” and “responsible manage­ or government officer comes from Charles C. Boycott, an Irish land agent ment” (Laasch et al., 2020), on Corporate Social Irresponsibility (CSIR) who was “boycotted” in 1880 at the instigation of the Irish Land League (Armstrong, 1977; Alexander, 2015, (Antonetti and Maklan, 2016), to get rents reduced. Strike-breaker, scab or blackleg is a person who Riera and Iborra, 2017, Alcadipani and Medeiros, 2019), corporate works despite an ongoing strike. In several Spanish speaking countries accountability, corporate impunity and lack of liability. How do cor­ the word esquirol imported from Catalonia is used. Similarly, in the porations (and state organs) react to allegations of using “counter-in­ environmental justice movement we can identify common slogans (in surgency methods” against environmental defenders? Corporations are many different languages). There is a feeling of wide collective action supposed to practice disclosure of environmental, social and governance when the allegations of NIMBYism (in English) from opponents in local (ESG) results. There are some publications already using the EJAtlas for environmental conflicts are answered with replies such as NIABY or information relevant to investors such as pension funds keen on even NOPE (“not in anyone’s backyard” and “not on planet Earth”). applying ESG criteria to particular firms or business sectors. There are NIMBY has been adopted with enthusiasm by anti-environmentalists also numerous testimonies of the use of the EJAtlas in university even in non-English-speaking countries. Avons-nous le syndrome nimby? teaching in the environmental social sciences but also in business eco­ And in other contexts: Sind Moscheen in Deutschland NIMBY-Güter? - asks nomics and management. (Walter et al., 2020). a newspaper, assuming readers to share the nasty amalgam. Thus in Italy, somebody could mistake the proliferation of “No” 7. What kind of social movement is the global environmental movements for Nimbyism from the many local ephemeral “committees”. social movement? In Spain they would be called platforms or coordinadoras. They are ad hoc, not permanent organizations like Legambiente. The committees I mean here a counter-movement in the same sense in which one and their struggles are listed over the years in the Italian “Atlante” of could speak of the working class movement in Europe before 1914, or environmental justice launched in 2015 and linked to the EJAtlas, led by the peace movements across the world at several points in time ASud, an archive of local environmental justice struggles. There are also including the anti-Vietnam War student movement in the USA in the numerous contacts among the committees at regional, national and 8 J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 sometimes European levels. Italian environmentalists are aware of (again river dams, nuclear risks, new metal mining for the electricity Italian business corporations’ damage abroad (ENEL, AGIP, Impregilo- transition, and danger of fires from invasive eucalyptus plantations). Salvini). Italian best-known “No” movements are currently No Tav, No The EJAtlas is indeed a great source for research on environmental Tap, No Muos, No Ponte, No Grandi Navi, No Triv, Mamme No Inceneritore, conflicts at borders between countries. all born at particular locations but with wide reach, respectively on the Names of environmental organizations do not always mean much. very material issues of the new rapid railway line between Turin and For instance, FoEI exists in Argentina and Spain but they are rather Lyon, a gas pipeline in Puglia (Fig. 6), the Mobile User Objective System irrelevant in conflicts recorded in the EJAtlas (as could be shown by (a military satellite communications system promoted by the US gov­ network analysis of social actors in conflicts) compared to Asambleas de ernment in Niscemi, Sicily), the bridge over Messina Strait, the nuisance Vecinos Autoconvocados (AVA) in Argentina and Ecologistas en Acción from the enormous cruise ships in Venice waters, the off shore oil dril­ in Spain. In Colombia, in Nigeria and Indonesia there were first envi­ ling, the waste incineration (Bertuzzi, 2019). Fig. 4 gives a translation of ronmental grievances, complaints and movements, then ERA, Censat NIABY into Italian. In Catalan it would be Ni aquí ni enlloc. It is and Walhi were founded in the 1980s, later joining Friends of the Earth commonly used in the environmental movements. to some extent as a form of international protection. Acción Ecológica of Collective action giving rise to slogans, banners, marches and other Ecuador, also founded in the mid-1980s, joined at one point FoEI but left forms of mobilization does not require common single organizations. By it because some of its Northern members were too lukewarm towards the doing network analysis of the 3340 data sheets in EJAtlas we could trace claim for an ecological debt from the South (Warlenius et al., 2015). organizational cross-country connections (or lack of connections). For First, there are grievances and claims, then there are collective mo­ instance, we ask, a) in which conflicts recorded in the EJAtlas do or­ bilizations and actions (and possibly a social movement with identifiable ganization members of the confederation Friends of the Earth Interna­ slogans), and even later perhaps an organization appears. The capacity tional (FoEI) appear (e.g. Censat in Colombia, ERA in Nigeria, Justiça of mobilization depends on resources (time, money, common beliefs), as Ambiental in Mozambique, GroundWork in South Africa, Walhi in explained in social movement theory. It also depends on the ability to Indonesia, Kalikasan in The Philippines, Friends of the Earth Norway withstand or overcome fear and repression by corporations and the …). FoE is a network often supporting the “environmentalism of the state. Organizations attract police attention; they are easily disbanded or poor and indigenous” but it is not present, by far, in all conflicts. For forbidden. Moreover, organizations are not a requirement for social instance, FoE is not active in India, Pakistan or China, scarcely active in movements to exist; they might even become noxious because the fights Brazil and Mexico … b) How relevant are Greenpeace and other inter­ among leaders alienate other potential members. The movements for national organizations in actual environmental conflicts, and in which environmental justice might generate organizations but do not require world regions and/or which issues are they most active compared to global or even local permanent organizations. Research on the envi­ grassroots organizations at national, provincial, local levels? c) How ronmental justice movements must not be primarily guided by the often and in which roles do the “cult of wilderness” organizations such as presence of names of organizations but should focus instead on similar IUCN, WWF, Nature Conservancy appear in the conflicts recorded in the grievances, local actions, common or similar slogans and banners. EJAtlas? d) Is there intersectionality between environmental justice Similar slogans across many cultures and different languages, and movements and Human Rights organizations which are very active in similar repertoires of contention, are not necessarily a sign that there is a environmental conflicts? e) Is there intersectionality between geopolit­ single organization behind them. For instance, despite obstacles to ical independence movements and environmental conflicts (e.g. Bou­ women’s participation in social movements there is a wide eco-feminist gainville island (copper and the Rio Tinto company), Nouvelle movement around the world (Agarwal, 1992, 2001; Salleh, 1997) Caledonie (nickel), West Papua (copper and Freeport-McMoRan)? growing and overlapping with “climate justice” movements without Should we look at other conflicts in the EJAtlas through geopolitical need for a single organization. lenses – for instance, the Mekong River threatened by dams from China, Complaints and campaigns against eucalyptus would deserve a several of them recorded as conflictive in the EJAtlas; or at smaller scale, “transversal” article or book from Chile and Brazil to Yunnan and the environmental problems at the border between Portugal and Spain Thailand. The fact that they are “exotic” (from Australia) is less relevant Fig. 6. In Puglia, Southern Italy, “neither here nor anywhere else”, struggling to protect land and community from the Trans Adriatic Pipeline (TAP). This gas pipeline and terminal threatens ancient olive farms, water sources, cultural heritage sites and stunning coastline 9 J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 than their properties. Similar commodity, somewhat similar damages, not imply “essentialism”. This presence is merely empirical reality. For grievances and social reactions. Adolfo Cordero in La Voz de Galicia (15 instance, a conflict against open cast gold mining can involve peasant April 2018) strikingly titled an article Eucalyptus are like the state: they activists who are simultaneously indigenous (and identify as such) and take everything away giving nothing in return. The phrase translated and who hold communal water and land rights. The same person is indige­ quoted in The Environmentalism of the Poor is from a peasant in Thailand. nous and peasant, and in Mexico also very possibly an ejidatario and in In Portugal and Spain eucalyptus was furthered by the paper industry, the Andes a comunero. The material issues can be simultaneously land now becoming an invasive species, taking water and fertility from the grabbing and water pollution, while there might also be impacts on soil and helping to cause terrible fires. health because of the use of cyanide. The conflicts in the EJAtlas involve In common with other local actions around the world giving rise to overlapping ecological, human health, economic and other social issues the slogan “Tree plantations are not real forests”, the campaign in Brazil and values. Therefore, there is “intersectionality” in any given conflict as against Desertos verdes organized an action in Barra do Ribeiro, Rio regards the social actors and their roles, and also the issues present in it. Grande do Sul on 8 March 2006, Women’s Day: Mulheres em Ação, Fighting for environmental justice is not “single actor” and “single-is­ Eucalipto no Chão! - 3000 women from Via Campesina occupied the sued”. For instance, in a recent case uploaded in the EJAtlas (the Aracruz Cellulose’s eucalyptus nurseries and cut down the trees (Fig. 7). collapse of the Zaldibar waste dumpsite in the Basque country on 6 This was a show of “intersectionality”: an agrarian struggle, a women’s February 2020, causing two workers’ deaths plus danger from dioxin struggle, and an environmental struggle against the “green deserts” and emissions and perhaps from asbestos), the demonstrators (working class, in solidarity with indigenous people evicted by Aracruz in Espírito and other local Basque citizens) carried banners putting together claims Santo. for adequate working conditions, health of the population and liabilities The world environmental justice movement does not preach indi­ of the responsible private firm (fancifully named Verter Recycling), and vidual changes in behaviour and it is not based on charismatic person­ the Basque government. A claim for better environmental management alities although respecting and remembering its heroines and heroes is also present (Fig. 8). Although this unfortunate event (betraying a (Goldman Prize holders; Global Witness victims). It is formed by mostly wide industrial waste crisis) took place in the Basque country, no ad-hoc local collective groups focusing on collective adversaries. As nationalist claims were present here against the Spanish state. There was reflected in the EJAtlas and other such inventories, environmental jus­ no reason for this, since waste management is a regional competence. tice counter-movements are born of concrete struggles and they blame The overlapping of roles played by the same social actors is often known opponents for damages to the natural environment and to the called “intersectionality”, a concept coming from feminist and anti- conditions of human livelihoods. Such adversaries are most often iden­ racist theory in the United States (Crenshaw, 1989) useful for the tified as private or public companies (most conflicts registered in the analysis of the conflicts registered in the EJAtas. It is applicable in many EJAtlas give the names of one or more such companies). They may also places around the world. For instance, the social actors in a conflict be government departments, or the government itself when the conflict might be women indigenous peasants supported by local and interna­ is on a policy and not on a particular project. There are some cases in the tional EJOs. The roles of local indigenous women and international EJAtlas where a movement opposed and changed a government policy members of Greenpeace do not overlap. But the same person can of (retreat of Monsanto GMO cotton from Burkina Faso https://ejatlas. course be (as Berta Cáceres in Honduras was) a woman, indigenous org/conflict/the-retreat-from-monsanto-bt-cotton-burkina- person, leader of a local EJO. Chico Mendes was a seringueiro, and leader faso; stopping nuclear energy in Switzerland https://ejatlas. of a rubber tappers union, and simultaneously fought as an environ­ org/conflict/the-anti-nuclear-movement-in-switzerland). Most cases in the mentalist against deforestation in the Amazon. However, there might be EJAtlas concern complaints against particular investment projects and conflicts where the social actors are merely assorted “neigbours and companies, and not country-wide policies. citizens” (in urban or semi-urban contexts) fighting by themselves against an incinerator because of threats to health (perhaps with help 8. Intersectionality from local scientists, who are different persons?). Or imagine an indig­ enous tribe of hunter-gatherers confronting an extractive company In many of the EDC described in the EJAtlas, there are overlapping without any allies at local or global scales except an intrepid journalist social roles and issues arising in the same conflict. To acknowledge the or anthropologist of Survival International, who anyway are different presence of gender, ethnic identity, or working class, peasant, pasto­ persons. Intersectionality is often but not always present. Rural cases ralist, fisherfolk affiliation among the social actors of such conflict does (about 1900) in the EJAtlas could be compared to urban and semi-urban Fig. 7. Women against “green deserts” in Brazil. Source: Via Campesina. https://ejatlas.org/conflict/women-agaist-the-expansion-of-eucalyptus-monoculture. 10 J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 Fig. 8. Zaldibar argitu! “Workers, Health, Liabilities”. https://ejatlas.org/conflict/zaldibar-industrial-waste-dump-basque-country-spain. Table 2 The main groups mobilized in the conflicts recorded in the EJAtlas (more than one group can be recorded in one conflict). 11 J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 cases (about 1150) and, first, research the reasons for the difference in the Kuna islands in Panama or in Kivalina in Alaska (as recorded in the numbers (do cities “export” conflicts successfully to rural areas dispro­ EJAtlas). This is a growing EDC, very relevant in terms of human rights portionately providing the materials and absorbing waste?), and then and in terms of rights of other species. Yet this damage is not valued in see whether there are significant differences in the participants the market and those impacted are not compensated for it. Their com­ (Table 2), and the modes of organization of environmental protests. plaints often do not lead to democratic deliberations and diplomatic dialogs on the appropriate units for valuation of externalities but they 9. Why has an environmental justice movement been born? A lead rather to neglect or even violence by companies and state repre­ materialistic approach sentatives. The capitalist system does not and cannot pay compensation to the present and future generations for the sixth great extinction of The EJAtlas rests on the hypothesis that there are structural conti­ biodiversity, the loss of tropical forests, climate change and ocean nuities and transformations in the patterns of socio-environmental acidification. Or for damage to rivers by dams almost everywhere (and conflicts, responding to changes and growth in the social metabolism. hence counter-movements such as the MAB in Brazil, MAPDER in Mainstream economics and economic history have been nearly blind to Mexico, Ríos Vivos in Colombia). Or for excessive infrastructure, giving the changes in the social metabolism, too concerned with economic rise to the Stay Grounded movement against airports, and other move­ accounting. Such changes in social metabolism explain why there were ments against Imposed Useless Projects in Europe (Burballa-Noria, no movements against fracking twenty years ago and why there are so 2019). many today. There were no movements against eucalyptus plantations The growth and changes in the social metabolism cause many EDCs for paper pulp eighty years ago, or against oil palm plantations forty where different valuation languages are displayed as we see in thou­ years ago, or against nuclear power plants sixty years ago. There were no sands of cases in the EJAtlas. In my view, there is sometimes too much movements then against the threat of dioxins from incinerators (as in emphasis placed on the triumph of neoliberal capitalism after the 1970s China today). But there were social movements against sulphur dioxide as a cause of environmental injustices. It may be true that “In the last from Rio Tinto and Furukawa copper smelters 130 years ago, and three decades, neoliberal policies and ideologies have brought about against hydropower plants also many decades ago. Social movements fundamental changes to nature-society relationships across the globe, related to coal mining are certainly not new; they are more numerous deepening existing environmental conflicts and creating profound new than ever before because coal extraction and burning increased seven injustices” (Apostolopoulou and Cortes-Vaquez, 2019:1). But the in­ times in the 20th century and still increases today (until 2020 at least). crease in social metabolism arose in industrial capitalism, continued in To old issues of miners’ safety, health and work conditions there is the Keynesian social-democratic capitalism after 1945 and in Soviet-style added argument of “climate justice”. economies, and is present today in the industrial economy of China The EJAtlas takes therefore a materialistic approach (Fischer-Ko­ and the rest of the world. China’s political-economic system is perhaps walski and Haberl, 2015); “materialistic” does not mean economic in the better described as state capitalism than neoliberalism. chrematistic sense. We delve beneath the surface of environmental Writers in the Marxist tradition use words like “capital accumula­ conflicts related to mineral ores, hydroelectric dams, public in­ tion” and “development of productive forces” without thinking enough frastructures, biomass or fossil fuels extraction to uncover their root about the metabolism of the economy. Taking coal, oil and gas from the causes in the growth and changes in the social metabolism. The world soil gives rents and profits that are accumulated as money which in turn economy’s metabolism (flows of energy and materials) grows and gives the power to get more money through exploitation of labour and changes (Krausmann et al., 2009, 2018). The industrial economy is not use of more fossil fuels. Physically speaking, as was known in Marx’s circular, it is more and more entropic. The economy also exhausts the time (Martinez-Alier, 1987), energy is dissipated, not accumulated. The “funds” or renewable resources like fisheries and the fertility of the soil, "productive forces” of the fossil fuels are not developed, they are lost for destroys biodiversity, it turns the natural water cycle in part into a ever. Environmental conflicts are caused by the fact that the industrial hydro-social cycle. The capitalist industrial economy has a voracious economy is entropic, continuously reaching the new “commodity appetite for fresh supplies. If we take 100 million of barrels of oil today, extraction frontiers” (Moore, 2000) and the waste disposal frontiers. tomorrow again, and again, because the oil (the coal, the gas) is burnt This process is helped (but not primarily caused) by resource forever. commodification that undermines common goods. It is helped also by The EJAtlas collects ecological distribution conflicts (EDC), a term the unequal distribution of land and the concentration of political power coined (Martinez-Alier, 1995b; Martinez-Alier and O’Connor, 1996) to in a few hands. Hence the growth in the number of EDC, and as a describe social conflicts born from the unfair access to natural resources response the growing strength of the environmental justice movement and the unjust burdens of pollution. Environmental gains and losses are which in its cultural expressions displays a plurality of values. distributed in a way that causes conflicts. We were inspired by the term “economic distribution conflicts” in political economy that describes 10. Iconography of environmental justice conflicts between capital and labour (profits vs. salaries), or conflicts on prices between sellers and buyers of commodities, or conflicts on the Apart from what we call “statistical political ecology” based on the interest rate to be paid by debtors to creditors. The terms EJAtlas (Scheidel et al., 2020; Temper et al., 2020), there is another socio-environmental conflict or EDC can be used interchangeably comparative approach to do research on and with the environmental depending on whether the framing of the same event is socio-political or justice movement, and this is to look at its cultural expressions in the economic. The term EDC stresses the idea that the economic approach form of banners, murals, slogans, documentaries. While the ultimate based on economic compensation for negative externalities is inade­ causes of collective protests are the growth and changes in the social quate in general (although it might be appropriate in some civil court metabolism (flows of energy and materials), such protests exhibit cul­ cases for damages, (Rodríguez-Labajos and Martinez-Alier, 2013). The tural and symbolic elements that we gather in the EJAtlas. What is unequal or unfair distribution of environmental goods and evils is not invisible and silenced in the official press becomes visible and audible in always coterminous with “economic distribution” such as, for instance, the iconography of spontaneous or organized demonstrations within the rents paid by tenant farmers to landlords, or the international terms of limits of what state and company violence will tolerate and the partic­ trade of an exporting economy, or claims for higher wages from mining ipants’ fear allows. I give here a few more examples. or plantation labour unions opposing company owners. EDC is then a Consider for instance the current conflict against the Pan American term for collective claims against perceived environmental injustices. Silver mine in Chubut, Argentina. The “Navidad” mining project is one For instance, climate change is perceived as causing the receding of of the largest silver deposits in the world. While local inhabitants reject glaciers in Bolivia and Peru or sea level rise in some Pacific islands or in the project, the national government and mining companies are pressing 12 J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 for changes to the law that prevents its exploitation. The banner (Fig. 9, The industrial economy goes to the extraction frontiers to get new one essential element in social protests, together with shouted slogans, resources and it deposits the waste anywhere (the atmosphere, oceans, leaflets, murals, documentaries, songs) states that the place where the rivers and soils). Even a non-growing industrial economy would need mine is located (the meseta patagónica) should not be a “sacrifice zone”, a “fresh” materials and energy because energy is dissipated and materials term used by the USA environmental justice movement (Lerner, 2010). are recycled only to a small extent. Hence so many conflicts. The EJAtlas The source for Fig. 9 is “No a la mina”, initially a local movement and is basically an archive of EDCs that took place in the last decades or are now a well-known webpage in South America born in the Esquel conflict taking place right now at commodity extraction frontiers or at waste in 2000, where a new institution was born, the public anti-mining disposal frontiers. The EJAtlas is a product of the global grassroots consultation (imitating Tambo Grande in Peru) . (Walter and Urkidi, counter-movement for environmental justice, and at the same time a 2017). Notice also the small banners announcing the two “Lof” taking tool for researching its contemporary history across world regions and part in the complaint. Lof is the basic social organization of the Mapuche cultures. After eight years of academic and activist work the EJAtlas is peoples (in Chile and Argentina), a familial clan or lineage recognizing now recognised as a tool useful in the field of comparative, statistical the authority of a Lonko. Consider now (Fig. 10) the banners at the political ecology (Scheidel et al., 2020; Temper et al., 2020) and for commemoration of Gloria Capitan, shot dead in July 2016 opposing the university teaching in several countries (Walter et al., 2020). construction of a coal stockpile as leader of a local anti-coal movement Political ecology studies EDC, and it puts biophysical reality and member of the Philippine Movement for Climate Justice. Katar­ (increased material and energy flows, climate change, increased HANPP ungan means “justice”. She was 57 years old, a leader of the Coal-Free and loss of biodiversity) and the environmentalism of the poor and the Bataan Movement and the President of United Citizens of Lucanin As­ indigenous at the centre of politics. Instead, mainstream environmental sociation (Samahan ng Nagkakaisang Mamamayan ng Lucanin), sociology, political science and neoclassical environmental economics opposing the operation and expansion of coal plants and storage facil­ still hold fast to Inglehart’s notion that “the poor are too poor to be ities in the Mariveles neighbourhood. Here local collective grievances green”. Environmentalism is supposed to grow in the so-called “post- and complaints were linked to a global call for climate justice. materialist” affluent societies, and ecological modernization and tech­ Many anti-nuclear movements starting in the 1970s appear in the nological improvements will hopefully come to the rescue, with EJAtlas. Organizations giving information over the years (such as WISE) increasing incomes making pollution follow a “Kuznets curve” and also are quoted. The symbol of a smiling sun and the slogan “No Nukes” achieving at least relative dematerialization of the economy. Moreover, became known worldwide. Consider for instance Fig. 11 from Jiangsu. the environment will improve by public policies. Bottom up protests are The protest took place in 2016 in Jiangsu against a Sino-French project deemed irrelevant by analysts and marginalized and repressed by the involving the Areva corporation. This particular banner has no smiling state and corporations. sun, it says “For the next generation, refuse construction of the nuclear On the other hand, the traditional Left shared the view that appre­ waste plant”. The accident of Fukushima was invoked, and possibly ciation for the environment is a luxury of the rich; economic growth is some of the activists were also well informed about the stopping of the supposed to be more important for the masses than biodiversity loss and Creys-Malville fast breeder reactor in France in 1980 and other nuclear climate change. As a consequence, the voices of the poor and the conflicts in France and elsewhere. indigenous asking for socio-environmental justice are not heard. Gayatri Spivak’s "Can the Subaltern Speak?" questioned the ability of the 11. Conclusion silenced, colonised, invisible groups to make their voices heard without distortion. The marginalised groups referred to as “subaltern” by Spivak The conflicts mentioned in this article are related to metal mining, cannot be heard because they cannot speak across the enormous gulfs of fossil fuels and climate justice, nuclear energy, industrial pollution, land coloniality, patriarchy and racism which certainly exist in the world. and biomass grabbing, hydropower. The available descriptions in the “When the subaltern speaks there is not enough infrastructure for people EJAtlas, the banners, also the murals, slogans, songs, and documentaries to recognise it as resistant speech” (Lahiri, 2011). The EJAtlas is such an recorded or mentioned in the EJAtlas show that many complaints are infrastructure, a living open-access archive and a modest loudspeaker “glocal” (Swyngedouw and Cox, 1997) . They have local roots and carry for what is called “subaltern environmentalism”. global parallels and implications. When an indigenous group manages to stop a conflictive mining Fig. 9. La meseta no es zona de sacrificio. Chubut (No a la mina). Lucrecia Wagner 2020. https://ejatlas.org/conflict/navidad-mine-of-pan-american-silver-chubut- argentina. 13 J. Martinez-Alier The Extractive Industries and Society 8 (2021) 100883 Fig. 10. Coal kills in Bataan, Philippines (Source: https://ejatlas.org/conflict/coal-mining-leading-to-the-killing-of-gloria-capitan). Coal kills locally and globally. Fig. 11. https://ejatlas.org/conflict/thousands-protest-against-proposed-nuclear-reprocessing-plant-in-lianyungang-jiangsu-china. “For the next generation, refuse construction of the nuclear waste plant”. Against a nuclear waste reprocessing plant. (Juan Liu, ICTA-UAB). project, one could say that their actions speak louder than words. It is mobilization, and whether the outcome is of success or failure in stop­ not so difficult to hear subdued or strong movements for environmental ping projects and in changing policies, and not so much the names of justice across the world, offering similar types of complaints against ephemeral or lasting organizations. Through the EJAtlas we discover dispossession and contamination caused by the growth and changes in indigenous populations (sometimes “refugees” at the frontiers of com­ social metabolism (concomitant with the operations of the industrial modity extraction) who are often protagonists of such struggles economy), similar commodities, similar pollutants and health impacts, (Scheidel et al., 2020; Temper et al., 2020). In their case, their proud similar social actors and allies, similar forms of mobilization and also of names are important because indigenous identity is one of their main repression when confronting similar public or private companies. All of instruments of self-defence after centuries of colonization exacerbated these movements, no doubt, with local characteristics. For instance, the by the growth of the global social metabolism (Hanaček et al., 2020, for meanings of women’s environmental activism (Agarwal, 1992) are the Arctic). similar but somewhat different across the world, as reflected in the Unfair ecological distribution is inherent to capitalism, defined by EJAtlas (Tran et al., 2020). Kapp (1950) as a system of cost-shifting. In environmental neoclassical Protest actions give birth to social movements (local, “glocal”, and economics, the preferred terms are “market failure” and “externalities”, sometimes international), rarely aligned with political parties, and a terminology implying that through forced commensuration such ex­ resting sometimes in already existing organizations or creating new ternalities would be valued in monetary terms and internalized into the short-lived ones. 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