sustainability Article Options to Support Sustainable Trajectories in a Rural Landscape: Drivers, Rural Processes, and Local Perceptions in a Colombian Coffee-Growing Region Diego Valbuena 1, *, Julien G. Chenet 2 and Daniel Gaitán-Cremaschi 3 1 Land Use Planning Group, Wageningen University, P.O. Box 9101, 6700 HB Wageningen, The Netherlands 2 Environmental Management Group, Facultad de Ingeniería, Universidad Ean, Bogotá 110211, Colombia; jgchenet@universidadean.edu.co 3 Institute of Environmental Science and Technology, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 08193 Barcelona, Spain; Daniel.Gaitan@uab.cat * Correspondence: diego.valbuena@wur.nl Abstract: Trajectories of many rural landscapes in Latin America remain unsustainable. Options to support sustainable rural trajectories should be comprehensive and rooted in the interests of rural actors. We selected a municipality in a coffee-growing region in Colombia with an increasing urban–rural nexus to describe interactions between rural processes and their drivers while iden- tifying and contextualising the perceptions of local actors on major constraints and opportunities for more inclusive and sustainable rural trajectories. We described these interactions by combining secondary data on main drivers, agricultural census data, and interviews with different local actors.  Changes in population structure, volatility in coffee prices, in-/out-migration, deagrarianisation, and  rurbanisation, among others, are reconfiguring the rural trajectories of the study area. Despite not Citation: Valbuena, D.; Chenet, J.G.; being a major coffee region, farmers in the study area have developed different strategies, including Gaitán-Cremaschi, D. Options to intensification, diversification, replacement or abandonment of coffee production, and commerciali- Support Sustainable Trajectories in a sation. The perceptions of local actors and the multiplicity of agricultural households, food/land Rural Landscape: Drivers, Rural use systems, rural processes, and drivers described in this study suggest that more sustainable rural Processes, and Local Perceptions in a transitions need to be supported by inclusive, integrated, and transformative landscape planning Colombian Coffee-Growing Region. approaches that align with local priorities. However, this transformation needs to be accompanied Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026. https:// by changes at a systemic level that address the fundamental bottlenecks to real sustainability. doi.org/10.3390/su132313026 Keywords: family farming; urban–rural nexus; integrated landscape management; land use planning; Academic Editor: Teodor Rusu Latin America Received: 5 October 2021 Accepted: 19 November 2021 Published: 24 November 2021 1. Introduction Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral Trajectories of many rural landscapes in Latin America remain unsustainable in spite with regard to jurisdictional claims in of the pressing need to reduce and mitigate the negative impact of human activities on published maps and institutional affil- the environment while improving the wellbeing of the rural population [1,2]. Habitat iations. transformation, soil erosion, environmental pollution, and climate change, among others, affect not only the livelihoods and adaptive capacity of the (local) communities, but also the biodiversity and provision of essential ecosystem services such as climate mitigation and water regulation [3,4]. Copyright: © 2021 by the authors. These rural trajectories are shaped by the (re)action of local communities to socio- Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. economic and environmental drivers and by local processes interacting at different spatial This article is an open access article scales [5,6]. For example, land use decisions on agricultural commodities depend on the distributed under the terms and interaction between more distant or global drivers (e.g., international markets, climate conditions of the Creative Commons change) and local processes such as migration, deagrarianisation, agricultural intensifi- Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// cation, land use simplification and diversification, and environmental degradation and creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ restoration [3,7–9]. The influence of the socio-economic and environmental drivers on 4.0/). these rural processes is shaped by the increasing connection of the rural landscapes to Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026. https://doi.org/10.3390/su132313026 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/sustainability Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 2 of 20 urban centres, which not only offers access to services, social diversity, labour markets, and physical connectivity, among others (i.e., urban-rural nexus) [9], but can also escalate the competition for essential resources such as land, water, food, and labour [10,11]. Specifically, coffee landscapes across Latin America are undergoing rapid transfor- mations, with changes in coffee varieties, management of shade and inputs, and/or land use [12]. The culture, identity, and livelihoods of many communities remain directly or indirectly dependent on coffee production and its commercialisation [8,13]. Yet, the conti- nuity of coffee production in the region is under pressure due to decreases in profitability, the high volatility of coffee prices, lack of adequate technical support, and the effects of climate change, among others [14–16]. Many smallholder coffee farmers are therefore facing mounting economic pressure to intensify and/or replace coffee production. Yet, smallholder agroforestry coffee production and commercialisation have the potential to improve rural livelihoods while maintaining essential ecosystem services [8,17]. For ex- ample, although still limited, new niche economies have flourished, demanding multiple services from coffee-growing regions, such as leisure/tourism, nature conservation, and healthy and sustainable food production, that have the potential to benefit the producer, the consumer, and the environment [18,19]. However, information about how, where, and why these changes in coffee-growing regions are occurring, and what the perceptions of local actors are towards the processes behind these trajectories, is often missing. Without a more detailed understanding of the interactions between drivers, rural processes, and local perceptions, it is difficult to identify which trajectories in coffee landscapes are beneficial for rural livelihoods, for climate change mitigation and adaptation, and for sustainable development more broadly. It also makes it difficult to identify which types of policies, programmes, or investments may be needed to promote more sustainable rural landscapes [12]. Colombian coffee-growing regions exemplify the need to understand and improve the sustainability of their trajectories [20,21]. For example, local communities are vulnerable, with nearly half of rural households still considered poor [22]. At the same time, agricul- tural intensification and diversification have resulted in a reduction in agroforestry systems and coffee plantations in some coffee-growing regions in Colombia [20]. For this study, we selected as an example a municipality in a coffee-growing region located close to a major urban centre to describe how rural processes and their drivers shape the rural trajectories in this area and to contextualise the perceptions of local actors on the main constraints and opportunities for fostering more inclusive and sustainable rural landscapes. This study combines the analysis of secondary (historical) data and semi-structured interviews with local actors to draw a broad picture of the current and future potential and preferred rural trajectories in a region where coffee is still part of the identity of the rural community and the landscape. 2. Methods 2.1. Study Area 2.1.1. Description of the Study Area This study was conducted in Guayabal de Síquima (GdS), a municipality with 12 vil- lages located in the province of Cundinamarca in the centre of Colombia (see Figure 1). The municipality has an altitude of approximately 1600 m above sea level and it is located 69 km from the capital city, Bogotá. GdS is part of one of the seven coffee-growing regions in Cundinamarca, where coffee is produced in more than half of the municipalities and con- tinues to be part of the income of 31,000 families [23]. In GdS, 77% of the population lives in rural areas [24]. The local economy is largely dependent on the agricultural sector, which is dominated by smallholders producing food mostly for self-consumption combined with coffee and sugar cane production for the market. Dairy production and poultry farming are also part of the land use and local economy. We selected this municipality because it represents the situation of many other municipalities in Colombia: a rural region with a Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 farming are also part of the land use and local economy. We se 3 of 20 because it represents the situation of many other municipalities gion with a strong urban–rural nexus where agriculture (and coff strong urban–rural nexus where agriculture (and coffee) production is still an important important component of the rural livelihoods and land use. component of the rural livelihoods and land use. Figure 1. Location Figure 1. Location of de of Guayabal Guayabal de Síquima. Síquima. Uppercase Uppercase text and dark textthe red lines represent andnamesdark red and borders and borders of villages. of villages. Numbers Numbers and contour linesand contour represent altitude lines represent in metres altitude in above sea level. 2.1.2. A Brief History of Coffee Production in the Region Cundinamarca 2.1.2. was one of of A Brief History theCoffee first provinces where large-scale Production in the coffee production Region began in the second half of the 19th century in Colombia [25]. Originally, coffee production dependedCundinamarca on large haciendas with wassemi-servile one of the first labour, provinces reflecting where large-sca the high economic and political inequality in the region [26]. The first decades of the 20th century witnessed a gan in the in transformation second half ofinthe coffee production 19thThe Colombia: century in Colombia bulk of coffee plantations moved[25].to Origi depended the central areas onof thelarge Andes, haciendas family farmingwith began tosemi-servile labour,instead dominate coffee production reflecting of the haciendas, and the National Federation of Coffee Growers of Colombia (FNCC by its political abbreviation in inequality in the region Spanish) was consolidated [27,28]. [26]. The first decades of the 20 After the 1980s, anin transformation outbreak coffee of production coffee rust in the country (Hemileia vastatrix) in Colombia: The bulkled theof coff FNCC to promote new coffee varieties resistant to rust, cultivated in more medium- and the central large-scale areas intensive of thesystems production Andes, family with less farming shade/trees and at began relatively to domina higher altitudes, reconfiguring the landscape in many coffee-growing stead of the haciendas, and the National Federation of Coffee Grow areas in the country [20,27]. At the same time, the processes of industrialisation and urbanisation created a more by its urban–rural complex abbreviation structureinin Spanish) wasinconsolidated some coffee regions terms of migration, [27,28]. labour demand, and transportation [27]. The transition to the 21st century experienced a drop in coffee After the 1980s, an outbreak of coffee rust in the country (H prices that resulted in rural poverty, violence, and poor governance in many coffee-growing FNCC regions into thepromote country [29,30].new To coffee varieties mitigate the decreasingresistant to rust, local and global demand cultivate of previous years, the FNCC launched a programme in 2009 to promote domestic coffee large-scale intensive production systems with less shade/trees an consumption [31]. In the last decades, improvements in infrastructure and better access to titudes, informationreconfiguring the landscape and communication technologies (ICT) arein manythecoffee-growing redefining urban–rural nexus area At the same time, the processes of industrialisation and urbanisat plex urban–rural structure in some coffee regions in terms of mig and transportation [27]. The transition to the 21st century exper Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 4 of 20 in some of these coffee-growing areas (e.g., increasing in-/out-migration, better access to urban markets) [32]. 2.2. Data Collection and Analysis Three main complementary analyses were conducted. Initially, the general dynamics of major drivers affecting the study area were described. Furthermore, the main land- use patterns and coffee farming were described for the area. Lastly, local actors were interviewed to identify the main constraints and opportunities for fostering more inclusive and sustainable rural landscapes, from their perspective. 2.2.1. Dynamics of Rural Processes and Their Drivers Secondary historical, administrative, and census data were collected in early 2020 to understand and contextualise the different tendencies of the rural processes and their drivers. Changes in the population structure were studied to understand the dynamics of the local population. Farm number and size were included to describe the process of farm fragmentation and rurbanisation. The amount of area, productivity, intensification (i.e., conversion from traditional and old to new plantations), and price variability of the coffee were used to contextualise the dynamics of coffee production of the study area. These data were spread across different organisations, available at different levels (provincial and/or municipal) and across different time spans. To understand the population dynamics, we obtained historical data on urban and rural population, and population structure from the census data (available years 1985, 2005, and 2018) from the National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE by its abbreviation in Spanish). For the calculation of farm fragmentation, data on the number of farms, total farm area, and average farm size were collected and calculated from the Statistical Yearbooks of the Planning Office in Cundinamarca (years 2000 to 2018). To study past tendencies of coffee areas (years 2007 to 2017), coffee production and intensification (years 2002 to 2019) in Cundinamarca and GdS, and national coffee prices (years 2000 to 2019), data were extracted from both the Annual Agricultural Yearbook of the Ministry for Agriculture and Rural Development and the Statistical Yearbooks of the FNCC. Coffee prices for the internal market were represented with constant prices (that is, converted to USD relative to December 2019), combining the historical National Bank exchange rate (https://www.banrep.gov.co, accessed on 10 February 2020) and the historical monthly Consumer Price Index (https://federaciondecafeteros.org/wp/estadisticas-cafeteras/, accessed on 5 February 2020). A monthly coffee price difference was calculated to plot the variability of coffee prices. This difference was calculated as the percentage of the monthly price that changed in the following month. 2.2.2. Land Use and Coffee Farming in Guayabal de Síquima Analyses of land use and coffee farming in the municipality were conducted to give a better understanding of ongoing rural processes in the study area. This analysis was based on data from the most recent National Census of Agriculture conducted in 2014. These data included socio-economic and agricultural information at the farm level, such as family and farm sizes and main land uses, including coffee, other crops, grassland, and forested areas, among others. Farm data were aggregated at the village level to better understand the variability of land use and coffee farming in the 12 villages of the study area. The analysis on land use included not only the main uses/cover of each village, but also the agricultural area, the number of farms, the share of the smallholdings (<2 ha), the livestock number and density, and the importance of coffee in terms of the share of coffee farms and area. The analysis on coffee farming included the number of farmers, their age, farm size, the area of the farm covered by coffee, whether coffee was associated with other vegetation cover and/or livestock, and whether they had had problems with drought in the previous year. Data manipulation and descriptive analyses of the census data were performed in RStudio. Sustainability 2021, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 20 Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 5 of 20 combining informal 2.2.3. Rural Processesdiscussions with local actors together with explorative analysis of the and Local Options main drivers. Interviews were conducted at the beginning of 2020, with 17 coffee farmers, A set of 29 semi-structured interviews was conducted to obtain an overview of the per- 6 former ceptioncoffee of localfarmers, actors onand 6 community coffee farming andleaders. Themain production, interviews tookrural constraints, place in 6 villages, processes, including Chiniata, el Trigo, Manoa, Pajonal, Picacho, and Pueblo Viejo and opportunities to move towards a more inclusive and sustainable rural landscape. The (see Figure 1). The selection of participants main options was based and statements includedoninthe snowball these sampling interviews technique, were preselected byin which the in- combining terviewee informalsuggests discussions other withpotential local actorsinterviewees. together with explorative analysis of the main drivers. Interviews Questions were conducted included at the beginning information aboutofhousehold 2020, with 17 andcoffee farmfarmers, 6 former structure, coffeecoffee produc- farmers, tion and 6 community and constraints, level leaders. The interviews of agreement took place in or disagreement on6 farming villages, including (Likert scale), Chiniata, whether el Trigo, they thought Manoa, Pajonal, Picacho, the preselected ruraland Pueblo would processes Viejo (see Figure 1). continue, The and selection open questions of participants was based on the snowball sampling technique, in which the interviewee on their views and potential options to address these processes in the future (i.e., increased suggests other potential interviewees. rural–urban migration, Questions includeddeagrarianisation, information about intensive householdpoultry and farmproduction, abandonment structure, coffee produc- of coffee production, rurbanisation, deforestation, and water scarcity). For data tion and constraints, level of agreement or disagreement on farming (Likert scale), whether analysis and due to thought they the agricultural and socioeconomic the preselected contrasts, rural processes would the and continue, 17 coffee farmers on open questions were theirsubse- quently views divided into 11 and potential localtofarmers options addressnative to the study these processes area in the and(i.e., future 6 migrant increasedfarmers rural– who urbanfrom moved migration, urbandeagrarianisation, centres to live and intensive work inpoultry production, the region. abandonment Descriptive of coffee analyses were con- production, rurbanisation, deforestation, and water scarcity). For data ducted to examine the data on household and farm characteristics, coffee production, analysis and due and to the agricultural and socioeconomic contrasts, the 17 coffee farmers their level of agreement or disagreement, and a thematic method was followed to code were subsequently divided into 11 local farmers native to the study area and 6 migrant farmers who moved and group the answers of the interviewees on the potential future options. from urban centres to live and work in the region. Descriptive analyses were conducted to examine the data on household and farm characteristics, coffee production, and their level 3. Results of agreement or disagreement, and a thematic method was followed to code and group the 3.1.answers Rural Processes and Drivers of the interviewees on the potential future options. 3. Analysis Results of the rural processes and their drivers, in the study area and across the province, provided 3.1. Rural Processes aand context Driverson patterns and/or trends in population structure (Figure 2), farm fragmentation, coffee area, productivity, intensification, and price variability, at dif- Analysis of the rural processes and their drivers, in the study area and across the ferent scalesprovided province, (Figure a3).context In terms of the population on patterns patterns, and/or trends the proportion in population and size structure (Figure 2),of the rural and urban population did not change dramatically in the last few decades farm fragmentation, coffee area, productivity, intensification, and price variability, at (Figure 2a).different However, the(Figure scales age structure of the 3). In terms of population went the population from being patterns, expansiveand the proportion in the size 1980s to aofmore the rural and urban stationary population population did not in structure change dramatically the late in the2b). 2010s (Figure lastThis few means decadesthat it (Figure shifted 2a). aHowever, from young and the age structure growing of the population population wentstatic to a more fromone being expansive without in thedomi- a clear 1980s to a nant age range. more stationary population structure in the late 2010s (Figure 2b). This means that it shifted from a young and growing population to a more static one without a clear dominant age range. Figure Figure 2. Population 2. Population structure structure andand changesininGuayabal changes Guayabal de de Síquima: Síquima:(a)(a)urban vs.vs. urban rural; (b) (b) rural; age age groups. Source: groups. DANE Source: DANE https://www.dane.gov.co/files/censo2018/informacion-tecnica/CNPV-2018-Poblacion-Ajustada-por-Cobertura.xls https://www.dane.gov.co/files/censo2018/informacion-tecnica/CNPV-2018-Poblacion-Ajustada-por-Cobertura.xls (accessed (ac- onon cessed 2121 January 2020). January 2020). Farm fragmentation has been a constant process during the last two decades. The number of farms increased by 10% and the average farm size decreased to less than 2.5 ha (Figure 3). Between 2002 and 2018, the coffee area in Cundinamarca dropped from 64,000 to 37,000 hectares. This also represented a reduction in the share of Cundinamarca in the total coffee area in Colombia from 6.4% in 2002 to only 3.4% of the national area in 2018 (Figure 4). This reduction was accompanied by coffee intensification (i.e., rust-re coffee varieties, higher coffee tree density, and greater use of inputs), reducing trad coffee systems from 36% to 6% of the total coffee area in Cundinamarca. In relation Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 establishment of new plantations, coffee productivity slightly decreased6 of in202017, re 0.4 ton/ha in the study area and 0.8 ton/ha in Cundinamarca (Figure 5). Sustainability 2021, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 2 (Figure 4). This reduction was accompanied by coffee intensification (i.e., rust-resistan coffee varieties, higher coffee tree density, and greater use of inputs), reducing traditiona coffee systems from 36% to 6% of the total coffee area in Cundinamarca. In relation to th establishment of new plantations, coffee productivity slightly decreased in 2017, reaching 0.4 ton/ha in the study area and 0.8 ton/ha in Cundinamarca (Figure 5). Figure 3. Changes in the number and the size of the farms in GdS. Source: Cundinamarca Secretary for Figure 3. Changes in the number and the size of the farms in GdS. Source: Cundinamarca Se Planning http://www.cundinamarca.gov.co/Home/SecretariasEntidades.gc/Secretariadeplaneacion/ for Planning http://www.cundinamarca.gov.co/Home/SecretariasEntidades.gc/Secret SecretariadeplaneacionDespliegue/asestadisticas_contenidos/csecreplanea_estadis_anuario (accessed planeacion/SecretariadeplaneacionDespliegue/asestadisticas_contenidos/csecreplanea_esta- on 30 January 2020). dis_anuario (accessed on 30 January 2020). Farm fragmentation has been a constant process during the last two decades. The number of farms increased by 10% and the average farm size decreased to less than 2.5 ha (Figure 3). Between 2002 and 2018, the coffee area in Cundinamarca dropped from 64,000 to 37,000 hectares. This also represented a reduction in the share of Cundinamarca in the total coffee area in Colombia from 6.4% in 2002 to only 3.4% of the national area in 2018 (Figure 4). This reduction was accompanied by coffee intensification (i.e., rust-resistant Figure 3. Changes in the number and the size of the farms in GdS. Source: Cundinamarca Secretar coffee varieties, higher coffee tree density, and greater use of inputs), reducing traditional for Planning http://www.cundinamarca.gov.co/Home/SecretariasEntidades.gc/Secretariade coffee systems from 36% to 6% of the total coffee area in Cundinamarca. In relation to the planeacion/SecretariadeplaneacionDespliegue/asestadisticas_contenidos/csecreplanea_esta- establishment of new plantations, coffee productivity slightly decreased in 2017, reaching dis_anuario 0.4 ton/ha in(accessed the studyon 30 and area January 2020). in Cundinamarca (Figure 5). 0.8 ton/ha Figure 4. Changes in the relative and total coffee area in Cundinamarca between 2002 an Classes of intensification levels: (i) young intensified coffee with rust-resistant varieties an less than 9–12 years of being planted; (ii) old intensified coffee with rust-resistant varieties bu than 9–12 years and mid/high densities (≥2500 coffee trees per ha); (iii) traditional coffee v with low planting densities (<2500 coffee trees per ha). Source: FNCC https://federacio eteros.org/wp/estadisticas-cafeteras/ (accessed on 5 February 2020). Figure 4. Changes in the relative and total coffee area in Cundinamarca between 2002 and 2019. Changes Figure in coffee 4. Changes prices and in the relative the coffee and total monthly area fluctuations in Cundinamarca in the domestic between 2002 andmarke 2019 Classes of intensification levels: (i) young intensified coffee with rust-resistant varieties and with less Classes evident of intensification levels: (i) young intensified coffee with rust-resistant varieties and wit than 9–12andyears reflected the (ii) of being planted; continuous old intensifiedvariations in both the coffee with rust-resistant global varieties but market older than price a less than 9–12 years of being planted; (ii) old intensified coffee with rust-resistant varieties but olde value of the 9–12 years andCOP against mid/high the(≥USD densities (Figure 2500 coffee trees 6). per This price ha); (iii) oscillation traditional indicated coffee varieties with a high than 9–12 years and mid/high densities (≥2500 coffee trees per ha); (iii) traditional coffee varietie bility with in the low planting low potential densities planting economic (<2500 coffee treesbenefits densities of coffee per ha). Source: (<2500 coffee trees per ha).production. The potential impact FNCC https://federaciondecafeteros.org/ Source: FNCC https://federaciondecaf wp/estadisticas-cafeteras/ (accessed on 5 February 2020). variability also depends on the synchronicity of high coffee prices during the harve eteros.org/wp/estadisticas-cafeteras/ (accessed on 5 February 2020). son and the capital needs of farmers. For example, although coffee prices during th Changes vest season in in thecoffee studyprices areaand the monthly (April to June) fluctuations in thehigh were relatively domestic market in 2014 and wer 201 were relatively low between 2015 and 2017, and in 2019. The combination tho evident and reflected the continuous variations in both the global market price and value of the COP against the USD (Figure 6). This price oscillation indicated a high varia bility in the potential economic benefits of coffee production. The potential impact of thi Sustainability 2021, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 economic variability and environmental uncertainty can pose a risk to farmers 7 of 20 whos lihood largely depends on coffee production. Sustainability 2021, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW economic variability and environmental uncertainty can pose a risk to farmers whos lihood largely depends on coffee production. Figure 5. Changes in the total coffee area in GdS and productivity (total harvested area/total production) Figure 5. Changes in the total coffee area in GdS and productivity (total harvested area/tot for Cundinamarca and GdS. Source: EVA https://www.datos.gov.co/Agricultura-y-Desarrollo-Rural/ duction) for Cundinamarca and GdS. Source: EVA https://www.datos.gov.co/Agricultura-y- Evaluaciones-Agropecuarias-Municipales-EVA/2pnw-mmge (accessed on 30 January 2020). rollo-Rural/Evaluaciones-Agropecuarias-Municipales-EVA/2pnw-mmge (accessed on 30 Ja 2020). Changes in coffee prices and the monthly fluctuations in the domestic market were evident and reflected the continuous variations in both the global market price and the value of the COP against the USD (Figure 6). This price oscillation indicated a high variability in the potential economic benefits of coffee production. The potential impact of Figure 5. Changes this variability alsoindepends the total oncoffee area in GdS the synchronicity of and highproductivity (total harvested coffee prices during the harvestarea/tot duction) for Cundinamarca season and the capital needsand GdS. Source: of farmers. EVA https://www.datos.gov.co/Agricultura-y- For example, although coffee prices during the rollo-Rural/Evaluaciones-Agropecuarias-Municipales-EVA/2pnw-mmge harvest season in the study area (April to June) were relatively high in 2014 and (accessed 2018, theyon 30 Ja were 2020). relatively low between 2015 and 2017, and in 2019. The combination of high economic variability and environmental uncertainty can pose a risk to farmers whose livelihood largely depends on coffee production. Figure 6. Changes in coffee price and monthly price difference of the internal market in U tween 2000 and 2019. Source FNCC https://federaciondecafeteros.org/wp/estadisticas-cafetera cessed on 21 January 2020). 3.2. Land Use in Guayabal de Síquima Analysis of the agricultural data from the census at the village level reveale Figure 6. Changes in coffee price and monthly price difference of the internal market in USD Figure 6.structure overall Changes of in land coffeeuse price and and monthly farming in price difference the study area of the internal (Table 1). Themarket in U agricultura between 2000 and 2019. Source FNCC https://federaciondecafeteros.org/wp/estadisticas-cafeteras/ tween 2000 and 2019. Source FNCC https://federaciondecafeteros.org/wp/estadisticas-cafeter sus did not (accessed on 5cover the2020). February total area of the municipality, including three quarters of eac cessed on 21 January 2020). lage, 3.2. except Land Usefor Trinidad, in Guayabal which covered less than half of the area. Most of the rep de Síquima land (91%) and Analysis farms ofGuayabal (75%) were the agricultural data agricultural from the census holdings. Thislevel at the village pattern wasthe revealed less evid 3.2. Land Use in de Síquima some villages overall (i.e., structure of Centro, land use Mesitas, and farmingPueblo in theViejo, study Resguardo, area (Table 1).andTheRobledal), agriculturalwhere a Analysis census a quarter did theof ofnot thethe cover farms agricultural totalno had area of data from the including the municipality, agricultural activity,census atthree indicating theaquarters village process oflevel each of reveale deagrari overall village,structure tion andexcept for of land The Trinidad, rurbanisation. use whichand farming covered census in less than data the also study half of thearea showed area. (Table that Most of1). a largetheThe agricultura reported portion of farm susland did(91%) not and coverfarmsthe(75%) totalwere areaagricultural of the holdings. municipality, This pattern including was less three evident quartersin of eac 63%, were smallholdings smaller than 2 ha. These smallholdings also dominated ( lage,small the except for Trinidad, villages of Centro,which covered Mesitas, less than and Resguardo, half Robledal. of the area. One Most thirdof of thethe rep land (91%) with andpoultry intensive farms (75%) were agricultural production were in a singleholdings. This village pattern was (Mesitas), whereasless evid oth lages (El Trigo, Picacho, and Resguardo) reported none. Similarly, cattle productioa some villages (i.e., Centro, Mesitas, Pueblo Viejo, Resguardo, and Robledal), where Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 8 of 20 some villages (i.e., Centro, Mesitas, Pueblo Viejo, Resguardo, and Robledal), where almost a quarter of the farms had no agricultural activity, indicating a process of deagrarianisation and rurbanisation. The census data also showed that a large portion of farms, i.e., 63%, were smallholdings smaller than 2 ha. These smallholdings also dominated (>80%) the small villages of Centro, Mesitas, Resguardo, and Robledal. One third of the farms with intensive poultry production were in a single village (Mesitas), whereas other villages (El Trigo, Picacho, and Resguardo) reported none. Similarly, cattle production was also concentrated only in few villages. Almost a third of the reported cattle production was concentrated in El Trigo. Centro, Manoa, Resguardo, and Torres reported low numbers and density of cattle. Table 1. Main land use and population characteristics per village. Source: DANE agricultural census data 2014. Reported Share of Tot. Agric. Agric. Chicken Cattle Village Farms Farms < 2 ha Cattle Density Area * Area ** Area *** Farms *** Farms Herd No./ha % % % No. % % No. No. GRASSLAND Centro 100 2 79 178 56 90 2 28 0.91 Chiniata 89 10 99 199 93 55 1 294 1.78 El Trigo 73 14 98 236 94 50 0 666 2.14 Manoa 76 15 80 154 75 39 4 99 0.76 Mesitas 77 4 79 297 49 83 11 172 3.64 Pajonal 87 11 98 183 93 48 1 308 2.63 Picacho 95 7 94 110 75 62 0 281 2.36 Pueblo Viejo 94 16 90 340 70 64 6 195 0.80 Resguardo 97 2 83 112 63 83 0 9 0.50 Robledal 86 2 93 138 67 84 2 116 2.18 Torres 88 11 96 133 91 59 1 6 0.12 Trinidad 43 4 93 98 83 69 5 69 1.44 Total 81 98 91 2178 75 63 33 2243 1.68 * Reported agricultural area compared to the total area of each village. ** It does not add up to 100% because it does not include urban centres. *** Reported any agricultural activity. The census data also showed that the study area was characterised by multiple uses and covers, including cropland (coffee, sugar cane, plantain, banana, maize, papaya, avocado), grassland, small patches of forests, and other covers/uses such as fallow lands and secondary vegetation (Figure 7a). Villages with a higher altitude and a relatively larger proportion of grassland, such as El Trigo and Picacho, also had higher cattle densities, whereas most of the agricultural land in Torres was at a lower altitude and dominated by sugar cane production. Other covers and uses in some villages reached up to a third of the surveyed agricultural area. Furthermore, reported forested areas covered only 3% of the farmland, suggesting a high level of landscape transformation. The data analysis also showed that, despite not being part of the main coffee-growing regions of the country for decades, coffee was still part of the landscape structure and farm production in the study area (Figure 7b). Coffee plantations covered 15% of the total surveyed area, reaching more than 20% of the land in some villages, while being limited in villages with more marginal agroecological conditions to produce coffee at predominantly higher altitudes (such as El Trigo with prevalent dairy and maize production) and lower altitudes (such as Torres with prevalent raw sugar production). Similarly, villages with more suitable agroecological conditions (such as Resguardo, Mesitas, and Pueblo Viejo) had relatively more (>47%) coffee farms compared to villages at a lower altitude (such as Manoa and Chiniata (30%), where sugar, cane, and maize were also dominant crops. ity 2021, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 9 of 20 Figure 7. (a) Land use and (b) spatial distribution of coffee farmers and coffee areas in the different villages in the study ure 7. (a) Land use and (b) spatial distribution of coffee farmers and coffee areas in the different villages in the stud area. Source: DANE agricultural census data 2014. a. Source: DANE agricultural census data 2014. 3.3. Coffee Farming in Guayabal de Síquima: Agricultural Census Data 3.3. Coffee Farming in Guayabal Agricultural census datadeanalysis Síquima: Agricultural provided Census further details Datafarming in the on coffee study area (Table 2). In 2014, a quarter of the farmers were still producing coffee. Al- Agricultural though only 53% census data of these analysis farmers reportedprovided their age infurther the census,details on suggest these data coffeethatfarming study area (Tableheads household 2). Inover 2014, a quarter 60 years of thealmost old managed farmers half were still producing of the coffee coffee. Alth farms, particularly in villages with fewer coffee farmers, such as Centro, El Trigo, Picacho, Robledal, and only 53% of these farmers reported their age in the census, these data suggest that h Trinidad. Additionally, the data show that a large part (68%) of the coffee farmers were hold heads over 60 and smallholders, years halfold of allmanaged coffee farmersalmost reliedhalf of the on family coffee labour, farms, reaching particularly more than lages with fewer coffee farmers, such as Centro, El Trigo, Picacho, Robledal, 60% of all the coffee farms in Mesitas, Robledal, and Trinidad. Coffee plantations and Trin still covered more than three quarters of the farm in many of Additionally, the data show that a large part (68%) of the coffee farmers were smal these holdings and were often associated with other crops such as plantain, banana, and other fruit trees. Some coffee ers, andfarmers half ofalso allhad coffee farmers poultry production relied (15%)onandfamily managedlabour, reaching pigs and/or more cattle (18%). than 60% Finally, the coffee onefarms third ofin Mesitas, the Robledal, coffee farmers reportedand Trinidad. drought problemsCoffee in 2013, plantations still covered particularly in Pueblo Viejo, Resguardo, and Pajonal. than three quarters of the farm in many of these holdings and were often associated Table 2. Averageother crops land use data andsuch as plantain, socio-economic data bybanana, strata per and other selected coffee fruit farms. trees. Someagricultural Source: DANE coffee farmers als poultry production (15%) and managed pigs and/or cattle (18%). Finally, one third census data 2014. coffeeFarmers Coffee farmers Farms reportedFamdroughtLabour problems Coffee > in 2013, particularly Coffee Pork and in Drought Pueblo Viejo Village Chickens Farmers > 60 yrs * < 2 ha > 50% 75% Area Associated Cattle Problems guardo, and Pajonal. No. % % % % % % % % Centro 32 58 88 53 63 72 13 16 13 le 2. Average land use56data and19socio-economic Chiniata 63 data46by strata per 80 selected93 coffee farms. 5 Source: 20 DANE 36 agricultura El Trigo sus data 2014. 12 67 42 50 75 100 42 42 17 Manoa 34 57 44 15 91 91 18 18 35 Mesitas 72 46 89 65 76 58 14 17 28 CoffeePajonal Farm- Farmers 57 Farms34 39 Coffee > 75% 44 61 Coffee68 Associ- 18 32Pork and40 e Picacho 29 64 Fam Labour 76 > 50% 45 83 76 Chickens 14 28 Cattle 38 Drought Pr ers > 60 yrs * < 2 ha Area ated Pueblo Viejo 113 46 66 42 81 76 19 14 48 No. Resguardo %37 % 44 % 78 51 % 89 %81 5 % 11 % 43 % Robledal 37 67 86 62 78 73 8 5 o 32 58 88 53 63 72 13 16 35 13 Torres 14 14 57 7 50 93 14 0 14 a 56 Trinidad 1926 63 64 46 73 62 80 73 93 96 31 5 35 20 38 36 o 12Total 67519 42 47 68 50 47 75 77 77 100 15 42 18 42 36 17 a 34 57 44 * Data 15 available only for 53% 91of the surveyed farms. 91 18 18 35 s 72 46 89 65 76 58 14 17 28 l 57 34 39 44 61 68 18 32 40 o 29 64 76 45 83 76 14 28 38 iejo 113 46 66 42 81 76 19 14 48 do 37 44 78 51 89 81 5 11 43 Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 10 of 20 3.4. Coffee Farming in Guayabal de Síquima: Interviews with Farmers The farmers interviewed for this study differed in terms of their background and available resources (see Table 3). Almost half of the interviewees were over 60 years old. Household sizes ranged between one and five members and farm surface area ranged between 0.3 and 8.3 hectares. Almost half of the local coffee farmers and the majority of the other respondents reported off-farm income. In comparison to the other respondents, local coffee farmers indicated more food self-sufficiency due to their own food production. Nevertheless, they purchased additional food and goods in the neighbouring and cheaper large urban centres (such as Facatativá and Bogotá), instead of buying in the local shops. More than half of the interviewees said that they had a small poultry production for both their own consumption and for sale. Table 3. Average land use and socio-economic data. Source: farmer interviews. Categories Variable Unit Local Coffee Migrant Coffee Former Coffee Farmers Farmers Farmers Interviewees No. 11 6 6 More than 60 years old % 55 50 33 Household members people 2.3 ± 0.8 2.8 ± 1.5 2.7 ± 1.2 Farm size ha 3.1 ± 1.3 3.5 ± 1.8 4.4 ± 2.7 * With off-farm income % 46 100 83 Amount of food produced on farm % 40 24 36 * Purchasing goods in city % 90 100 n.a. Poultry production % 55 83 83 Technical support % 27 17 n.a. Member of the FNCC % 73 33 n.a. Coffee area % area 64 ± 28 49 ± 22 50 ± 28 Coffee income % income 37 ± 30 18 ± 10 n.a. Organic production % 18 50 n.a. Improved varieties % 90 67 n.a. Shaded coffee % area 79 ± 34 58 ± 49 n.a. Direct coffee selling % 45 50 n.a. Part unprocessed selling % 36 33 n.a. n.a.: not applicable. * Included only five households keeping their farms. In terms of coffee production, three quarters of the local coffee farmers belonged to the FNCC. However, less than a quarter reported receiving any technical support on their farms. Compared to migrant farmers, local coffee farmers reported managing relatively larger areas of coffee with improved varieties under agroforestry systems (with shade) and obtaining a higher proportion of their income from selling coffee. Out of the five organic coffee farmers, only two used organic fertilisers to increase production, and only one had a certification in organic production. In fact, they mentioned that there was an organic farming association, but it collapsed due to the lack of trust and power imbalances among its members. Lastly, about half of the coffee farmers reported that they had the capacity to invest and sell processed coffee to family and friends, often based in Bogotá. Looking at the constraints reported on coffee production, 75% of coffee farmers indi- cated that high input costs and low coffee prices were their main constraints. Other issues mentioned included the lack of affordable and competent labour, poor technical support, variable weather conditions (i.e., lack of rain or alternative water sources when needed, or excessive humidity to dry coffee beans under the sun), and the disproportionately ad- vantageous role of intermediaries. The constraints of high production costs and low coffee prices were the main reasons why all the former coffee farmers had abandoned coffee and changed their production systems. In fact, a third of the coffee farmers had to sell their beans cheaply because they were either still on the tree or had not been dried well yet. In this way, farmers could obtain some cash needed to pay their expenses, losing on their Sustainability 2021, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 20 Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 11 of 20 coffee plantation with grassland and annual crops, and were not willing to produce coffee again within the current context. They all agreed that their quality of life had improved after leaving coffee production behind. investment but saving time and labour. Finally, former coffee farmers replaced their entire The farmers interviewed differed in their perceptions of farming and land use in the coffee plantation with grassland and annual crops, and were not willing to produce coffee municipality again within(Figure 8). Most the current of them context. Theyagreed all agreedthatthat they would their remain quality of life(coffee) farmers, that had improved chemical fertilisers after leaving coffeewere good behind. production to increase coffee production, and that they would be in- terestedThein farmers becoming organic farmers interviewed differed inif their they perceptions were givenoftechnical farming and support. Most land use of them in the disagreed that fewer municipality (Figuretrees meant 8). Most ofbetter agricultural them agreed production, that they would remain that non-productive (coffee) farmers, areas thatofchemical were no use, fertilisers and that wereit wasgood to increase better not to becoffee production, associated with andother that they would farmers. Their per- be interested in becoming organic farmers if they were given technical ception regarding the remaining statements was more diverse. Specifically, some of support. Most of them them disagreed that fewer trees meant better agricultural production, responded that the FNCC is an important organisation to support coffee production, few that non-productive areas were of no use, and that it was better not to be associated with other farmers. Their of them preferred their children working on the farm, some of them found that chemical perception regarding the remaining statements was more diverse. Specifically, some of pesticides are beneficial, them responded and ais third that the FNCC of them an important prioritised organisation coffee quantity to support over quality. coffee production, Lastly, few ofsome them farmers preferredwere ambivalent their children in aon working fewtheof their farm, statements, some specifically of them found those con- that chemical cerning benefits of the intensive poultry production for the region (“it pesticides are beneficial, and a third of them prioritised coffee quantity over quality. Lastly, generates jobs but pollutes the environment some farmers and damages were ambivalent theofroads”) in a few and thosespecifically their statements, concerning thosetheconcerning role of trees in benefits of production agricultural the intensive (“too poultry fewproduction trees are not fordesired, the region too generates but(“it many trees jobstend but pollutes the coffee to decrease environment production”). and damages the roads”) and those concerning the role of trees in agricultural production (“too few trees are not desired, but too many trees tend to decrease coffee production”). FigureFigure 8. Number 8. Number of (former) of (former) coffee coffee farmerswho farmers who(a) (a) disagreed disagreed or or(b) (b)agreed with agreed each with statement. each * Replaced statement. by “farmer” * Replaced by “farmer” for the former coffee farmers. ** When the former coffee farmers still grew coffee. Source: farmer interviews. for the former coffee farmers. ** When the former coffee farmers still grew coffee. Source: farmer interviews. 3.5. Current Rural Processes: Perceptions and Opportunities for Local Actors 3.5. Current Rural Processes: Perceptions and Opportunities for Local Actors The local actors interviewed indicated that the ongoing rural processes in the study area Thecontinue would local actors interviewed (Figure 9a). Initially,indicated thatmigration they expected the ongoing rural to cities processes to continue in the because of study area would continue (Figure 9a). Initially, they expected migration the limited economic opportunities for young people in the countryside. They also consideredto cities to continue because of the that more city limited dwellers economic would continueopportunities buying farmsforinyoung people their search for in the countryside. quality of life and/or They also considered leisure. that moreofcity This dichotomy dwellers in- and would continue out-migration buying by was summarised farms in their search an interviewee as for follows: “The citizens are tired from the city and the villagers are tired from quality of life and/or leisure. This dichotomy of in- and out-migration was summarised the countryside”. Interviewees as by an interviewee also agreed “The follows: that local farmers citizens werefrom are tired too the old city or tooandtired the to continue villagers are tired farming. For example, as one farmer stated, “The old generations are disappearing, and from the countryside.” their heirs are simply selling the land to people coming from the city for recreational Interviewees also agreed that local farmers were too old or too tired to continue farm- purposes”. They also believed that less water would be available in the near future due to ing. For example, decreased supplyas one and farmer demand. increased stated, “The The old generations complexity of thisare disappearing, process was described and their heirs are simply selling the land to people coming from the city for by an interviewee as follows: “There will be less water available because of resource recreational purposes.” They also believedincreasing mismanagement, that less demand, water would climatebechange available and in morethepollution”. near future due to decreased In contrast, few supply and increased demand. The complexity of this process was described by an inter- viewee as follows: “There will be less water available because of resource mismanage- ment, increasing demand, climate change and more pollution.” In contrast, few Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 12 of 20 interviewees thought that intensive poultry farms would remain the same because of the current regulation or because those farms are not located in their villages. Similarly, only a few of them considered that coffee production would remain the same because it is already absent in their village. Lastly, most interviewees anticipated that current regulations would Sustainability 2021, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 13 of 20 not effectively limit deforestation in the region in terms of the current reduction in the coffee area and increased grassland and urbanisation. Figure Figure 9. Interviewees’ 9. Interviewees’ opinions: opinions: (a) agreement (a) agreement on on current current andand future future trends trends (only (only oneone option option per per respondent),and respondent), and(b) (b) possible possible optionsoptions for improvement for improvement (more(more than than one option one option per per respondent). respondent). Source: Source: farmer farmer interviews. interviews. The interviewees proposed different alternatives to better orient the current rural 4. Discussion processes (Figure 9b). To limit migration to the city, allow for a generational turnover in To contextualise family farming, andand keepunderstand the agriculturalcurrent trajectories, sector alive in thethe municipality, rural processes and the dy- respondents namics identified for the study area are compared to other suggested multiple options, such as combining education, better training, government rural landscapes and coffee- growing regions in Latin America. Subsequently, potential options support, credits, and other economic incentives to improve the local social and economic identified by local ac- tors to better options support of young andinguide adults the future agricultural trajectories production, of the region processing, are discussed. marketing, and agritourism. For example, as one interviewee mentioned, “There is a need to create training programmes to 4.1.support Dynamicsyoung offarmers Rural Processes to come back and to use the land sustainably”. In results The relationoftothis intensive poultry production, study illustrate the need forinterviewees more integrated mentioned theapproaches territorial need for measures to ensure compliance with (sometimes existing) regulation that account for multiple interacting rural processes. Regarding the challenges and oppor- and planning, as essential mechanisms to limit and/or spatially concentrate its expansion while reducing tunities of the increasing rurbanisation and in-/out-migration observed in the study area its negative impact (i.e., air and water pollution, road damage). They also indicated that (i.e., urban–rural nexus), Berdegué et al. [9] explained how most rurality in Latin America besides technical advice and economic incentives to support coffee farmers (e.g., subsidies, is now located between highly urbanised centres and remote rural regions. In this now- better and stable coffee prices, lower input costs, FNCC programmes for smallholders), they dominant needed new rurality, ensuring and related more integrated approaches, including and inclusive changing theurban–rural vision of thelinkages (e.g., city farm towards a region food systems, decent job opportunities for youth) is essential family business, combining agricultural and non-agricultural activities (e.g., agritourism for the sustainable development and catering), and trajectories switching of rural regions to varieties (old and/orin Latin new)America differentandthanelsewhere [9,33]. Like- those promoted by wise, related to the youth migration and rural population the FNCC, and (continuing) selling directly to consumers (i.e., more investment in aging described in the study coffee area, Wong quality, and Palloni processing, and[34] showed that marketing). many A local regions expert in Latin referred to thisAmerica as “a needare forfacing similar empowering challenges, with the farmers to organise andfastest manageaging rate asina the their farm world business, drivennew searching by specialized urbanisation coffeeprocesses, markets, . . . andmigration, (youth) fostering a sensechangesof belonging in health to and the land and the region”. education, declining fertility rates, and increas- The issue of city dwellers buying ing life expectancy, among others [35,36]. Furthermore, farms for (hobby) agricultural production the identified and leisure processes of rural was more controversial. deagrarianisation Some respondents and increased pluriactivity saw ofthishouseholds as a threat to(both the agrarian/rural agricultural identity and non- of the region, agricultural) in requiring this studystrong have regulation and/or education also been reported of newcomers in other regions in Latinregarding Americafood as an production, garbage/noise pollution, and deforestation. important response of family farmers to an agricultural system in crisis and/or In contrast, other respondents the emer- (including those who were migrants) perceived it as an alternative to improve quality gence of new labour and market opportunities [37–43], reaffirming the multifunctionality of life and provide new sources of innovation and economic opportunities, including of rural landscapes across the region and the need for more integrated landscape manage- tourism and other services (e.g., computer and Internet services). Yet some interviewees ment initiatives [44,45]. recognised some of the trade-offs: “People from the cities will demand more water, but at the same Similarly, the processes they can provide new jobs forof the rurbanisation and Finally, local population”. farm fragmentation they mentioned described more optionsin the study area are to increase treeshaping the land use cover, biodiversity, and in water manyavailability/use, rural regions, particularly including land foruse those close to planning, large urban centres. Gómez-Contreras [46] described how increased connectivity and/or proximity together with the expansion of urban demand for second homes have increased land prices and reinforced rurbanisation processes around Bogotá and even throughout Cundinamarca, where the study site is located. A consequence of these rural processes is Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 13 of 20 strict regulations on tree cover protection along water bodies, reforestation programmes (including multipurpose trees) and incentives, and the design of innovative policies that benefit both tree cover increases and future use. For example, as one interviewee mentioned, “Land use planning in the municipality should be based on water availability, while aiming at restoring key watersheds for improved water quantity and quality”. 4. Discussion To contextualise and understand current trajectories, the rural processes and the dynamics identified for the study area are compared to other rural landscapes and coffee- growing regions in Latin America. Subsequently, potential options identified by local actors to better support and guide the future trajectories of the region are discussed. 4.1. Dynamics of Rural Processes The results of this study illustrate the need for more integrated territorial approaches that account for multiple interacting rural processes. Regarding the challenges and opportu- nities of the increasing rurbanisation and in-/out-migration observed in the study area (i.e., urban–rural nexus), Berdegué et al. [9] explained how most rurality in Latin America is now located between highly urbanised centres and remote rural regions. In this now-dominant rurality, ensuring more integrated and inclusive urban–rural linkages (e.g., city region food systems, decent job opportunities for youth) is essential for the sustainable development and trajectories of rural regions in Latin America and elsewhere [9,33]. Likewise, related to the youth migration and rural population aging described in the study area, Wong and Palloni [34] showed that many regions in Latin America are facing similar challenges, with the fastest aging rate in the world driven by urbanisation processes, (youth) migration, changes in health and education, declining fertility rates, and increasing life expectancy, among others [35,36]. Furthermore, the identified processes of rural deagrarianisation and increased pluriactivity of households (both agricultural and non-agricultural) in this study have also been reported in other regions in Latin America as an important response of family farmers to an agricultural system in crisis and/or the emergence of new labour and market opportunities [37–43], reaffirming the multifunctionality of rural landscapes across the region and the need for more integrated landscape management initiatives [44,45]. Similarly, the processes of rurbanisation and farm fragmentation described in the study area are shaping the land use in many rural regions, particularly for those close to large urban centres. Gómez-Contreras [46] described how increased connectivity and/or proximity together with the expansion of urban demand for second homes have increased land prices and reinforced rurbanisation processes around Bogotá and even throughout Cundinamarca, where the study site is located. A consequence of these rural processes is that a substantial increase in land prices can marginalise local communities, limit traditional agricultural activities, and reinforce processes of deagrarianisation [47]. In contrast, the growing demand within the regions and from major urban centres for specific commodi- ties (e.g., poultry and dairy production) has facilitated the intensification of agricultural production of those specific commodities, bringing new economic opportunities but also additional environmental challenges in dynamic and better-connected rural regions [48–50]. Finally, the lack of clear regulations and adequate governance has often led to unsustain- able trajectories in many rural regions because of increased demand for limited resources (particularly land and water), environmental pollution (e.g., water pollution, garbage disposal, and pesticide misuse), and reduced tree cover across the landscape [17,48,51–53]. Given the limited spatial extent of this research, future studies could analyse more and/or contrasting case studies to confirm and provide a more detailed analysis on the synergies and trade-offs between different rural processes. 4.2. Main Dynamics of Small-Scale Coffee Farmers In the case of coffee production, the results of this study also show the diversity of the rural households and land use systems within these regions. Although the study area Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 14 of 20 has not been part of the main coffee production regions in Colombia for decades [54], it continues to share similar dynamics to coffee farmers and landscapes elsewhere. On the one hand, changes in land use/cover for the study area can be placed in a more general trajectory of many coffee-growing regions that includes three main stages: coffee expansion, intensification, and abandonment [55]. Firstly, coffee is introduced and expanded, often causing the transformation of forested areas to agroforestry systems [20,27]. Secondly, coffee intensification is promoted due to the interaction of global demand, large price fluctuations, and national policies within a narrowed paradigm of merely economic profit, causing a replacement of many of these diverse multi-strata agroforestry systems by simple and denser coffee plantations with a few scattered (fruit) trees [8,55–58]. Lastly, coffee production is abandoned or replaced due to low and unstable profit margins, reduced access to (affordable) labour, limited institutional support, climate variability/change, and/or the emergence of alternative agricultural/labour markets [6,21,59–61]. On the other hand, Harvey et al. [12] described seven major land use trends in coffee- growing regions in Latin America, including the conversion to rust-resistant varieties, the conventional intensification of coffee production, the conversion of coffee plantations to other agricultural uses, and the urbanisation of coffee landscapes. Although the study area as a whole may be abandoning coffee production, as mentioned by Perfecto et al. [55], and/or could be described as a mixed of trends identified by Harvey et al. [12], the results of this study also show that the stages can be seen as different trajectories of individual coffee farms, where some farmers continue to produce coffee in agroforestry systems, others have intensified and simplified their coffee systems to achieve a higher productivity, and still other farmers have replaced or abandoned production. Likewise, this study also identifies some key differences in livelihood strategies among farmers that often define their future trajectories and that are also found in other coffee- growing regions [62–65]. For example, farmers with a direct connection to the consumer had the economic incentive to maintain agroforestry systems and invest in improving the processing and quality of the coffee. Farmers who worked closely with the FNCC intensified their production through better access to technical support and incentives. Farmers who came from or had a strong connection to the cities often had access to some non-agricultural income, relying on coffee production as an alternative (economic) activity. Given the reduced number of farmers interviewed, a next research step would be to confirm and better understand the diversity in the trajectories of households, farms, and agroecosystems to identify more targeted options. Specifically, the abandonment of coffee production is related to the vicious circle (as observed by some interviewees) of low profit, lack of timely capital, limited investment in coffee quality, low coffee prices, and even lower profit, which is also common for many smallholders in other coffee landscapes [14]. A possible alternative to break this circle is the implementation of social and ecological certification schemes that compensate farmers for improved quality of the product and more sustainable landscape management [60,66,67]. However, as evidenced by the example of the failed organic certification association in the study area, these instruments need to be carefully designed to support both rural livelihoods and the environment [54,64,68,69]. For example, Guhl [70] found that although the implementation of a scheme in another coffee-growing area in Colombia seemed profitable for the farmers and good for the environment, it mainly benefited better endowed farmers, excluding smallholders. To avoid this, the design of certification schemes needs to avoid high transaction costs, uneven distribution of additional value created, and burdensome requirements for smallholders [54,67,70]. However, given the underlying rural processes and drivers that influence the trajectories of coffee-growing regions, the findings of this study suggest that certification schemes are promising tools that should be part of a broader integrated approach to ensure that their expected impact promotes more inclusive and sustainable development [71,72]. This study also illustrates how farmers make use of short supply chains to partly break the vicious circle mentioned above. Specifically, the combination of a stronger urban– Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 15 of 20 rural nexus, including urban personal connections and a local demand for higher quality coffee, enabled some smallholders to shorten the supply chain and access a relatively more profitable, informal, but limited direct market for processed coffee beans. However, the direct selling of the interviewed farmers was very informal and it was not part of some of the more structured territorial short food chains described for the region by Reina-Usuga et al. [73]. Moreover, the added value in coffee supply chains is often linked to the export markets, but as Rueda and Lambin [54] described, the institutional support for improving coffee quality in the country is concentrated in other regions, where coffee has distinctive cup profiles. The future, scale, and sustainability of these short supply chains would largely depend on the consumer’s preferences and demand [70]. This indicates that more institutional and technical support is needed to empower farmers and facilitate their access to the territorial supply chains. Another important dynamic is related to the aging population described above. The lack of generational continuity in farming represents a challenge in the future trajectories of many coffee landscapes, even though coffee farmers are proud of their identity and prefer for their children to continue working the land. This lack of generational continuity indicates that if current social, institutional, and economic conditions do not change, many young and often educated (potential) smallholders will continue migrating to the cities, leaving coffee and even farming behind because working the land is not profitable and/or is a hard livelihood [21,74–77]. Although this study highlights the interactions of some major rural processes in coffee-growing regions, future research comparing more cases or including more actors could further examine the trade-offs and synergies of these interactions and what kinds of policies or programmes could foster more sustainable trajectories [12]. 4.3. Potential Options to Improve Current Trajectories The data analysis and interviews with local actors reinforced the call for more inte- grated and inclusive approaches. For instance, the empowerment of and support for family farming would need a combination of different programmes and instruments, such as eco- nomic and technical support, incentives (e.g., microcredits), and education and/or training by the local authorities (the National Training Centre (SENA) and the National Centre for Research on Coffee (Cenicafé, part of the FNCC)), among others. These incentives and programmes should continue to target potential young farmers to stay in rural areas working the land while limiting their permanent migration to the cities and the ongoing deagrarianisation of the region [21,78]. Besides improving their own technical skills and infrastructure, these programmes and incentives should also enable (young) farmers to invest and diversify their land use and labour activities into more profitable and sustainable agricultural and non-agricultural businesses, including coffee quality improvement, direct product sales, processing of agricultural products, and/or agritourism, among others. As suggested by many respondents, this empowerment could be fostered within strengthened and functional farmer cooperatives, as also mentioned in similar studies [78–81]. Inclusive and integrated landscape management approaches are also a main tool to support sustainable trajectories in the region [82]. On the one hand, as in many other rural regions, clear regulations and land use planning that address local needs are essential for comprehensive development of the study area. For example, although local and environmental authorities have restricted the expansion of the industrialised poultry production, it is necessary to concentrate it in a few locations, limiting and facilitating the mitigation of its potential externalities (e.g., water and air pollution, road damages) while ensuring some local jobs and economic revenue. Similarly, based on such a comprehensive land use plan, local authorities could better guide and regulate ongoing processes of rurbanisation, deforestation, and watershed degradation. This could also include the use of incentives and certification programmes to make the production of shade and higher- quality coffee less risky and more profitable in the region, persuading and supporting Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 16 of 20 smallholders to invest, maintain, and/or restore agroforestry production systems and to limit the use of chemical inputs [51,70]. On the other hand, inclusive landscape restoration and sustainable land use processes, as well as educational programmes led by regional environmental authorities (Corpo- ración Autónoma Regional), could also be reinforced throughout the region to consolidate the sustainable use, protection, and/or ecological restoration of priority watersheds and ecosystems. In fact, as Hernández-Peña [83] argued, many of the environmental challenges in these rural regions need to be addressed at a more regional scale by these environmental authorities, while being aligned and/or guiding national and local plans. Further research could consider a broader analysis of the study region with local actors, including the food system as a whole and the construction of a common future vision and scenarios while analysing key trade-offs among prioritised sustainability goals for the entire region [84]. Given the socio-economic and climatic uncertainties in the medium-/long-term viability of coffee [15], this exploration should also consider the potential livelihood and land use alternatives of a future without coffee in the region, while ensuring the provision of key ecosystem services. However, as indicated by Daniels and Petchers [14], supporting family farming and implementing effective regulations are only possible within an enabling and trustworthy local, national, and global institutional context. Specifically, given the central role of the FNCC in promoting and assisting coffee farmers, few respondents felt that it was support- ing them. This perception aligns with other studies, suggesting that the FNCC, regional environmental authorities, and similar organisations across these rural regions could pro- vide better and more comprehensive support to a broader range of coffee farmers and other rural actors [83,85,86]. Additionally, a more structured programme with producer and consumer associations, and other local and regional public and private institutions could aim at strengthening and promoting the region as a sustainable rural landscape, supporting family farmers and local entrepreneurs to invest and transition to family busi- nesses by taking advantage of the growing urban–rural nexus (e.g., sustainable tourism and recreation) and the agricultural identity of the region, and demanding better-quality and -processed coffee, poultry, dairy, and other food products; shortening the food supply chain; and obtaining a fairer income for their products [87]. Further analysis of the institu- tional context and agricultural value-added chains could better inform local policies and programmes to promote more sustainable and profitable agricultural practices. 5. Conclusions The aim of this paper was to illustrate the interaction between rural processes and their drivers in a municipality in Colombia, and to contextualise the perceptions of local actors on the main constraints and opportunities for fostering more sustainable rural landscapes. The analysis of the main drivers, land use, and coffee farm structure, as well as interviews with different actors, allowed us to picture a general overview of the current rural processes and potential future options in the study area. These analyses showed the diversity of the rural households and land use systems within these regions. The multiplicity of interacting actors, food/land use systems, rural dynamics, and drivers described in this study confirm the need for inclusive, integrated, and transformative landscape planning approaches for the sustainable development of rural regions that align with (local) actor priorities [4,7,17,52,88,89]. Although these findings support the results of other studies in similar regions across Latin America, future research could include more and diverse regions, and/or more interviews with local actors to confirm these findings and to develop more specific options for the study area or similar regions. Nevertheless, integrated territorial approaches must be accompanied by changes at a more systemic level that can address the fundamental bottlenecks to truly sustainable transformation in food and land use systems, including reconnecting people with nature, restructuring institutions, and rethinking knowledge creation and use [90,91]. Some inter- viewees referred to this as a “change in consciousness”, where rather than looking at simply Sustainability 2021, 13, 13026 17 of 20 narrow, short-term, and exclusive economic benefits, the rural trajectory of the region must be based on an inclusive, integrated, and long-term vision for quality of life. Author Contributions: Conceptualization, D.V., J.G.C. and D.G.-C.; methodology, D.V.; formal anal- ysis, D.V.; investigation, D.V.; resources, D.V.; data curation, D.V.; writing—original draft preparation, D.V.; writing—review and editing, D.V. and D.G.-C.; visualization, D.V.; funding acquisition J.G.C. and D.V. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript. Funding: The publication of this study funded by the EAN University. Institutional Review Board Statement: The EAN University Research and Transfer did not condiser Consent Statement necessary, because study does not reveal sensitive data of the participants or information that does not allow to safeguard the dignity, rights, safety, and well-being of all current or potential participants in the research. Informed Consent Statement: Not applicable. Data Availability Statement: Publicly datasets analysed during this study included: National Bank exchange rate (https://www.banrep.gov.co, accessed on 10 February 2020); historical monthly Consumer Price Index (https://federaciondecafeteros.org/wp/estadisticas-cafeteras/, accessed on 5 February 2020); local population data (https://www.dane.gov.co/files/censo2018/informacion- tecnica/CNPV-2018-Poblacion-Ajustada-por-Cobertura.xls, accessed on 21 January 2020); farm size data (http://www.cundinamarca.gov.co/Home/SecretariasEntidades.gc/Secretariadeplaneacion/ SecretariadeplaneacionDespliegue/asestadisticas_contenidos/csecreplanea_estadis_anuario, accessed on 30 January 2020); land use data (https://www.datos.gov.co/Agricultura-y-Desarrollo-Rural/ Evaluaciones-Agropecuarias-Municipales-EVA/2pnw-mmge, accessed on 30 January 2020). Acknowledgments: We thank all the local actors who kindly supported us with their time and expertise. 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