arts Article The Anglo-Catalan Connection: The Cult of Thomas Becket at Terrassa—New Approaches Carles Sánchez Márquez * and Joan Soler Jiménez * Department of Art and Musicology, Autonomous University of Barcelona, 08193 Barcelona, Spain * Correspondence: carlos.sanchez.marquez@uab.cat (C.S.M.); joan.soler@terrassa.cat (J.S.J.) Abstract: The wall paintings adorning the south transept apse of Santa Maria at Terrassa are among the most notable surviving items pertaining to the iconography of St. Thomas Becket. Recently found documents in which diplomatic archives reveal English connections are essential for understanding the quick reception of the Becket cult in the Crown of Aragon. The presence of an Anglo-Norman canon—Arveus or Harveus (Harvey)—and his position of scribe during the second half of the twelfth century when Reginald, probably also of English origin, was prior there—seem to be the likely source of inspiration for this project. These English connections, which are essential for understanding the quick reception of the Becket cult in the Crown of Aragon, stemmed from the endeavours undertaken some years earlier south of the Pyrenees by the abbot of Saint-Ruf at Avignon, Nicholas Breakspear, who subsequently became Pope Adrian IV. Keywords: Becket; Saint-Ruf at Avignon; Harvey; Reginald; Breakspear; Augustinian canons   1. Introduction Citation: Márquez, Carles Sánchez, The murder of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Becket, on 29 December 1170, and Joan Soler Jiménez. 2021. The by four knights belonging to the royal circle of Henry II of England, is one of the most Anglo-Catalan Connection: The Cult striking episodes of the European Middle Ages. The brutality of the crime, the miraculous of Thomas Becket at Terrassa—New events that took place around Becket’s tomb and his canonization at the hands of Pope Approaches. Arts 10: 82. https:// Alexander III in March 1173, turned the Saint into an object of great devotion. Miracles doi.org/10.3390/arts10040082 and pilgrims made Canterbury one of the most important pilgrimage sites in the whole of Christendom, almost as popular as Jerusalem, Santiago de Compostela and Rome.1 Academic Editor: Thor J. Mednick The murder in Canterbury Cathedral was the culmination of a dispute between Thomas Becket and Henry II that lasted from 1162 to 1170; a tragic outcome of a volatile Received: 18 October 2021 Accepted: 27 November 2021 relationship that went from friendship to outright conflict, culminating in a heroic death. Published: 30 November 2021 The reason for the dispute was an ideological clash between temporal and spiritual power consisting of a defence of the freedom of the Church of England against ecclesiastical Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral control by the monarchy. with regard to jurisdictional claims in The violence of Becket’s murder, the miracles that occurred by his tomb and the rapid published maps and institutional affil- circulation of the Vita and Miracula contributed to the propagation of the cult of St. Thomas iations. Becket, that extended beyond the borders of England (Duggan 1980, 2012; Slocum 2018). Proof of this are the numerous churches, chapels, altars and hospices dedicated to him throughout Christendom, from the date of his canonization in 1173 until the transfer of his remains to the recently completed Trinity Chapel at Canterbury Cathedral, in 1220. Copyright: © 2021 by the authors. The propagation of the cult in the territories of the Crown of Aragon was closely Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. related to the role of the Augustinian houses, especially those attached to the congre- This article is an open access article gation of Saint-Ruf in Provence, which became one of the main agents for the spread distributed under the terms and of the cult. This was done by means of manuscripts recounting Becket’s life and miracles, conditions of the Creative Commons but also through monumental works of art such as the paintings in Terrassa Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// (Sánchez Márquez 2014, 2017, 2018, 2020, 2021). creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ In regard to the Crown of Aragon, we find two precedents that almost certainly 4.0/). contributed to the emergence of a favourable context for the surprising veneration of the Arts 2021, 10, 82. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts10040082 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/arts lish martyr: on the one hand, the relationship established between Catalonia and England from the middle of the twelfth century thanks to the abbot of Saint-Ruf, Nicholas Break- spear. On the other, the agreements between Ramon Berenguer IV, Count of Barcelona, and Henry II of England, that resulted in an important alliance during the siege of Tou- louse. Arts 2021, 10, 82 2 of 19 In addition to the active role played in the dissemination of the cult by the congrega- tion of Saint-Ruf at Avignon, the agents who were most likely instrumental in the materi- alization of the iconographic cycle of Terrassa were two canons with Anglo-Norman ori- gins: Harvey English martyr: andonmagister the oneReginald. hand, theHarvey, a priest relationship and canonbetween established of Saint-Ruf played Catalonia andan important role in the community of Santa Maria and is known for being England from the middle of the twelfth century thanks to the abbot of Saint-Ruf, Nicholas the most prolific scribe in theOn Breakspear. writing of juridical the other, documents the agreements thereRamon between between 1158 andIV, Berenguer 1201. Weof Count also propose Barcelona, and Henry origin a foreign II of England, for priorthat resulted master in an important Reginald, alliancethe who governed during SantatheMaria siege ofdeToulouse. Terrassa In addition chapter in 1184.to the active role played in the dissemination of the cult by the congregation of Saint-Ruf at Avignon, the agents who were most likely instrumental in the materialization of 2. the iconographic A painted cycleThe Tragedy: of Terrassa were two Hagiographic canons Cycle with Anglo-Norman origins: Harvey of Terrassa and magister The paintings at Santa Maria de Terrassa wereSaint-Ruf Reginald. Harvey, a priest and canon of discoveredplayed on 21anSeptember important 1917, role in the community during the restorationof Santa workMaria andout carried is known inside for the being the mostchurch Romanesque prolificofscribe Santain the Maria writing of juridical documents there between 1158 and 1201. We also propose (Figure 1). This pictorial cycle immediately caught the attention of scholars (Soler i Palet a foreign origin 1917; for Puigprior master Reginald, i Cadafalch who governed 1923; Gudiol the Santa i Cunill 1917, 1927),Maria and de in Terrassa chaptercollector, 1927 a private in 1184. Lluís Plandiura, financed the restoration of the paintings, that were detached and then 2. A painted Tragedy: The Hagiographic Cycle of Terrassa remounted in the apse by Arturo Cividini.2 The Thepaintings Terrassa at Santa Maria paintings de Terrassa are arranged in were threediscovered on 21 September registers, consisting 1917, during of a theophanic im- the restoration work carried out inside the Romanesque church of Santa Maria (Figure 1). age of Christ accompanied by two other figures (in the semi-dome), a hagiographical cycle This pictorial cycle immediately caught the attention of scholars (Soler i Palet 1917; Puig i dedicated to Thomas Becket (central register) and a band of fictive curtains (lower regis- Cadafalch 1923; Gudiol i Cunill 1917, 1927), and in 1927 a private collector, Lluís Plandiura, ter). From an iconographic point of view, the most interesting scenes are those in the cen- financed the restoration of the paintings, that were detached and then remounted in the tral register, depicting the 2 assassination of the Archbishop of Canterbury at the hands of apse by Arturo Cividini. King Henry II’s men (Figure 2).3 Figure 1. Wall paintings at Santa Maria de Terrassa. General view of the chapel. © Photo: Car- les Sánchez. The Terrassa paintings are arranged in three registers, consisting of a theophanic image of Christ accompanied by two other figures (in the semi-dome), a hagiographical cycle dedicated to Thomas Becket (central register) and a band of fictive curtains (lower register). From an iconographic point of view, the most interesting scenes are those in the central register, depicting the assassination of the Archbishop of Canterbury at the hands of King Henry II’s men (Figure 2).3 Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW Arts 2021, 10, 82 3 of 19 Figure 1. Wall paintings at Santa Maria de Terrassa. General view of the chapel. © Photo: Sánchez. Figure 2. Wall paintings at Santa Maria de Terrassa. Detail of the central segment with the martyrdom. © Photo: Carle Figure 2. Wall paintings at Santa Maria de Terrassa. Detail of the central segment with the martyrdom. Sánchez. © Photo: Carles Sánchez. The paintings areThe paintings arranged are arranged in three registers, in three registers, consisting consisting of a theophanic imageof aoftheophanic Christ ima Christ accompanied by two other figures (in the semi-dome), accompanied by two other figures (in the semi-dome), a hagiographical cycle dedicated to a hagiographical cycle Thomas Becket icated (centraltoregister) Thomas and Becket band (central register) of fictive and(lower curtains band of fictive curtains register). Beginning (lower reg Beginning from the left, we see the initial encounter from the left, we see the initial encounter between Thomas, accompanied by Edward Grim between Thomas, accompani Edward and three knights, Grim aand who adopt three knights, threatening who attitude. or hostile adopt a threatening or hostile One of the knights attitude. points a One knights points a finger at the archbishop, finger at the archbishop, while another readies himself to draw his sword. while another readies himself to draw his sw The second scene,Theinsecond scene,depicts the centre, in the the centre, murderdepicts the archbishop of the murder of the archbishop (Figure 3). The(Figure 3 first of the assaulters raises his sword and removes the crown of Thomas’ head, seenhead, see first of the assaulters raises his sword and removes the crown of Thomas’ mediately immediately beneath beneathmitre, the airborne the airborne mitre,lappets from which from which lappets and blood fall,and hereblood fall, here sugg suggested by parallel lines. In this respect, it is worth underling how important Becket’s bloodBecket’s by parallel lines. In this respect, it is worth underling how important was blood for the diffusion of the cult. Pilgrims who visited Canterbury for the diffusion of the cult. Pilgrims who visited Canterbury took away with them small took away with them ampullae made ampullae of lead ormade of lead2009; tin (Jordan or tinKoopmans (Jordan 2009; Koopmans 2016), containing2016), the containing the so-called so-called ‘holy water of Saint Thomas’—a mixture of water and traces water of Saint Thomas’—a mixture of water and traces of blood that had a beneficial effect of blood that had a beneficial onampullae on the sick. These the sick. These might ampullae also carry mightscenesalso carry scenes of Becket's murder, of often Becket's murder, often acco accompanied nied by the tituli referring to his miraculous abilities. by the tituli referring to his miraculous abilities. The English prelate tilts his head The English prelate and tilts his raises his hand, while a second aggressor holds the saint by his chasuble and aims a blow and a and raises his hand, while a second aggressor holds the saint by his chasuble blow to his neck. In an to his attempt to neck. protect InBecket, an attempt Grimtoembraces protect Becket, Grim embraces the archbishop the archbishop a and is wounded in his left arm. wounded in his left arm. The cycle culminates in the right register with the martyr’s body being placed tomb and the ascension of his soul supported by two angels. The shrouded body is p by two characters, and the one on the right also appears in the previous scenes of mo and death, leading us to believe that it is clergyman Edward Grim. Antoni Borfo ( 1992) identified the figure on the left as John of Salisbury, because he was a frie Becket’s and one of the main diffusers of the cult (Borfo 1992). However, Salisbury not present on the night of the murder, so the figure could simply be a Canterbury m Arts 2021, 10, 82 4 of 19 Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 20 Figure 3. Wall paintings at Santa Maria de Terrassa. Detail of the central segment with the assassination of Figure 3. Wall paintings at Santa Maria de Terrassa. Detail of the central segment with the assassina- Thomas Becket. © Photo: Carles Sánchez. tion of Thomas Becket. © Photo: Carles Sánchez. Thecycle The upperculminates part of the in apse theisright dominated registerbywith an image of Christbody the martyr’s in Majesty, enthroned being placed in within a mandorla (Figure 4). Christ blesses two characters the tomb and the ascension of his soul supported by two angels. The shrouded body in accordance with a veryis common placed by twopattern found inand characters, ordination the one on ceremonies. the right also In his hands in appears hethe holds two objects previous scenesthat of have been mockery andidentified with books death, leading or mitres. us to believe thatInit regard is clergymanto the Edward mitres, the artist Grim. omitted Antoni the Borfo representation of the lappets, a feature however that he chose (Borfo 1992) identified the figure on the left as John of Salisbury, because he was a friend ofto include in the depiction of the martyrdom Becket’s and one of the in the main lower register. diffusers of theFor this cult reason, (Borfo it isHowever, 1992). feasible to believewas Salisbury thatnot the objects are books. present on the night of the murder, so the figure could simply be a Canterbury monk. In this The upper scene, partwe are apse of the of theis opinion dominated thatbyThomas an image Becket (on Christ’s of Christ in Majesty, right) and Ed- enthroned ward Grim (on the left) are represented. 4 The fact that Grim was an eyewitness of Becket’s within a mandorla (Figure 4). Christ blesses two characters in accordance with a very common death, found pattern together in with his prominence ordination ceremonies. in the scenes In his hands of the middle he holds two register, objectswould justify that have his been presencewith identified next books to the or Maiestas mitres. Domini. In regard to the mitres, the artist omitted the representation of the The threea registers lappets, of the paintings feature however are separated that he chose to includebyintwo the wide depictionstrips,ofwhich originally the martyrdom in the lower register. For this reason, it is feasible to believe that the objects are books.curtains bore two inscriptions that are partially lost. A third inscription embellished the of the lower In this register scene, we are(Figure of the5). The outlines opinion that Thomasof some Becketletters (on can still right) Christ’s be seen, andgiving Edward the date (on Grim of Becket’s the left) death, December 29: are represented. 4 The‘THOMAS fact that Grim (...) IIII·K(alendas)·IANVARII’. was an eyewitness of Becket’s The third death, inscription together withishis located just below prominence in thethe scene scenes of the of the middlemartyrdom: ‘[TH]OMA register, would justifyBO[NORUM] his presence (damaged next area) [NV]S to the Maiestas S(an)C(t)A PLVS VALET ARTE SUA’.5 Finally, in the folds that Domini. formThethethree curtains, a third registers of theepigraph paintingsisare partially separated preserved: by two wide ‘PROstrips, XR(ist)O…..SPOLIARI which originally NON DUBITAVIT VIVIT QVM (damaged area) [THO]MAS bore two inscriptions that are partially lost. A third inscription embellished QUE(m) SEMP(er) AMAVIT’ the curtains of (Guardia the 1998–1999). lower register 6 (Figure 5). The outlines of some letters can still be seen, giving the date As fordeath, of Becket’s the interpretation December 29:of‘THOMAS the tituli is( .concerned, on the one . . ) IIII·K(alendas) hand the The ·IANVARII’. epigraphs third evoke the is inscription miraculous located just powers belowofthe thescene archbishop (ARTE SUA),‘[TH]OMA of the martyrdom: 7 while on the other, they BO[NORUM] connect his (damaged Vita[NV]S area) and Passio with those S(an)C(t)A PLVS of VALET Christ. This ARTE latter parallel SUA’. 5 Finally,was infrequently the foldsdevel- that oped in texts of the Vitae by authors such as John of Salisbury, form the curtains, a third epigraph is partially preserved: ‘PRO XR(ist)O . . . . . . SPOLIARI who compared Becket’s Passion NON with the sacrifice DUBITAVIT VIVIT QVM of Christ (damagedin Epistle area)303 (Millor etQUE(m) [THO]MAS al. 1979,SEMP(er) pp. 725–38). Hence, AMAVIT’ the inclusion (Guardia of scenes 1998–1999). 6 of the Passion of Christ in some Limoges enamelled caskets (Staun- ton 2012, pp. 184–215). Arts 2021, 10, 82 5 of 19 Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 20 Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 20 Figure 4. Figure 4. Wall Wall paintings paintings at at Santa Santa Maria Maria de de Terrassa: Terrassa: the the chapel’s chapel’shalf-dome. half-dome. © © Photo: Photo: Carles Carles Sánchez. Sánchez. Figure 4. Wall paintings at Santa Maria de Terrassa: the chapel’s half-dome. © Photo: Carles Sánchez. Figure 5. Paintings at Santa Maria de Terrassa. Inscriptions in the lower register. © Photo: Carles Sánchez. Figure 5. Paintings at Santa Maria de Terrassa. Inscriptions in the lower register. © Photo: Carles Sánchez. Figure 5. Paintings at Santa Maria de Terrassa. Inscriptions in the lower register. © Photo: Carles Sánchez. Arts 2021, 10, 82 6 of 19 As for the interpretation of the tituli is concerned, on the one hand the epigraphs evoke the miraculous powers of the archbishop (ARTE SUA),7 while on the other, they connect his Vita and Passio with those of Christ. This latter parallel was frequently developed in texts of the Vitae by authors such as John of Salisbury, who compared Becket’s Passion with the sacrifice of Christ in Epistle 303 (Millor et al. 1979, pp. 725–38). Hence, the inclusion of scenes of the Passion of Christ in some Limoges enamelled caskets (Staunton 2012, pp. 184–215). 3. The Canonry of Santa Maria de Terrassa The Romanesque church of Santa Maria de Terrassa was consecrated on the first of January 1112 (Figures 6 and 7). In the following year, on 18 October 1113, Bishop Ramon Guillem of Barcelona donated the church of Santa Maria de Terrassa to the congregation Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 20 Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW of Saint-Ruf at Avignon and its abbot Oleguer, and a community of Augustinian canons 7 of 20 belonging to the priory of Sant Adrià de Besòs was establish there (Puig et al. 2001, doc. 104).8 Figure 6. Church of Santa Maria de Terrassa. © © Photo: Carles Sánchez. Figure 6. Church of Santa Maria de Terrassa. Terrassa. Photo: Carles Sánchez. Figure 7. General view of the See of Egara with the church of Santa Maria de Terrassa on the right. © Photo: Badia/Casa- Figure Figure 7. General 7. General view viewof ofthe theSee SeeofofEgara Egara with with thethe church church of Santa of Santa Maria Maria de Terrassa de Terrassa onright. on the the right. © Photo: © Photo: Badia/Casa- Badia/Casanova, nova, Museu de Terrassa. nova, MuseuMuseu de Terrassa. de Terrassa. Nevertheless, the Nevertheless, the Christian Christian conquest conquest of of Tortosa Tortosa and and the the arrival arrival in in Catalonia Catalonia of of highly highly influential members influential members of of the the mother mother house house of of Saint-Ruf Saint-Ruf at at Avignon Avignon brought brought aa halt halt to to this this process of decline. While we cannot be entirely sure that Nicholas Breakspear himself, process of decline. While we cannot be entirely sure that Nicholas Breakspear himself, the the abbot of Saint-Ruf, passed through Terrassa on his way to Tortosa in 1148, it abbot of Saint-Ruf, passed through Terrassa on his way to Tortosa in 1148, it is highlyis highly Arts 2021, 10, 82 7 of 19 It is necessary to place the foundation of the Canonry of Santa Maria de Terrassa in the context of the Catholic Church’s Gregorian Reform which, since 1059, had concentrated all efforts on correcting the life of the clergy. In the case of the Catalan counties, the implementation of the Gregorian Reformation was related directly to the congregation of Saint-Ruf at Avignon. Saint-Ruf became the forerunner of the spirit of the Gregorian Reform on the Iberian Peninsula during the 12th century (Vones-Liebenstein 1996). From that time onward, Saint-Ruf’s influence was two-fold: firstly, by introducing Augustine’s Rule and its missals and customs, that extended to the majority of new canonries founded in the country without legal dependency on the Provençal abbey (l’Estany, Sant Joan de les Abadesses, Cardona, Tortosa and La Seu d’Urgell, among others),9 and secondly, through the priories founded directly by Saint-Ruf in Catalonia. In this way, many Catalan canonries accepted the tutelage of Saint-Ruf at Avignon and remained connected to the Provence community; for example, Santa Maria de Besalú (1084), Sant Adrià de Besòs (ca. 1090), Sant Pere de Castellnou (late eleventh century), Santa Maria de Terrassa (1113), Santa Eulàlia del Camp (1155) and Sant Ruf of Lleida (1155). Some of these houses were founded directly by canons from the Provençal abbey. This was the case of Bishop Bertran of Barcelona (1086–1095), with origins in Saint-Ruf, to whom the foundation of Sant Adrià de Besòs is attributed. Around the year 1090, he refounded Sant Adrià de Besòs as a priory so that those members of the Barcelona chapter who wished to do so could establish themselves there following the Rule of St. Augustine. This foundation was highly problematic, since during much of its existence, it was subject to a tug of war between the Sant Adrià del Besòs house and Saint-Ruf at Avignon and the See of Barcelona regarding who was really in charge. The creation of the Santa Maria de Terrassa canonry served to resolve these disputes (Soler 2017). In 1113, Bishop Ricard Guillem of Barcelona maintained the dominicature of Saint Adrian, but sent the members of this congregation to Santa Maria de Terrassa. The aim of this transfer was to strengthen Gregorian Reform on the site of the ancient Episcopal See of Ègara, where for many years the clergy resisted the breakup of their families and the loss of their property in benefit of the Church. Furthermore, with their connivance, some secular magnates had built houses, barns, silos and other buildings occupying the sagreres (sacred spaces surrounding churches), thereby enjoying special protection. With the establishment of the Santa Maria de Terrassa canonry, the Church sought to recover this land in a long but inexorable process that lasted throughout the entire 12th century. As the canonry slowly gained power and prestige, secular power was obliged to seek new spheres of political and commercial influence. As we shall see, it is important to take this context into account in order to understand how the paintings devoted to St. Thomas Becket came about. Between its creation and the year 1123, the canonry underwent an initial rise to prominence. The documentation conserved reveals a progressive recovery of property and income that had previously passed into secular ownership, which considerably increased the patrimony of the canonry as well as its social and political influence. However, this initial momentum declined during the 1130s and 40s, when secular power regained some of its hold over the sagreres. The canonry appeared to be weaker, with priors who found it difficult to boost their interests, to the extent that in 1140, they even considered the possibility of disbanding the canonry and moving the canons to another monastery. Nevertheless, the Christian conquest of Tortosa and the arrival in Catalonia of highly influential members of the mother house of Saint-Ruf at Avignon brought a halt to this process of decline. While we cannot be entirely sure that Nicholas Breakspear himself, the abbot of Saint-Ruf, passed through Terrassa on his way to Tortosa in 1148, it is highly probable that he did.10 The Santa Maria canonry was, in fact, undergoing restructuring at that time, which w proven by the concession of different papal bulls devoted precisely to strengthening control over the sagreres and the management of the cemeteries around Santa Maria against the encroachment of secular interests. The first bull was issued by Athanasius IV (1154) and the second by Adrian IV (1155). It was precisely during the Arts 2021, 10, 82 8 of 19 priorate of Guerau I, the first prior to enjoy a relatively stable period of government, when this restructuring was consolidated. In order to complete a powerful juridical corpus, in 1158 Count Ramon Berenguer IV assigned to Saint-Ruf all the assets located in his domains, especially in Besalú, Terrassa and Lleida, and also ordered that the Church and the members of the Order of Saint-Ruf should be honoured and respected throughout his realm. After Guerau I, it is necessary to mention the importance of prior Pere de Balbs, who in 1168 emerged as the new governor of the canonry. This prior exercised a lengthy tenure that lasted until 1183. Pere de Balbs was the son of an influential family with close ties to the church of Santa Maria de Besalú which led to an association of mutual collaboration with Santa Maria de Terrassa that lasted until the end of the century. His priorate is particularly notable for the increase in the patrimony of the canonry. It was at this time that the expression “prior Terracie dictus” became widely used, which illustrates the ecclesiastic primacy of the office, with the concomitant patrimonial and de facto power. The “prior of Terrassa” eventually became a highly influential ecclesiastic authority of considerable calibre, and thus a voice that could not be ignored or excluded from any decision-making process. One may say without any doubt that the period between 1168 and 1183 was the most resplendent for Santa Maria in every respect. It is no coincidence, therefore, that between 1177 and 1183, documentary evidence provides testimony of the many architectural projects undertaken at Santa Maria de Terrassa and the parish of Sant Pere. This work was continued to a lesser degree until at least 1186, during the priorates of magister Reginald and his successor Ramon. We therefore find a period of nine years, between 1177 and 1186, of significant investment and architectural undertakings, a time of splendour that gave rise to highly favourable circumstances for the execution of the Thomas Becket cycle. During this time, steps were taken to strengthen the moral and socio-economic prestige of the canonry that outstripped secular power in Terrassa. There is no doubt that the production of the pictorial cycle devoted to Saint Thomas Becket was one of these undertakings. Two further papal bulls, one issued by Alexander III (1173–1176) and the other by Callixtus II (1192), put an end to any secular pretensions to the sagreres. Indeed, given the problems regarding the exertion of any kind of influence over churches, secular power, in collusion with the Count, had long before made an alternative decision that would help them to form a parallel political group to combat the growth of ecclesiastic influence. Throughout the 1180s, around an old dwelling that belonged to the Count, a new town had emerged called the vila de Palau de Terrassa, first referenced in 1193. 4. Institutional Agents: The Congregation of Saint-Ruf The rapid canonization of Becket, just three years after his death, hastened the dissem- ination of his cult throughout the Latin West, especially relevant in England, France and Italy. The cult of Becket was also adopted early in the Iberian Peninsula, particularly in the Kingdoms of Castile and León (Guardia 2009, 2011; Cavero 2013). Remarkable imagery of Becket is also preserved, such as the relief from San Miguel de Almazán (Figure 8), the pictorial cycle of San Nicolás de Soria (c.1300) or the effigy of Becket preserved in the church of Santo Tomás Cantuariensis at Salamanca. Promotion of the cult in Castile and its consequent impact on the arts must be connected to Eleanor of England (1162–1214), daughter of Henry II, who married Alfonso VIII of Castile in the same year as Becket was martyred (Slocum 1999; Cerda 2016). Indeed, in 1179 the Queen supported the endowment of a chapel dedicated to the Archbishop of Canterbury, which had been founded two years earlier at the Cathedral of Toledo. Arts 2021, 10, 82 9 of 19 Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 20 Figure 8. San Miguel de Almazán (Soria): altar frontal (c. 1200). © Photo: Juan Antonio Olañeta. Figure 8. San Miguel de Almazán (Soria): altar frontal (c. 1200). © Photo: Juan Antonio Olañeta. However, The worshipTerrassa of Becket iswas the most monumental also quickly adopted testimony of the spread in the Kingdom of Aragon.of Becket’s In 1186 cult an in Spain. Why did the canons of Santa Maria de Terrassa decide altar was consecrated in the cathedral of Barcelona (Mas 1906, p. 40), and shortly afterwards, to endorse the cult of the inEnglish 1190, amartyr? First, the to chapel dedicated implantation Thomas Becket of the cult and the creation is documented at Prat deofDalt. the wall Aroundpaintings 1180 of Terrassa the cult is also must be attributed recorded in two to the role ofatthe documents thehouses of theof monastery canons Ripollregularly attached (Gros i Pujol 2004). to the Augustinian There abbey dedicated was also a chapel of Saint-Ruf to at Avignon Becket in the(Sánchez ambulatoryMárquezof the2018, 2020, 2021). Cistercian monasterySaint- ofRuf became Veruela in one 1220of(Dailliez the main1987, agents p. for 50),disseminating and a document the devotion dated between to and 1178 iconography and 1180of St. Thomas Becket in the Iberian Peninsula at the end of the records the disposition of Pope Alexander III for all the clergy and laity of San Salvador twelfth century. In the years of following the martyrdom, a large amount of documented evidence Zaragoza to celebrate the feast of the English martyr (Canellas 1989, doc. 535, pp. 313–14). demonstrates that the cult However, of Becket Terrassa spread quickly is the most in the Hispanic houses: monumental testimonythe of construction the spread of chapels, the cel- Becket’s cult in ebration Spain. Whyof his didfeast day and the canons of especially Santa Maria thede existence Terrassaofdecide a rich to liturgical endorsecorpus–psalters, the cult of the breviaries, English missals, martyr? First,martyrologies–dedicated the implantation of the cult to the andArchbishop the creationofofCanterbury. the wall paintings of Terrassa A landmark in the expansion must be attributed to the role ofofthe thecongregation houses of theofcanons Saint-Ruf in theattached regularly Iberian to Penin- the sula was theabbey Augustinian foundation of Santa of Saint-Ruf Cruz de Coimbra at Avignon (Sánchez in Portugal. Márquez During 2018, 2020,the second 2021). half of Saint-Ruf the 12thone became century, of theitmainbecame agentsthe for most important monastic disseminating scriptorium the devotion to andiniconography Portugal–along of St. Thomas with Becket in its Alcobaça–and thelibrary Iberianwas Peninsula enriched at with the end of the twelfth numerous codices. century. It is noIncoincidence the years following that one of thethemartyrdom, most interesting a largemanuscripts amount of documented evidence of Thomas Becket’s demonstrates passion and miracles,that the cult is which ofnow Becket spread quickly preserved in the Hispanic in the Municipal Publichouses: Librarythe construction of Porto (BPMP of chapels, Santa Cruzthe 60), celebration comes fromofCoimbra. his feast dayAs Anneand especially Duggan has thepointed existence outofquite a richclearly liturgical corpus–psalters, (Duggan 1998, 2003), breviaries, missals, martyrologies–dedicated this is a manuscript from the first third of the to the Archbishop thirteenth centuryof Canterbury. that consists of several A landmark in the expansion of the congregation books for the celebration of the divine office and mass and contains of Saint-Ruf in the Iberian in two Peninsula different codi- was ces the foundation Passio sanctiof SantaCantuariensis Thome Cruz de Coimbra in Portugal. archiepiscopi During et martyris second half of by the anonymous the author 12th IV andcentury, it becameofthe the collection most important miracles monasticbeati (Liber miraculorum scriptorium Thome). in Portugal–along with Alcobaça–and Coimbra its alsolibrary exerted was a enriched with numerous notable influence codices. Itpriories on subordinated is no coincidence such as San that Vi- one of the most interesting manuscripts of Thomas Becket’s cente de Fora (Lisbon), where a late-12th-century sacramentary was made containing passion and miracles, which isprayers now preserved for the Mass in the of Municipal Saint Thomas Public BecketLibrary of Porto (Vilares 1985).(BPMP Santa Cruz In the Kingdom of60), comes Castile, the from Coimbra. As Anne Duggan has pointed out quite clearly foundations of Saint-Ruf were directly related to the figure of Pope Adrian IV (1154–1159),(Duggan 1998, 2003), this is aNicholas manuscript from the who Breakspear, first third of theabbot had been thirteenth centuryatthat of Saint-Ruf consists Avignon of several between books 1143–1146 for and the celebration 1149. of the divine On 8 February 1156, Pope officeAdrian and mass and contains IV asked in two king Alfonso different VII codices with to be generous the Passio sancti Thome Cantuariensis archiepiscopi et martyris by the the congregation and provide the canons of Saint-Ruf with a place to settle in the diocese anonymous author IV and the collection of Toledo. Theof monarch miracles (Liber granted miraculorum them the churchbeati Thome). of San Vicente de la Sierra, located in a Coimbra also exerted a notable rural area near the city of Toledo, which housed influence on subordinated an important priories monastic such as San Vicente scriptorium dur- deing the second half of the twelfth century. A Ritual for Canons Regular (BNE prayers Fora (Lisbon), where a late-12th-century sacramentary was made containing MSS/10100, for the Mass of Saint Thomas Becket (Vilares 1985). In the Kingdom of Castile, the foundations Janini 1969, pp. 132–33) originates from this Saint-Ruf house and also contains prayers of Saint-Ruf were directly related to the figure of Pope Adrian IV (1154–1159), Nicholas dedicated to the Archbishop of Canterbury. Arts 2021, 10, 82 10 of 19 Breakspear, who had been abbot of Saint-Ruf at Avignon between 1143–1146 and 1149. On 8 February 1156, Pope Adrian IV asked king Alfonso VII to be generous with the congregation and provide the canons of Saint-Ruf with a place to settle in the diocese of Toledo. The monarch granted them the church of San Vicente de la Sierra, located in a rural area near the city of Toledo, which housed an important monastic scriptorium during the second half of the twelfth century. A Ritual for Canons Regular (BNE MSS/10100, Janini 1969, pp. 132–33) originates from this Saint-Ruf house and also contains prayers dedicated to the Archbishop of Canterbury. The interest of Saint-Ruf followers in the veneration of the martyr, and the consequent materialization of frescoes of an extraordinary monumentality such as those in Terrassa, should be related to the strong ties forged in the middle of the twelfth century between the Crown of Aragon, Saint-Ruf at Avignon and England. During the government of the Englishman Nicholas Breakspear as abbot of Saint-Ruf, close ties were established between the Provençal abbey and the Crown of Aragon, which were maintained after his proclamation as Pope on 4 December 1154 (Egger 2003). Breakspear and the Saint-Ruf congregation became Ramon Berenguer IV's best allies in the ecclesiastical reorganization of the conquered territories (Sánchez Márquez 2021, pp. 73–78). Nicholas Breakspear can be regarded as a key figure in the relations between Catalonia, Saint-Ruf at Avignon and England in the mid-twelfth century. Even though Saint-Ruf had no daughter houses in England, many English Augustinian priories, such as Merton— where Becket and probably also Breakspear were educated—came into contact with the Provençal congregation because of the role played by Breakspear. His eminent position, first as abbot of Saint-Ruf and later as Pope, would have enabled him to facilitate the arrival in Provence of English canons, who would later be sent from the mother abbey to other houses. Given his background, it is reasonable to assume that Nicholas endorsed the rise of some of his countrymen to important positions within the same congregation, but also within the Roman Curia. In fact, we know that in 1158 Breakspear (Pope as Adrian IV) chose a Saint-Ruf canon named Walter, previously documented in the diocese of Chichester, as cardinal-bishop of Albano (Egger 2003). 5. Canon Harvey and Magister Reginald In addition to the active role played by the congregation of Saint-Ruf at Avignon in the dissemination of the cult, the prime mover behind the paintings of Thomas Becket at Terrassa was likely a canon with Anglo-Norman origins called Harvey, a very common name in England during the 11th and 12th centuries. Harvey played an important role in the community of Santa Maria at Terrassa and is the scribe who was most prolific in the writing and signing of documents there during the second half of the 12th century (Soler 2017). He was involved in the production of at least twenty-eight surviving documents (Figure 9). Of course, there is no way of knowing the precise role played by the canon and scribe in the process whereby the cult was received, nor can we prove with absolute certainty that Harvey directly participated in the commission of the paintings. However, given his origins, Harvey is the most likely candidate to have endowed an altar in the south transept chapel (Figures 10 and 11), and organized its consecration in honour of the Archbishop of Canterbury, just as Pere de Ripollet had endowed an altar of Thomas Becket in the Cathedral of Barcelona in 1186. In this regard, it should be noted that there are numerous examples of chapels dedi- cated in Hispanic territory to the Archbishop of Canterbury, both by canons and lay people. An altar was devoted to the English martyr in the Seu Vella of Lleida (Fité et al. 2001, pp. 12–39) and in the Cathedral of Toledo (Hernández 1985, doc. 180, pp. 173–74).11 In Sigüenza, the chapel of the Archbishop of Canterbury was consecrated by Bishop Joscelmo (1168–1178)12 ; a chapel dedicated to Becket in the ambulatory of the Cistercian monastery of Veruela is mentioned in 1220 (Dailliez 1987, p. 50), and Archdeacon Mateo endowed a chapel dedicated to the Becket in the Cathedral of Burgos around 1202.13 There was also an this time in order to better understand his role in Terrassa and in the commission of the pictorial cycle devoted to the death of the archbishop of Canterbury. Arts 2021, 10, 82 The first reference we find to Harvey is dated 1158. This means that he arrived at 11 of 19 Santa Maria de Terrassa having already completed his preparation for this position and must therefore have been between 21 and 25 years of age. It is worthwhile pointing out that every Saint-Ruf canon must have passed through the mother house in his period of altar dedicated training, since to himininthis only theway Cistercian could monastery of Las Huelgas he have acquired (Burgos), the specific referred dignity to infor required a document belongingfromto thethe year of Order 1279 (Garrido Saint-Ruf 1987, doc. 597, pp.2020). (Vones-Liebenstein 112–23). As a canon, he must have Nevertheless, received who preparation, the necessary exactly was canon Harvey? and thus The have must also etymology of his name quite perfectly clearly known the indicates that he was a canon born in an English or Norman environment who Ordo antiquus or also the so-called Praeceptum sive Regula Tertia in accordance with the was later to appear in Terrassa in 1158, after quite probably having spent a formative period Rule of Saint Agustine. He must also certainly have heard the precepts of the Liber ordinalis at Saint- Ruf andatthe Avignon. His long-term Liber ecclesiastici presence et canonici in in ordinis Terrassa claustroafter hisRufi, Sancti arrival is well drawn updocumented by the abbot between Lietbert 1158 and 1201. of Saint-Ruf in We the have earlychosen not to differentiate 12th century. He may even the periods have during had to handthis the time Scutumin order to better canonicorum byunderstand his role indated Arno de Riechberg, Terrassa 1153,and in the commission in which of the pictorial the way a Saint-Ruf cycle canon should devoted conduct tohisthe death oflife religious theisarchbishop explained. of Canterbury. Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 13 of 20 or expert teachers for their extensive juridical knowledge as well as cannon law, and thus enjoyed a certain prestige in the order (Poly 1978; Veyrenche 2018). Unfortunately, magis- ter Reginald’s stay in Terrassa was a short one and stretched only until 1186. In that same year, we find the last known documents written while Harvey was a scribe there. So what happened during this last period of time? We believe that the arrival of an expert in canon law may have been due precisely to the need to reach an appropriate juridical agreement for the creation of a series of paint- ings dedicated to Saint Thomas Becket. It is quite likely that Harvey was unacquainted with the type of juridical agreement required for this purpose. However, he was essential for assisting magister Reginald in this undertaking, given his knowledge of Terrassa, the authority he had acquired throughout his career, and because he was in charge of all the administrative and external affairs of the Terrassa community. Furthermore, Harvey al- most certainly spoke the same language as Reginald. The coincidence of two important figures of Anglo-Norman origin, with a mutual affinity due to their cultural background, together with the events at Canterbury, were instrumental in the creation of the pictorial cycle in Terrassa. As mentioned before, such a meeting of ways could only have occurred Figure9.9. Parchment Figure between Parchment 1184 and ofofthe theSanta 1186, Santa a timeMaria Maria deTerrassa at de Terrassa which canonry canonry these signed signed paintings byby were Harvey, Harvey, ACVOC-AHT. most ACVOC-AHT. probably Col- Collec- commis- lection Sant tion Santand Pere de Terrassa. Pereexecuted. Parchment I-137. 3 August 1160. © Arxiu Històric Comarcal de Ter- de Terrassa. Parchment I-137. 3 August 1160. © Arxiu Històric Comarcal de Terrassa. sioned rassa. At the mother house of Saint-Ruf, Harvey had also learned how to write documents of a juridical nature, and on his arrival at Santa Maria de Terrassa he was already able to work as a scribe. Indeed, he immediately began to write such documents that show a steady hand, although with some mistakes corrected between the lines. Harvey chose to employ a cursive style of the transitional Caroline system belonging in some respects to the so-called diplomatic minuscule used in European chanceries, a script that supports the belief that he came from abroad. In particular, the preparation of the parchment dryly scored with lines to ensure an even distribution of the text, an unmistakable sign that we find ourselves at a transitional juncture. However, Harvey demonstrates expertise in the knowledge of the most common juridical clauses used at that time in Catalonia, since he shows himself to be highly familiar with the formulary and/or had been carefully in- structed by a teacher close to him. During this period Harvey signs in the following manner: “Signum + Harvei, canonici Sancti Rufi”. It will be the only occasion when he uses the initial capital “H”, by which he appears to demonstrate the perception of the vulgar Latin form of his own name. Rather than a Gongorism, it would seem to be a vestige of the vocalised and aspirated “h” Figure Figure 10. 10. Church Church of of Santa Santa Maria de Terrassa. Maria de Terrassa. Thomas Thomas Becket Becket chapel. chapel. © © Photo: Photo: Carles Sánchez. Carles Sánchez. Arts 2021, 10, 82 12 of 19 Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 14 of 20 Figure 11. Floor plan of the church of Santa Maria de Terrassa, cloister and monastery quarters. Figure 11. Floor According to A.plan Moroofand theG. church of Santa Maria de Terrassa, cloister and monastery quarters. Garcia. According to A. Moro and G. Garcia. The first reference we find to Harvey is dated 1158. This means that he arrived at 6.Santa An Iconographic Maria de Terrassa Projecthaving versusalready Secularcompleted Power? his preparation for this position and must While we have therefore havethe beenprotagonists between 21and anda 25plausible years ofchronology, we still lack age. It is worthwhile both the pointing out that every budget Saint-Ruf required and the canon mustbehind reason have passed through theAs the undertaking. mother we have house in hisseen, already period be-of training, tween 1168since only with and 1183 in thistheway priorcould Perehe dehave Balbs, acquired and until the specific 1186 with dignity the newrequired prior mag- for belonging ister Reginald, to the Order canonry of of Saint-Ruf Santa Maria(Vones-Liebenstein 2020). As athe de Terrassa experienced canon, mosthe must have brilliant pe- received riod the necessary in its existence. preparation, Documents show and that thus it wasmust also the between have quiteofperfectly years 1177 to 1186known when the Ordo the antiquus largest sums or were also the so-called received by Praeceptum sive Regulaand means of donations Tertia in acquisition the accordance of with the Rule property. of Saint Most of theAgustine. financial He mustduring records also certainly this period have heard were drawnthe up precepts Liber ordinalis of the expert by Harvey’s hand, and the Liber ecclesiastici et canonici ordinis in claustro Sancti except those corresponding to the time between 1176 and 1183, when he was at Santa Rufi, drawn up by the abbot Lietbert of Saint-Ruf in the early 12th century. He may even Maria de Besalú. Making the most of this economic prosperity, both prior Pere de Balbs, have had to hand the Scutum incanonicorum by Arno the first instance, andde magister Riechberg, dated 1153, Reginald as wellin which as canon theHarvey way a Saint-Ruf canonseized in the second, should conduct the his religious opportunity to empowerlife is explained. the canonry of Santa Maria against secular magnates, who At the mother house slowly but steadily lost their grip of Saint-Ruf, on theHarvey sagrerahad alsochurch of the learned inhow to write process a concerted documents of of a juridical nature, and on his arrival at Santa Maria de Terrassa expulsion that enabled the priors of Santa Maria to consolidate an unquestionable political he was already able to work as power basea scribe. around Indeed, he immediately the canonry. Faced with began tosituation, this write suchthe documents that show secular powers a steady sought to establish their own basis of counterpower and influence around the new medieval towna hand, although with some mistakes corrected between the lines. Harvey chose to employ ofcursive Terrassa.style of the transitional Curiously enough, thisCaroline was asystem process belonging that began in some halfwayrespects through to the theso-called 1180s. So having enough money and with the determination to reinforce religious authoritythat diplomatic minuscule used in European chanceries, a script that supports the belief over he came that from of the abroad. secular In particular, powers, the preparation the creation of a series ofofpaintings the parchmentdevoted dryly scoredtowith precisely demon-lines to ensure an even distribution of the text, an unmistakable sign strate the strength of spiritual power over the temporal through the cycle dedicated to St.that we find ourselves at a transitional juncture. However, Harvey demonstrates expertise in the knowledge of the most Thomas Becket seems especially propitious. We believe that the commission of these common juridical clauses used at that time in Catalonia, since he shows himself to be highly works derives directly from the endeavour to expel all secular claims on the ecclesiastic familiar with the formulary and/or had been carefully instructed by a teacher close to him. grounds and holdings around Santa Maria de Terrassa, and consequently illustrates the During this period Harvey signs in the following manner: “Signum + Harvei, canonici importance of the context in which they came into being. Sancti Rufi”. It will be the only occasion when he uses the initial capital “H”, by which he appears to demonstrate the perception of the vulgar Latin form of his own name. Rather 7. The Master of Terrassa than a Gongorism, it would seem to be a vestige of the vocalised and aspirated “h” that As English in the far as theofdating that time of the waspaintings pronounced is concerned, as it is nowit iswith important to take into the termination account “ch”, as for the following guidelines. example in Scottish. Historically, the wall paintings of Santa Maria of Terrassa have been attributed After 1160,toHarvey the Mastergoes ofto Espinelves Terrassa, and (Kuhn we do1930; not Cook hear of andhim Gudiol again iuntil Ricart 1950, 1167. We pp. do91–92), not know a painter where associated with Vicwe he went, although and donamed afterhe know that thepursued altar frontal his workat Espinelves as a scribe (c.and 1187), did now so oninmany the Episcopal occasions.Museum His return of toVic (Figurecoincided Terrassa 12). This with altarpiece was probably the arrival in 1168 of Arts 2021, 10, 82 13 of 19 the prior Pere de Balbs, who was also a canon at Saint-Ruf and came from Santa Maria de Besalú. It was under this prior that Harvey gained his reputation as a scribe and a highly trustworthy person. He worked intensely and uninterruptedly at Santa Maria until 1175. From 1168 on, he developed a highly personal style of writing. For instance, we clearly observe a generous elongation towards the left of the downstrokes of the letters “q”, “s”, “g” and “p”, the second stroke of the “h” and an upper elongation of the first stroke of the letter “r”. A very personal characteristic is that of the nexus of “de”, which is made by a single flourish and with the “e” written at the upper part of the straight line of the “d”. The capital “Q” is also distinctive for its leaf-shape or that of a drop of rain, as in the chancery style; as is the capital “V”, with an initial point of contact very much to the left of the letter, the first stroke extending to the right. This way of writing the “V” is also used for the lower case “y”, which in many cases is pointed. The capital “S” is written with flattened, elongated strokes. The nexus “ct” remains conjoined, but only by a very subtle line from the “c” to the upper point of contact of the “t”. It is also worth pointing out the use of the Tironian note “7” instead of the conjunction “et” or “&”, and especially significant is its use as a generic sign of abbreviation. Finally, also noteworthy is the use of the very ancient nota iuris ÷ for “est”, in the manner of the Irish insular minuscule. This last feature is highly specific to Harvey and may also be associated with the influence of his cultural background and his origin. Many of these characteristics and the highly cursive ductus of his script are clearly influenced by the cursive minuscule as practised at Anglo-Norman and French Chanceries. This system of writing eventually arrived in Catalonia, Harvey being one of the very first known scribes to put it into practice. Harvey was constantly involved in documentation work during this period and became a canon of significant status in the community, a standing he achieved, on the one hand, thanks to his knowledge of law and of the juridical formulary, and furthermore his own experience and the possible contacts he had made outside the canonry, as well as the trust placed in him by the prior Pere de Balbs, who assigned to him almost exclusively the drafting of the most important financial transactions. No reference is made in the documentation conserved in Terrassa to other positions in the monastery below that of “prior”. However, in Harvey’s case we believe that he adopted the functions of procurator or conrerius, who in the Sant Ruf priorates was responsible for the administration of the main expenses of the canonry and for managing its external affairs. After 1175, Harvey left Terrassa again, this time to go to Santa Maria de Besalú. The reason for his departure may be associated with the arrival of the new prior by the name of Pere and with the need to improve the management of the monastery. In any case, he would not have left his post without making sure that everything was in good order. The prior Pere de Balbs remained as the main person in charge at Santa Maria de Terrassa, although the scribe’s office was held by the priest Guerau de Santfeliu, the chaplain of Sant Pere de Terrassa who was undoubtedly from Terrassa himself. Guerau learned how to draft documents directly from Harvey, which can be proved by the fact that his ductus is practically identical to that of the Sant Ruf canon. Harvey formed his own school and eventually established a fully-fledged notary’s office at Santa Maria de Terrassa. His eight years of experience at Besalú almost certainly came to an end with the death of Pere de Balbs at Santa Maria de Terrassa in 1183. After this, we immediately find him again in Terrassa in 1184, providing support to the newly appointed prior, magister Reginald. It is not clear where Reginald came from, but the rarity of his name in Catalonia also points to an Anglo-Normand origin. The new prior needed someone to guide him after his arrival to a new house, so it is quite reasonable that Harvey should return there. According to Jean-Pierre Poly and Yannick Veyrenche, the Sant Ruf magistri were mestres or expert teachers for their extensive juridical knowledge as well as cannon law, and thus enjoyed a certain prestige in the order (Poly 1978; Veyrenche 2018). Unfortunately, magister Reginald’s stay in Terrassa was a short one and stretched only until 1186. In that same year, we find the last known documents written while Harvey was a scribe there. So what happened during this last period of time? Arts 2021, 10, 82 14 of 19 We believe that the arrival of an expert in canon law may have been due precisely to the need to reach an appropriate juridical agreement for the creation of a series of paintings dedicated to Saint Thomas Becket. It is quite likely that Harvey was unacquainted with the type of juridical agreement required for this purpose. However, he was essential for assisting magister Reginald in this undertaking, given his knowledge of Terrassa, the authority he had acquired throughout his career, and because he was in charge of all the administrative and external affairs of the Terrassa community. Furthermore, Harvey almost certainly spoke the same language as Reginald. The coincidence of two important figures of Anglo-Norman origin, with a mutual affinity due to their cultural background, together with the events at Canterbury, were instrumental in the creation of the pictorial cycle in Terrassa. As mentioned before, such a meeting of ways could only have occurred between 1184 and 1186, a time at which these paintings were most probably commissioned and executed. 6. An Iconographic Project versus Secular Power? While we have the protagonists and a plausible chronology, we still lack both the budget required and the reason behind the undertaking. As we have already seen, between 1168 and 1183 with the prior Pere de Balbs, and until 1186 with the new prior magister Reginald, the canonry of Santa Maria de Terrassa experienced the most brilliant period in its existence. Documents show that it was between the years of 1177 to 1186 when the largest sums were received by means of donations and the acquisition of property. Most of the financial records during this period were drawn up by Harvey’s expert hand, except those corresponding to the time between 1176 and 1183, when he was at Santa Maria de Besalú. Making the most of this economic prosperity, both prior Pere de Balbs, in the first instance, and magister Reginald as well as canon Harvey in the second, seized the opportunity to empower the canonry of Santa Maria against secular magnates, who slowly but steadily lost their grip on the sagrera of the church in a concerted process of expulsion that enabled the priors of Santa Maria to consolidate an unquestionable political power base around the canonry. Faced with this situation, the secular powers sought to establish their own basis of counterpower and influence around the new medieval town of Terrassa. Curiously enough, this was a process that began halfway through the 1180s. So having enough money and with the determination to reinforce religious authority over that of the secular powers, the creation of a series of paintings devoted precisely to demonstrate the strength of spiritual power over the temporal through the cycle dedicated to St. Thomas Becket seems especially propitious. We believe that the commission of these works derives directly from the endeavour to expel all secular claims on the ecclesiastic grounds and holdings around Santa Maria de Terrassa, and consequently illustrates the importance of the context in which they came into being. 7. The Master of Terrassa As far as the dating of the paintings is concerned, it is important to take into account the following guidelines. Historically, the wall paintings of Santa Maria of Terrassa have been attributed to the Master of Espinelves (Kuhn 1930; Cook and Gudiol i Ricart 1950, pp. 91–92), a painter associated with Vic and named after the altar frontal at Espinelves (c. 1187), now in the Episcopal Museum of Vic (Figure 12). This altarpiece was probably made towards the end of the twelfth century to complete the church, which had been restored and reconsecrated in 1186. As the result of collaboration between the Magistri Cataloniae project (UAB), the Episcopal Museum of Vic (MEV), the Centre de Conservació i Restauració de Catalunya (CRBMC) and the Autonomous University of Barcelona (CETEC-PATRIMONI), the wall paintings of Terrassa and the altar frontal of Espinelves were analysed using optical (OM) and electron microscopy (SEM/EDXA), infrared spectrography (ATR) and digitalisation. The results of the studies have revealed the use of tinfoil in Terrassa (Figure 13), particularly for the candlesticks in the Christ in Majesty scene, a resource commonly used in panel larly for the candlesticks in the Christ in Majesty scene, a resource commonly used in panel painting (Verdaguer and Alcayde 2014). On the other hand, many stylistic similar- ities also exist between Espinelves and Terrassa. The treatment of the hair is particularly symptomatic, conceived as large blocks of colour divided by curvilinear incisions, as may Arts 2021, 10, 82 be observed in the Christ of Terrassa and the Christ Child on the altar frontal at Vic. 15 ofThe 19 treatment of garments is also remarkably close, where the Master of Espinelves shows great virtuosity and originality. The connection becomes even clearer when we compare the arrangement of the bodies of the characters depicted. In Terrassa, John of Salisbury painting (Verdaguer slightly bends his headandand Alcayde 2014). stretches On arms out his the other in thehand, samemany stylistic pose used similarities for the figure of also exist between Espinelves and Terrassa. The treatment King Melchior in the altar frontal of Espinelves (Figure 14). of the hair is particularly symp- tomatic,As previously explained, the canonry of Santa Maria de Terrassa enjoyed a periodbe conceived as large blocks of colour divided by curvilinear incisions, as may of observed economicinprosperity the Christbetween of Terrassa 1177andandthe Christ 1186. ThisChild periodonfully the altar frontalwith coincides at Vic. the The final treatment of garmentsHarvey stage of canon-scribe is alsoinremarkably Terrassa andclose, whereofthe the reign Master magister of Espinelves Reginaldus shows (1184–1186). great virtuosity It is feasible, andtooriginality. then, Thepaintings think that the connection werebecomes even clearer made between when we 1184–1186. compare If we accept the arrangement of the bodies of the characters depicted. In Terrassa, John this hypothesis, it is also reasonable to assume that the painter worked first in Terrassa of Salisbury slightly and wasbends later his head and stretches commissioned to makeout thehis arms altar in theofsame frontal pose used Espinelves. for the figureitofis Consequently, King Melchior in the altar frontal of Espinelves (Figure 14). more appropriate to name our artist “Master of Terrassa” rather than of Espinelves. Arts 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 16 of 20 Figure 12. Altar frontal from Sant Vicenç d’Espinelves, c. 1187 (MEV 7). © Museu Episcopal de Vic. Figure 12. Altar frontal from Sant Vicenç d’Espinelves, c. 1187 (MEV 7). © Museu Episcopal de Vic. Figure13. Figure 13.Sample Samplefrom fromthe theremaining remainingmecca meccagilding gildingofofthe thechandeliers chandeliersininthe theupper upperregister. register.The The microscopic image shows four layers: a first layer of translucent brown lacquer or organic resin, a greya microscopic image shows four layers: a first layer of translucent brown lacquer or organic resin, grey metal layer, a red layer (pictorial layer) and finally, the white forth stratum is the preparation metal layer, a red layer (pictorial layer) and finally, the white forth stratum is the preparation layer. layer. Figure 13. Sample from the remaining mecca gilding of the chandeliers in the upper register. The Arts 2021, 10, 82 16 of 19 microscopic image shows four layers: a first layer of translucent brown lacquer or organic resin, a grey metal layer, a red layer (pictorial layer) and finally, the white forth stratum is the preparation layer. Figure 14. Composition comparing Magi Melchior from the Espinelves altar frontal (left) with the figure of a monk from Figure 14. Composition comparing Magi Melchior from the Espinelves altar frontal (left) with the figure of a monk from the Terrassa wall paintings (right). the Terrassa wall paintings (right). 8. Conclusions As previously explained, the canonry of Santa Maria de Terrassa enjoyed a period The murder of economic of Thomas prosperity Becket between in Canterbury 1177 and 1186. ThisCathedral period shook the foundations fully coincides with the offinal me- dieval stage ofEurope. As may canon-scribe be gleaned Harvey from these in Terrassa and thepages, reigntheof success magisterof his cult was Reginaldus the result (1184–1186). of many It is factors, feasible, then,one of which to think thatwas the congregation the paintings were made of Saint-Ruf at Avignon,If which between 1184–1186. we accept de- serves special attention this hypothesis, it is alsoinreasonable studies ofto the agentsthat assume whothe welcomed and spread painter worked theTerrassa first in venerationand was of later commissioned Thomas Becket. As noted, to make the altar Saint-Ruf frontal canons wereof very Espinelves. active inConsequently, propagating the it iscult moreof appropriate to name our artist the Saint in the Iberian Peninsula. “Master of Terrassa” rather than of Espinelves. Houses of canons regular of Saint-Ruf played a key role in disseminating the cult of 8. Conclusions Becket in Spain. In the years following his martyrdom, a wealth of documented evidence The murder demonstrates thatoftheThomas Becketspread cult of Becket in Canterbury quickly in Cathedral shook the Hispanic the foundations houses, leading to the of medieval Europe. construction As may of chapels, thebe gleaned from celebration of histhese feastpages, day and theespecially success ofthehisexistence cult wasof thea result rich of manycorpus liturgical factors, one of which –psalters, was the breviaries, congregation missals, of Saint-Ruf at Avignon, martyrologies—dedicated to the which Arch- deserves special attention in studies of the agents who welcomed and spread the veneration of Thomas Becket. As noted, Saint-Ruf canons were very active in propagating the cult of the Saint in the Iberian Peninsula. Houses of canons regular of Saint-Ruf played a key role in disseminating the cult of Becket in Spain. In the years following his martyrdom, a wealth of documented evidence demonstrates that the cult of Becket spread quickly in the Hispanic houses, leading to the construction of chapels, the celebration of his feast day and especially the existence of a rich liturgical corpus –psalters, breviaries, missals, martyrologies—dedicated to the Archbishop of Canterbury. The veneration of the Archbishop of Canterbury at Saint-Ruf communities underwent an iconographic translation of a monumental nature in the priory of Santa Maria de Terrassa, which had been attached to the Provençal abbey since 1113. Among those preserved, the Terrassa house possesses what we may qualify as the oldest wall paintings (1184–1186) depicting the martyrdom of Thomas Becket. Those who promoted the paintings knew from first-hand accounts about the events that took place in Canterbury, probably through the biographical texts that were copied and spread by the Saint-Ruf congregation. Equally indicative is the presence of two canons of English or Anglo-Norman origin in Terrassa (Harvey and Reginald), who as we have suggested most likely played a decisive role in the dedication of a chapel to St. Thomas Becket in the Terrassa church. Canon Harvey played a decisive role in the consolidation of the canonry of Santa Maria de Terrassa. He was actively involved in the legal agreements that helped lead to the Arts 2021, 10, 82 17 of 19 growth of its patrimony and acted as the right hand to priors Pere de Balbs and magister Reginald. The ecclesiastic house was intent on eradicating all secular attempts to lay claim to its sagreres by achieving a monopoly over the spiritual benefits and earthly assets of these spaces. Secular interests were erased from the sagreres and were obliged to establish a new counteracting base of power around what was originally an old dwelling belonging to the Count. Nevertheless, the period of financial prosperity of the canonry during the mandate of these two priors is not enough in itself to demonstrate a solid ecclesiastic predominance over secular power. It is necessary to delve more deeply into the moral and spiritual aspects of this religious superiority. Thus, it is our belief that only by capitalising on the arrival of magister Reginald, together with the inestimable assistance of canon Harvey, could the conditions required for bringing these aspects to the forefront be created. What better way to do so than by means of an artistic work of great visibility? The pictorial cycle devoted to Saint Thomas Becket is precisely the type adopted in many religious houses around Europe to show the irrefutable primacy of the Church over secular interests. Thanks to his expertise in canon law, magister Reginald brought to bear the juridical knowledge required for the commission of these paintings, and the Master of Terrassa did the rest. Author Contributions: Conceptualization, C.S.M. and J.S.J.; investigation, C.S.M. and J.S.J.; writing— original draft preparation, C.S.M. and J.S.J.; writing—review and editing, C.S.M. and J.S.J. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript. Funding: This research received no external funding Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest. Notes 1 For the accounts of his martyrdom, see the specific studies by Knowles (1970); Aubé (1994); Duggan (2004, 2007, 2016); Barlow (2010). 2 Numerous studies have been conducted on the paintings, among which those of Milagros Guardia stand out for their contributions to the field of iconography. See: Borfo (1992); Guardia (Guardia 1998–1999); Cavero (2013, pp. 82–94). 3 For a detailed description of the paintings see Sánchez Márquez (2021). 4 Milagros Guardia identified the two figures in the upper area of the paintings as Thomas Becket and Saint Stephen (Guardia 1998–1999, p. 54). 5 The tituli could be translated in the following way: “The good Thomas is more powerful thanks to his art”. 6 “For Christ . . . deprived, he did not hesitate to live as (-) Thomas whom he always loved”. 7 In fact, the ‘plus valet arte sua’ inscription must be riffing on the well-known Ovidian couplet ‘Non est in medico semper relevetur ut aeger/Interdum docta plus valet arte malum’ (which John of Salisbury uses in a letter of c.1164 to Becket). See Millor et al. (1979, p. 10). 8 On the canonry of Santa Maria de Terrassa see Vones-Liebenstein (1996, vol. I, pp. 180–84, 194–224, 265–29, and vol. II, pp. 583–660). Ventalló i Vintró (1894); Torres Amat (1898); Solà (1938); Soler (2017, 2018, pp. 99–107). 9 The Tortosa chapter is a paradigmatic example: in 1151, Gaufred, former Abbot of Avignon, was appointed bishop, and a few years later, in 1155, the Tortosa canonry was founded according to the Rule of St. Augustine and the customs of Saint-Ruf at Avignon (Moran 1990). 10 Shortly after the conquest of Tortosa (30 December 1148), Nicholas Breakspear ordered the transfer of monks from Saint-Ruf at Avignon to Catalonia in order to enter the restored Tortosa See led by Gaufred of Avignon, former canon of Saint-Ruf. See: Moran (1990). 11 The counts Nuño Pérez and Teresa de Lara endowed the cathedral with the altar of St. Thomas of Canterbury in July, 1177. The altar was to be attended by a priest with the obligation of saying the prayers for the souls of the Counts and those of their relatives. 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