Landscape and Urban Planning 210 (2021) 104055 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Landscape and Urban Planning journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/landurbplan Urban agriculture — A necessary pathway towards urban resilience and global sustainability? Johannes Langemeyer a, b, *, Cristina Madrid-Lopez a, Angelica Mendoza Beltran a, Gara Villalba Mendez a, c a Institut de Ciència i Tecnologia Ambientals (ICTA), Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain b Department of Geography, Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, Berlin, Germany c School of Engineering (ETSE), Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain H I G H L I G H T S • Urban agriculture to deserve stronger consideration in land-use planning. • Urban agriculture enhances urban resilience, sustainability and multifunctionality. • Social and ecological vulnerabilities of and in cities are underestimated. • Global teleconnections of agricultural imports are disregarded in land-use planning. • Accounting for multifunctionality still requires stronger efforts. A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T Keywords: The Covid-19 pandemic newly brings food resilience in cities to our attention and the need to question the Urban agriculture desired degree of food self-sufficiency through urban agriculture. While these questions are by no means new and Food resilience periodically entering the global research focus and policy discussions during periods of crises — the last time Urban metabolism during the global financial crisis and resulting food price increases in 2008 — urban and peri-urban agriculture Environmental externalities continue to be replaced by land-uses rendering higher market values (e.g. housing, transport, leisure). The loss of Ecosystem services priority for urban agriculture in urban land-use planning is a global trend with only a few exceptions. We argue in this essay that this development has widely taken place due to three blind spots in urban planning. First, the limited consideration of social and ecological vulnerabilities and risk-related inequalities of urban inhabitants, food shortage among them, in the face of different scenarios of global change, including climate change or pandemic events such as Covid-19. Second, the disregard of the intensified negative environmental (and related social) externalities caused by distant agricultural production, as well as lacking consideration of nutrient re- cycling potentials in cities (e.g. from wastewater) to replace emission intensive mineral fertilizer use. Third, the lack of accounting for the multifunctionality of urban agriculture and the multiple benefits it provides beyond the provision of food, including social benefits and insurance values, for instance the maintenance of cultural heritage and agro-biodiversity. Along these lines, we argue that existing and new knowledge about urban risks and vulnerabilities, the spatially explicit urban metabolism (e.g. energy, water, nutrients), as well as ecosystem services need to be stronger and jointly considered in land-use decision-making. 1. Introduction expression and land-use fashion as a source for social cohesion, envi­ ronmental education, and as a recreational hobby around the globe Urban agriculture (UA) has become a new cultural-political (Camps-Calvet et al., 2015; Coles & Costa, 2018; Hardman et al., 2018; * Corresponding author at: Institute of Environmental Science and Technology (ICTA), Laboratory for the Analysis of Socio-Ecological Systems in a Global World (LASEG), Barcelona Lab for Environmental Justice and Sustainability (BCNUEJ), Edifici Z (ICTA-ICP), Carrer de les Columnes s/n Office Z/146 Campus de la UAB, 08193 Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vallès) Barcelona, Spain. E-mail address: johannes.langemeyer@uab.cat (J. Langemeyer). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landurbplan.2021.104055 Received 19 July 2020; Received in revised form 9 December 2020; Accepted 18 January 2021 Available online 1 March 2021 0169-2046/© 2021 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). J. Langemeyer et al. Landscape and Urban Planning 210 (2021) 104055 Robineau & Dugué, 2018), while remaining an important foundation for 2021), while enhancing global sustainability and delivering multiple co- food security and subsistence for the global urban poor (Bellwood- benefits (or ‘ecosystem services’) for cities and their inhabitants. All three Howard et al., 2018; Schwab et al., 2018). Notwithstanding, an aspects, resilience, sustainability and multi-functionality, need to be increasing interest in UA not least by scientific scholars, the area separately and explicitly evaluated, but taken into account in an inte­ devoted to UA is declining globally, both in the global north as well as in grated way. Along these lines, we further argue that the loss of UA has the global south (Bren d’Amour et al., 2017; García-Nieto et al., 2018). widely taken place due to three blind spots in urban land-use planning As wars and economic crises before, the current global sanitary crisis has (Fig. 1): First, the limited consideration of social and ecological vul­ newly raised awareness for the vulnerability of global food supply nerabilities of urban areas and their inhabitants, including food chains, and the need for resilience in the long-term food security of cities shortage, in the face of different scenarios of change, such as global (Barthel et al., 2019; Barthel & Isendahl, 2013). After the COVID19 climate change, pandemic events such as Covid-19 and expanding future epidemic set off all alarms, people emptied out grocery stores and in food demands (Barthel et al., 2019; Tilman et al., 2011). Second, the some cities food supply has been critically affected (Zhou & Delgado, disregard of negative social and environmental externalities from agri­ 2020) – especially for those who have seen a lowering in their pur­ cultural production and supply chains (e.g. urban land teleconnections), chasing power to buy food (OECD, 2020). Especially the global poor are as well as environmental degradation (e.g. deforestation) due to larger still under threat of a larger starvation as the recent Sustainable spatial demands and increasing fertilizer needs in remote monocultures Development Goals Report (UN, 2020) highlights; for instance, in India on formerly non-arable land (e.g. Bren d’Amour et al., 2017). Third, the strict lockdown measures have limited labor migration during the har­ lack of accounting for the multifunctionality of UA and the multiple vesting season and cut-off supply chains to urban markets. Responses benefits it provides beyond the provision food, including run-off miti­ have come in different ways. While queues in front of social feeding gation, reduction of urban heat events, as well as social benefits for centers became longer, urban agriculture has quickly been excluded instance the maintenance of cultural heritage and social-cohesion (e.g. from the lockdown measures in Southern Europe and exceptions on Guitart et al., 2012; Lovell, 2010; Langemeyer et al., 2016) as well as travel bans were implemented to allow for harvesting migration to deep feelings of biophilia, individual realization and empowerment Western Europe. In China, the need to diversify both supply chains and (Camps-Calvet et al., 2016; Cilliers et al., 2020). In the following we will local agriculture production (Fei & Ni, 2020) has been highlighted as discuss these three aspects along global examples. part of the ‘new normal’. The episode of the global Covid-19 pandemic newly brings to our attention the need to question the level of food 2. Urban vulnerabilities and food resilience sovereignty we would like to see in urban and peri-urban areas. How­ ever, the current sanitary crisis is by far not the only concern regarding Resilience theory highlights the importance of diversity (Berkes & food security in future cities, given a projected increase in the demand Folke, 1998; Walker & Salt, 2012). Paradoxically, while the diversity of for food by 100–110% in 2050, with an ever growing global population choices in the supermarket food shelves has never been larger, the di­ and planetary urbanization processes, which radically change peoples’ versity of food production sources is increasingly concentrated, both in (food) consumption patterns (Tilman et al., 2011). terms of the producers and global production areas as well as in agri­ In the long history of cities, the current geographical decoupling cultural varieties (Calvet-Mir et al., 2012; FAO, 2017; Barthel et al., from sources of food supply is a unique exception. As the German agro- 2019). From a Ricardo-free-trade perspective1 this seems to be a rational economist Johan Heinrich Von Thünen observed already in the early choice, owing to the benefits of the economies of scale. However, a 19th century, transport cost and storage capacities are core variables in rational choice from an urban resilience perspective with the objective describing the spatial distribution of agricultural production in the to achieve food security for all (United Nations, Sustainable Develop­ surrounding of urban markets (Von Thünen, 1875). Consequently, the ment Goal 2) might look different. Whereas urban agriculture land-use is spatial decoupling and global production of food has only become not given much priority in urban areas under “normal”, non-crisis cir­ possible since the great acceleration in the mid 20th century (McNeill, cumstances, UA flourishes in periods of crisis (e.g. Barthel & Isendahl, 2014; Will et al., 2015) through cheap and abundant availability of 2013; Camps-Calvet et al., 2016; Webb, 2011). For instance, Barthel & energy inputs, both for the transport and storage of food in concert with Isendahl (2013) estimated for the city of Stockholm that its residents global market liberalizations. Accordingly, urban and peri-urban land would starve in two weeks’ time if being cut off from external food was no longer prioritized for agricultural production, but replaced by supplies. Consequently, during the Covid-19 mitigation measures, in other land-uses, primarily by those rendering higher market values (e.g. most cities, and largely unrecognized by the mass media, the initial strict housing, transport areas, leisure activities) — thus broadly in line with lockdown measures were rapidly softened with regard to access to UA to Von Thünen (1875). This is a process still ongoing and projected to sustain local livelihoods. This follows a common pattern for the role of continue in many urban and peri-urban areas around the globe, not least UA in the past century, not only in the global south, which had its last in the global south (Bren d’Amour et al., 2017; Bellwood-Howard et al., culmination during the global financial and food crisis in 2008 (e.g. 2018). Yet, global concentration processes and extended food supply Cohen & Garrett, 2010). chains cause large social and ecological externalities (Paterson et al., In cities of the global north, the trend toward UA in episodes of crisis 2015), (re-)producing unfair distributions of social-ecological vulnera­ is often grounded in the motivation of citizens and larger urban move­ bilities, burdens and benefits through teleconnections (Haase et al., ments to counteract global dependencies, to gain control of food pro­ 2018; Barthel et al., 2019; Langemeyer & Connolly, 2020). So called duction capacities and to foster local networks toward social change and ‘urban land teleconnection’ (Seto et al. 2012) link urban consumption resilience (Camps-Calvet et al., 2015; Kirkpatrick & Davison, 2018; patterns with land-use changes globally, and have widely triggered Tidball & Krasny, 2007). Often not taken seriously by urban planners transformation patterns that are unsustainable on the long-run (Cadillo- and parts of the scientific community (Webb, 2011), these grassroots Benalcazar et al., 2020). UA, as for example observed when Hurricane Katerina hit New Orleans In this perspective essay, we claim that UA deserves a much stronger in 2005 (e.g. Tidball et al., 2014) or when the global financial crisis hit consideration in planning for urban resilience and global sustainability Spain in 2008 (e.g. Camps-Calvet et al., 2015), might also be interpreted strategies, in the face of a global population projected to grow to 11 billion global inhabitants by the end of the 21st century. We argue that UA could synergistically help build urban resilience, understood here as 1 David Ricardo (1772–1823) developed the theory of comparative advan­ the capacity of an urban system to absorb disturbances, reorganize and tage. Ricardo assumed that for two nations, trade could result in increased total maintain essentially the same functions during its development along a output and lower costs than if each nation produced in isolation. His theory particular trajectory (in line with Elmqvist et al., 2019, Andersson et al. became highly influential among free international trade advocates. 2 J. Langemeyer et al. Landscape and Urban Planning 210 (2021) 104055 Fig. 1. Urban agriculture triad: Resilience, sustainability and multifunctionality. as a necessary pre-step for building adaptive capacities, physically, production to fall back on (Baker, 2008; Cohen & Garrett, 2010). This is institutionally and knowledge-wise (cf. De Luca et al., 2021), in order to primarily but not only true for urban poor in the global south, as COVID- mitigate more severe food crisis. Even if UA is only playing a limited 19-related impoverishment in the USA is currently indicating. UA plays quantitative role for the supply of food (Webb, 2011), the recovery of (and has always played) an important role as ‘a survival strategy for the agricultural knowledge is playing a critical role for people to build urban poor’ in enhancing food security as well as healthy nutrition for psychological and social resilience in periods of crisis. Barthel et al. the most vulnerable parts of the urban society not only in periods of (2014) argue that urban gardens further act as pockets of social- crisis (Barthel et al., 2019; De Zeeuw et al., 2011; Zezza & Tasciotti, ecological memory for the preservation of agrobiodiversity maintain­ 2010). It is too early to say how severe the ongoing Covid-19 crisis will ing local landraces, agricultural practices and local ecological knowl­ affect urban food supply (UN, 2020), but Covid-19 should be another edge (Calvet-Mir et al., 2012), that can be activated in times of crisis and reminder that planning urban futures must consider also unlikely sce­ thus enhances a food resilience. For instance, in the twentieth century, narios of change. The fear for starvation has haunted cities over cen­ UA has been critical in Europe and North America to sustain the after- turies (Steel, 2009:7), and even in cities in the global north, vulnerability war urban population with food (e.g. Barthel & Isendahl, 2013). More in food security must not generally be excluded from land-use decision- recently in the early 1990s, Havana implemented a large UA system making. When making our cities fit for future challenges, vulnerabilities after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, which keeps maintaining of urban societies (including all its sub-groups) need a more careful substance to 2 million city inhabitants (e.g. Altieri & Nicholls, 2020; consideration that is currently not given. As the examples show, UA is Buchmann, 2009), and Freetown in Sierra Leone heavily relied on UA not only a keeper of ‘social-ecological memories about food production for the food supply of its 1 million inhabitants during a decade-long civil and past crises’ (Barthel et al., 2014) but also a way forward to build war starting in 1992 (e.g. Larbi & Cofie, 2007, cited by De Zeeuw et al., food resilience by diversifying the urban food sources. Interestingly, 2011). The most recent global scale stressor for urban food resilience land must not necessarily be dedicated to UA practices at all time, if the was the financial crisis in 2008, and the related food crisis (Rosset, potential for a quick transformation into UA production areas is given. 2008). While global food prices doubled, many cities faced important This is the case in many Central and Western European cities in form of social upraise and protests triggered by food shortage, including Port- extended allotment gardens that are nowadays primarily used for rec­ au-Prince in Haiti, Ouhigouya in Burkina Faso, and Mahalla El-Kobra reational purposes but which preserve strong adaptive capacities for in Egypt (Baker, 2008), and foot shortage is often assumed to have being turned into food production areas whenever needed (e.g. Kesha­ played a major role in the formation of the Arab spring unrest (e.g. varz & Bell, 2016; Langemeyer et al., 2016), arguably for both reasons Harrigan, 2014; Rosenberg, 2011). Remarkably, some urban areas, such they gained strong popularity during the current Covid-19 crisis. Similar as the mega-metropolitan region of the Ganges-Brahmaputra Delta, potentials have also been described for urbanized former farmland in the including Dhaka in Bangladesh and Kolkata in India, were much less Chittenden County, Vermont, USA (Erickson et al., 2011); although the affected, arguably due to functioning local UA production systems (e.g. potential for quick transformations seems to erode with time passing Barthel et al., 2019; Keck and Etzold, 2013). without land being used for UA. That means maintaining potentials for In periods of wage reduction, job losses and increases in food prices, implementing UA requires a strong and continued general awareness for the urban poor are particularly vulnerable due to a lack of agricultural vulnerabilities, and urban land-use planning to maintain UA potentials 3 J. Langemeyer et al. Landscape and Urban Planning 210 (2021) 104055 in a state that can rapidly be activated as source of food security. which were depending on their rural hinterland for food supply. Due to Especially, during longer periods without crises, during which UA is not the historic dependency on local agricultural production, cities are essential for the provision of food, such awareness for vulnerabilities generally located in the most fertile world regions, which consequen­ erodes and UA is getting under pressure by other urban land-uses (see tially means that urban expansions, taking place globally since the large Box 1). acceleration, are affecting the most fertile soils (e.g. Güneralp et al., In brief, despite wide evidence for the potential of UA to enhance 2013), for instance in the Nile Delta (Bren d’Amour et al., 2017). urban food resilience (Barthel et al., 2019), for urban planning to acti­ Reduction of UA areas can hence not be compensated one-to-one else­ vate this potential a more comprehensive understanding of vulnerabil­ where, and increases the pressure on global ecosystems disproportion­ ities needs to be developed, including questioning for whom, when, ally by enhanced intensification and larger surface demands on less where, and why (cf. Meerow & Newell, 2019). The lacking under­ fertile soils (Barthel et al., 2019). standing of social-ecological complexity and awareness of potential One major concern of intensified agricultural production on less future scenarios that might limit the supply of food imports and food fertile soils is the massive use of mineral fertilizers on which already security (e.g. Cadillo-Benalcazar et al., 2020; De Luca et al., 2021), leads about half of the global food production relies (Dawson & Hilton, 2011). to an under-prioritization of UA by urban land-use planning. To coun­ For example, to meet the global fertilizer demand, approximately 20 teract this lack of awareness for urban vulnerabilities in urban planning, million metric tons of phosphorus are extracted every year (Liu et al., a stronger consideration of multiple interacting drivers of change is 2008) and it has been estimated that at current consumption rates the demanded, alongside a broader set of vulnerability indicators, covering mineral fertilizer resources will at the most be a couple hundred years’ social, ecological and technical parts of the urban system and its global worth (Villalba et al., 2008, Van Vuuren et al., 2010). The production of dependencies (cf. Grimm et al. 2016, Depietri & McPhearson 2017). mineral fertilizers is extremely energy intensive (Edrisi et al., 2016) and Box 1 Eroding urban agriculture: The example of Barcelona, Spain responsible for approximately 5% of the global food production’s carbon Barcelona, Spain, E.U., is a good example for an urban planning context where UA is footprint — amounting to about 575 mega tons of CO2eq per year not considered a priority any longer. Recently, a panel of experts, primarily made up (Gilbert, 2012). This is significant, as one third of our global GHG by green space and land-use planners, was asked to prioritize urban deficits to be addressed by land-use planning. While planners, at the regional (Province of emissions come from agriculture (Gilbert, 2012). Especially nitrogen Barcelona) scale considered food provision as a relevant land-use planning goal, the based fertilizers are problematic and recognized by the IPCC as major importance dropped substantially at the Metropolitan scale, and zooming down to driver of global N2O emissions — a potent greenhouse gas (Smith et al., the Barcelona Municipality the priority in land-use planning for food provision was 1996). For instance, in 2017, 58% of the world’s agricultural nitrogen reduced to zero. Likewise, a similar exercise in the context of prioritizing different green roof types with regard to city needs showed very low priorities for food fertilization came from urea with a total of 78 million tons used in provision, compared to other urban needs, such as thermal regulation and runoff agriculture alone (FAO, 2020), amounting in 2017 from 160 to 400 control (Langemeyer et al., 2020). The lacking importance of food provision in mega tonnes of CO2eq only due to global urea production. While trans­ relation to local land-uses is mirrored by an important loss of UA. Just in the past portation itself has been found to be a minor source of carbon emissions two decades, the surface dedicated to the production of vegetables in the Province of from food imports (Weber & Matthews 2008), other externalities of Barcelona (which includes the Metropolitan Area and close-by towns) has been reduced by more than half: from 8,586 ha in 1999 to 3,007 in 2019 (IDESCAT, distant food production are embedded in urban food imports. Sustain­ 2019); thereby outperforming global trends in UA reduction by far (Bren d’Amour able urban planning must develop a more coherent understanding of the et al., 2017). Local agricultural production has consequently decreased from urban system and its global dependencies and teleconnections obscured 212,264 to 82,281 tonnes during that time period (IDESCAT, 1999). At the same through complex supply chains in order to reduce environmental im­ time, innovative approaches to local food production, such as the commercial use of pacts globally stemming from urban demands. More importantly, this green roofs, are still not considered legal under Barcelona’s current Metropolitan master plan. A consumer report of 2014 estimated that people in the Province of understanding must be coupled to decision-making about urban and Barcelona consume on average about 190 kg of fresh fruits and vegetables per peri-urban land-uses. person, per year. Based on a population of 5.5 million people, we can quickly Cities are a rich source of nutrients and UA offers the opportunity to estimate that the Province of Barcelona is able to supply about 7.8% of its own effectively use phosphates and nitrogen recovered from urban waste­ consumption of fresh fruit and vegetables. This is even below other large city such as New York City and Los Angeles, U.S., for example, which can support about 10% of water and solid waste, thereby reducing negative externalities through their populations with a 50-mile food-shed radius (Zumkehr & Campbell, 2015). the primary extraction of mineral fertilizers. For the Metropolitan Area The figures indicate a low sensitivity for vulnerabilities related to food shortage of Barcelona, it has been estimated that integrating phosphate and ni­ among Barcelona’s city planners, also reflected by results from a recent resilience trogen recovery technologies in the wastewater treatment plants could assessment in this city, which concludes that changes related to global climate supply between 5 and 30 times the amount of phosphates required to change are more tangible to urban planners than other (more immediate) changes at the regional scale (De Luca et al., 2021; Andersson et al., 2021). This is somewhat fertilize the entire UA in the area (Rufí-Salís et al., 2020). The recovery surprising in a context where, the financial crisis in 2008 required school canteens to of compost from the organic fraction of municipal solid waste offers open during the summer break in order to guarantee proper nutrition of vulnerable additional opportunities for nutrient recovery, reducing both impacts children. However, the global decline in UA indicates Barcelona not to be an outlier from mineral fertilizer production as well as emissions from land-filling but rather representing a global trend when it comes to prioritizing UA in urban land-use planning (e.g. Cilliers et al., 2020; García-Nieto et al., 2018). organic waste. UA offers the opportunity to reduce the N2O emissions not only by using less nitrogen fertilization but also from the use of more efficient technologies. For instance, using hydroponics in urban agri­ culture can reduce N2O emissions by half (Llorach-Massana et al., 3. Negative externalities and sustainable food supply 2017). In addition, an increase in UA would significantly reduce food losses associated to the long supply chain incurred by importing crops Global urban land teleconnections characterizing the urban food from thousands of kilometers. Caldeira et al. (2019) estimated that for supply (Seto et al., 2012; Barthel et al., 2019) deserve stronger consid­ the EU, an annual total input of around 638 Mt primary food com­ eration by urban planning not only for reasons of urban food resilience modities results in approximately 129 Mt (about 20%) of food waste but also in the face of sustainable global food production. In simple generated along the food supply chain, with the highest losses for fruits words, urban resilience goals must be aligned with global sustainability and vegetables. Shortening the food supply chain by enhancing UA, objectives (Elmqvist et al., 2019). For instance, the ongoing agricultural primarily for the latter goods, would hence allow lowering the amount concentration may not be aligned with global sustainability objectives. of food production and accordingly the environmental impacts and It leads to severe damage of the environment (cf. Seto et al., 2012) and surface requirements of food production it demands. However, the increases social inequalities globally (cf. Barthel et al., 2019), through, extent to which UA reduces environmental impacts depends much on what Elmqvist et al. (2013) call, ‘obscure indirect feedbacks’ — the configuration and cross-sectorial integration of UA, which can be compared to direct feedbacks that characterized pre-industrial cities, exemplified along the use of irrigation water. 4 J. Langemeyer et al. Landscape and Urban Planning 210 (2021) 104055 Agricultural irrigation already accounts for about 85% of the global ecosystems, as well as pollination and seed dispersal by providing nu­ water use; with increasing urbanization, food and consecutively water trients for bees and other pollinating insects (Andersson et al., 2007; demands are expected to rise further. Shifting from importing food to Theodorou et al., 2016). With extreme heat events projected to be local UA production means avoiding the water costs elsewhere (Paterson among the most severe and lethal effects of global climate change in et al., 2015). Whereas it is naïve to expect that UA can be implemented cities (e.g. IPCC, 2014), urban micro climate regulation should be at no environmental cost, those impacts can be widely ameliorated highlighted as another core potential of UA (e.g. Vásquez et al., 2019). through integrated urban water management strategies (Levidow et al., Plant evapotranspiration increases the air humidity and which can 2014). For instance, rain water harvesting and re-use can cover 18% of create a buffer against urban heat island effect. Larger vegetated areas the irrigation needs even in arid climates such as in Khartoum (Sudan) are reported to reduce air temperature in cities by up to 7 ◦ C (e.g. (Mahmoud et al., 2014), a shift to drop irrigation can increase water Zupancic et al., 2015), while smaller areas such as green roofs still create yields from 60 to 90%, whereas the use of alternative agriculture tech­ temperature reduction by up to 3◦ (Smith & Roebber, 2011; Santa­ niques like hydroponics can reduce water requirements by about 30% mouris, 2014). The actual temperature reduction primarily depends on (Rufí-Salís et al., 2020). Furthermore, urban planning must not shy away the species composition, and the leaf area, but might (potentially) also from influencing the selection of climate adapted crops and enforcing vary with the intensity of irrigation, with higher irrigation leading to a rotation techniques in UA, which results in important water savings with higher cooling effect (Broadbent et al., 2018). From a social perspective, respect to non-adapted monocultures (Van Schilfgaarde, 1994). urban farming has been reported to favor social inclusion and empow­ In summary, fostering local food production through UA embeds erment, not least for women in the global south (Orsini et al., 2013; large potentials to avoid a long list of detrimental environmental and Slater, 2001) and might thereby help to reduce social inequalities social impacts that are generally not considered in urban land-use exacerbated by urbanization. Furthermore, citizen-led UA has shown to planning. This potential may be harnessed by the deployment of high­ strengthen community-ownership and empowerment, which fosters ly efficient and integrated UA systems. Yet, as a first step sustainable bottom-up planning approaches not least in the global south (Cilliers urban planning needs to base land-use decisions for and against UA et al., 2020). Another important prospect for multifunctional UA, pri­ within a wider context of urban food imports and negative environ­ marily described for the global north, lies in the creation of co-benefits mental impacts through global teleconnections. Comparisons (for through recreational opportunities. This can consist in physical exer­ example based on Life-Cycle Assessments) of environmental impacts cises, such as cycling and running and walking in UA landscapes, but from local food production through UA and the alternative of food im­ also relaxation and disconnection from stressful urban life (Hawkins ports and its embedded impacts globally, including energy, water and et al., 2011; Van den Berg & Custers, 2011), as well as nature experi­ nutrient consumption, as well as emissions to air, soil and water, offer a ences based on observations of seasonal changes and growing cycles broader more robust knowledge base for truly sustainable urban (Wilson, 1992) and active engagement in gardening practices. The planning. development of recreational potentials of UA is critical, because local recreation is often spatially concentrated in the remaining urban and 4. Multifunctionality and ecosystem services peri-urban green areas, and this might lead to trade-offs and conflict over land-use (cf. Olsson et al., 2016; Turkelboom et al., 2018). How­ Beyond its potentials to enhance urban resilience and foster global ever, trade-offs between UA and recreation seem to be avoidable and sustainability, a third aspect of UA that should still find stronger there might even be beneficial synergies (and additional income op­ acknowledgement in urban land-use planning are potential multi­ portunities for farmers) if urban planning actively addresses and in­ functionalities (Lovell, 2010; Vásquez et al., 2019), or the provision of tegrates these two land-use demands. Even more so, UA can foster multiple ecosystem services beyond the supply of food that urban agri­ important cultural ties between urban inhabitants and the hinterland. culture provides (Langemeyer et al., 2016; Lindley et al., 2018). While these relationships are often glorified and romanticized (i.e. Although ecosystem service assessments are on the rise, in the context of generally not fully grasping the reality of UA production, Steel, 2008) urban green infrastructure and nature-based solutions especially in they have shown to shape urban people’s sense of place and belonging Europe and North America (e.g. Gómez-Baggethun et al., 2013; Haase (e.g. Tidball et al., 2014; Okvat & Zautra, 2014). This is core, not only for et al., 2014; Raymond et al., 2017), their uptake and incorporation into people’s individual wellbeing, but cultural bonds between urban urban and peri-urban land-use planning is only slowly progressing, and dwellers and UA might also help to break or at least alter the vicious did not considerably raise the relevance given to UA by urban planning circle of the ‘extinction of experiences’ (Miller, 2005) where physical despite large evidence bases. Green infrastructure approaches high­ distance to nature and its processes leads to a lack of understanding of lighting the multifunctionality of UA especially lack adaptations to human dependence on healthy ecosystems, which again leads to an urban realities in the global south (e.g. Lindley et al., 2018). While there underappreciation of nature and the need for its conservation. With a is a new green fashion in urban planning, which includes the creation of projected 70% of the global population to be living in cities by 2050 avantgard UA rooftop gardens, maintaining existing UA at larger scales (UN, 2018), fostering these cultural ties (romanticized or not) seems to is less fashionable (Abo-El-Wafa et al., 2018; Bren d’Amour et al., 2017; be essential in order to build the base for transformative change (cf. García-Nieto et al., 2018). Still, enhanced food resilience and reduced Theurl et al., 2020). Even small scale UA, in form of school, community, environmental impacts are only reached if UA provides a substantial or allotment gardens, with limited or no contributions to food produc­ share of the urban consumption, which requires a certain level of tion can endorse nature experiences, and embed opportunities for intensification. This embeds trade-offs and reduces the multi­ environmental education and learning (e.g. Beilin and Hunter, 2011; functionality of UA. Nevertheless, urban planning can help fostering an Camps-Calvet et al., 2016; Schreinemachers et al., 2019), which can be active societal debate about ‘ecosystem service justice’ (Langemeyer & seen as a foundation for support to sustainability objectives and might Connolly, 2020) and the benefits that are most needed and thus to be promote environmental stewardship by urban people (cf. Langemeyer produced by UA, in addition to food. It can further help steering UA et al., 2018). activities towards prioritized co-benefits. In summary, UA provides multiple benefits to people and the envi­ The potential co-benefits are manifold (Artmann & Sartison, 2018; ronment beyond the production of food, including urban temperature Cilliers et al., 2020; Langemeyer et al., 2016; Lovell, 2010) and include regulation and recreational opportunities and allows for the creation of erosion prevention and soil fixation by plant roots (Edmondson et al., cultural bonds between urban inhabitants and their surrounding land­ 2014), buffers against flooding and storm water runoff through water scapes. Many of these benefits jointly produced with food are critically retention by leaves and unpaved surfaces (Watts & Dexter, 1997) and needed in an increasingly urban global society. Despite wide scientific related mitigations of negative environmental impacts on aquatic evidence for this prospective, multifunctionality is hampered by 5 J. 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Linking social and ecological systems for resilience and and concentration processes in the agro-food business and thereby to sustainability. Linking Social and Ecological Systems: Management Practices and Social enhance food security and adaptive capacities in cities in times of crisis Mechanisms for Building Resilience, 1(4), 4. (Barthel et al., 2019). UA production has the potential to reduce the Bren d’Amour, C., Reitsma, F., Baiocchi, G., Barthel, S., Güneralp, B., Erb, K. H., et al. (2017). Future urban land expansion and implications for global croplands. environmental impacts associated to conventional agricultural produc­ Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 114(34), 8939–8944. tion and the global food supply chains, because it can close nutrient and Broadbent, A. M., Coutts, A. M., Tapper, N. J., & Demuzere, M. (2018). The cooling effect water cycles in urban areas and avoid agricultural production on less of irrigation on urban microclimate during heatwave conditions. Urban Climate, 23, 309–329. fertile soils (e.g. Bren d’Amour et al., 2017). While sustainability is high Buchmann, C. (2009). Cuban home gardens and their role in social-ecological resilience. on urban planning agendas in many parts of the world, the obscured Human Ecology, 37(6), 705–721. complexity behind urban food supplies and the teleconnections (Seto Cadillo-Benalcazar, J. J., Renner, A., & Giampietro, M. (2020). A multiscale integrated analysis of the factors characterizing the sustainability of food systems in Europe. et al., 2012) of environmental externalities that food imports embed are Journal of Environmental Management, 271, Article 110944. hardly considered in urban land-use planning. Critically needed are new Caldeira, C., De Laurentiis, V., Corrado, S., van Holsteijn, F., & Sala, S. (2019). urban planning paradigms highlighting the importance of non-built-up Quantification of food waste per product group along the food supply chain in the European Union: A mass flow analysis. Resources, Conservation and Recycling, 149, areas in general (Nadal et al., 2018) and supportive legal framework 479–488. https://doi.org/10.1016/J.RESCONREC.2019.06.011. for UA in particular (Chaminuka & Dube, 2017). Today, urban land-use Calvet-Mir, L., Calvet-Mir, M., Molina, J. L., & Reyes-García, V. (2012). Seed exchange as planning is still underestimating the potential of UA as multifunctional an agrobiodiversity conservation mechanism. A case study in Vall Fosca, Catalan Pyrenees, Iberian Peninsula. Ecology and Society, 17(1). nature-based solution (Artmann & Sartison, 2018) that provides multi­ Camps-Calvet, M., Langemeyer, J., Calvet-Mir, L., Gómez-Baggethun, E., & March, H. ple ecosystem services and counteracts a wide set of other urban chal­ (2015). Sowing resilience and contestation in times of crises: The case of urban lenges beyond the provision of food. At least at this last frontier it seems gardening movements in Barcelona. PArtecipazione e COnflitto, 8(2), 417–442. that urban planning in the global north is increasingly picking up on the https://doi.org/10.1285/i20356609v8i2p417. Camps-Calvet, M., Langemeyer, J., Calvet-Mir, L., & Gómez-Baggethun, E. (2016). scientific advances with ecosystem service research gaining increasing Ecosystem services provided by urban gardens in Barcelona, Spain: Insights for influence over urban and peri-urban planning decisions, which might policy and planning. Environmental Science & Policy, 62, 14–23. also influence future evaluations of UA land-use. Unfortunately incor­ Chaminuka, N., & Dube, E. (2017). Urban agriculture as a food security strategy for urban dwellers: A case study of Mkoba residents in the city of Gweru, Zimbabwe. porating food resilience and global sustainability into urban land-use PEOPLE: International Journal of Social Sciences, 3(2). planning still faces more challenges, both, in the global south and in Cilliers, E. J., Lategan, L., Cilliers, S. S., & Stander, K. (2020). Reflecting on the Potential the global north. and Limitations of Urban Agriculture as an Urban Greening Tool in South Africa. Frontier Sustainable Cities and Society, 2, 43. https://doi.org/10.3389/ frsc.2020.00043. Acknowledgments Cohen, M. J., & Garrett, J. L. (2010). The food price crisis and urban food (in) security. Environment and Urbanization, 22(2), 467–482. Coles, R., & Costa, S. (2018). Food growing in the city: Exploring the productive urban We would like to thank two unknown reviewers for their critical landscape as a new paradigm for inclusive approaches to the design and planning of feedback and valuable remarks. This work was funded by an ERC future urban open spaces. Landscape and Urban Planning, 170, 1–5. https://doi.org/ Consolidator Grant awarded to Gara Villalba (818002-URBAG). JL ac­ 10.1016/j.landurbplan.2017.10.003. Dawson, C. J., & Hilton, J. (2011). Fertiliser availability in a resource-limited world: knowledges funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 INTER­ Production and recycling of nitrogen and phosphorus. Food Policy, 36, S14–S22. LACE project (Grant Agreement 869324); AM would like to https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foodpol.2010.11.012. acknowledge the funding from the research and innovation programme De Luca, C., Langemeyer J., Vano, S., Baró, F., Andersson, E. 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