Cultural Histories of Science Culture & History Digital Journal 10(1) in Franco’s Spain June 2021, e008 Ricardo Campos, eISSN 2253-797X Enric Novella (coords.) doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.008 Between modernity and tradition: the formation of a psychoanalytical culture during the Franco dictatorship Silvia Lévy Lazcano Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona e-mail: silvia.levy@uab.cat ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2853-2565 Submitted: 1 April 2020. Accepted: 2 July 2020. ABSTRACT: The aim of this work is to analyze the process by which psychoanalysis categories joined scientific and popular culture in Francoism. To do so, we will start with the criticism and reinterpretations that different ex- perts did on Freud’s theory to adapt it to the new political-social context. This analysis will allow us to show how reappropriation and signification of a progressive and modern theory was achieved based on the doctrinal prin- ciples of national-Catholicism. From here on, we will analyze the incorporation of psychoanalytic language and ideas into several mass media, confirming the consolidation of psychoanalysis as a cultural framework in Spain. KEYWORDS: History of Psychoanalysis; National-Catholicism; Psychiatry; Psychotherapy; Popular culture; Mass media. Citation / Cómo citar este artículo: Lévy Lazcano, Silvia (2021) “Between modernity and tradition: the formation of a psychoanalytical culture during the Franco dictatorship”. Culture & History Digital Journal, 10 (1): e008. https://doi. org/10.3989/chdj.2021.008 RESUMEN: Entre modernidad y tradición: la formación de una cultura psicoanalítica durante el franquismo.‒ El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el proceso por el que las categorías del psicoanálisis pasaron a formar parte de la cultura científica y popular del franquismo. Para ello partiremos de las críticas y reinterpretaciones que los diferentes expertos hicieron a la teoría de Freud para adaptarla al nuevo contexto político-social. Este análisis nos servirá para mostrar cómo se produjo el proceso de reapropiación y resignificación de una teoría considerada progresista y moderna a partir de los principios doctrinales del nacional-catolicismo. A partir de este punto, ana- lizamos la incorporación de términos e ideas psicoanalíticas en diversos medios de difusión popular, constatando la consolidación del psicoanálisis como marco de referencia cultural en España. PALABRAS CLAVE: Historia del psicoanálisis; Nacional-catolicismo; Psiquiatría; Psicoterapia; Cultura popu- lar; Medios de difusión de masas. Copyright: © 2021 CSIC. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) License. 2 • Silvia Lévy Lazcano INTRODUCTION things might be. Any history will have to explain, above all, the intensity of its attractiveness and the scope of its A number of authors have pointed to a supposed cen- influence. However, this same influence has hindered the soring or rejection of psychoanalysis during the Franco search for a historic perspective, one which requires a cer- dictatorship in Spain (González Duro, 1978; Glick, 1982; tain distance (Zaresky, 2012, pp. 17-18). Castilla del Pino, 1997; Carles et al., 2000; Druet, 2011a). Psychiatrists such as Antonio Vallejo Nágera and Juan The history of psychoanalysis in different locations José López Ibor were very critical of the theory that had shows exactly how Freudian ideas had a life of their own formed part of the discourse and strategies surrounding regardless of what was taking place in the supposedly “of- sexual hygiene and education embodied in the reforms in- ficial” bastions of psychoanalysis (Ruperthuz, 2015). For troduced by Spain’s Republican government in the 1930s this reason, in researching this study, we have distanced (Lévy and Huertas, 2018). Official scientific discourse ourselves from the “official accounts” of the history of in the Franco era distanced itself from the previous the- psychoanalysis in Spain (Muñoz, 1989, 1993; Pérez- ories it considered immoral and exaggerated in terms of Sánchez, 1984; Anguera, 1998, 2010, 2011), focusing the claims they made. Above all however, official thought instead on a history that goes further than references to questioned the validity of ideas that had constituted part institutional psychoanalysis or accounts from within the of the Second Republic’s scientific corpus. discipline itself. Francoist opposition to psychoanalysis was generally We agree with Plotkin in his description of psychoa- more a matter of form than content. The exile of the main nalysis as a “cultural artifact” in the widest possible sense spokespeople for psychoanalysis, most of whom were as- (Plotkin, 2009), as a multifaceted object as opposed to a sociated with the Republic’s reforms, opened up the pos- psychological theory or a therapeutic technique. We in- sibility of ensuring the continuity of a theory that was not stead refer to a number of practices and discourses that only subject to persecution but which also offered ways are legitimized by and recognized in a genealogy—real or in which religious psychotherapy, mental hygiene, moral- imaginary—of Freud’s ideas (Plotkin, 2001). ity, culture and modern subjectivity in general could be This phenomenon is what the American writer Sherry considered (Lévy, 2019). Even Catholicism, initially crit- Turkle has called “psychoanalytical culture” and which is ical of Freud’s pansexualism, offered its own hermeneu- defined by three main conditions: a transnational nature, tic interpretation of psychoanalysis, firstly safeguarding which takes it beyond the cultural and national limits of Catholic dogma before reinventing Freudian thought in a its place of origin, even changing the original language in manner that was more suitable for religious life. Reflect- which the message was formulated and transmitted; the ed in this was the interest of the Church, and, in general, capacity to offer objects through which we may consid- of Francoist science, to not be excluded from the onward er social reality and the elements of day-to-day life and march of modernity. psychoanalysis’s flexible, multifaceted character, making We therefore feel that if there is something that still it an easily appropriable system of ideas, as can be seen needs to be explained it is not the rejection but rather the in the many adaptations it has undergone which coexist characteristics of psychoanalysis’s success. In fact, the alongside apparently contrary and incompatible theories constant criticism of psychoanalysis received in Spain (Turkle, 1992). To these conditions we should add a body did not halt its dissemination but actually fostered an ever of institutions and relayers responsible for spreading the more constant and unrestricted presence in specialist cir- theory through various channels (Damousi and Plotkin, cles. 2009). Emerging in Vienna as a medical theory with an as- Freud’s ideas were quick to reach Spain, arriving in sociated therapeutic practice, psychoanalysis quickly 1893 (Bermejo, 1991). Nevertheless, it would not be transcended borders, cultures and societies, moving away until the 1920s that they began to be more commonly from Freud as its originator and Vienna as the epicenter found, principally in medical texts and scientific literature of psychoanalytical thinking. We cannot distinguish a (Carles et al. 2000). Over the course of these years, the at- common trend when talking about this process, in which tacks on and criticism of a theory that had been controver- ideas are not absorbed passively but rather act and are act- sial from the outset started to act as disseminators, driving ed upon according to the ways of thinking and doing in Freudian ideas both within the medical community, which which they are received. As a number of researchers have was initially interested in new European approaches to indicated (Plotkin, 2001; Damousi and Plotkin, 2009; the treatment of hysteria and beyond (Lévy, 2019). The Ruperthuz, 2015; Forrester, 2001; Zaretsky, 2012), psy- scant legitimacy which various specialist sectors gave choanalysis coexisted with various social models and in- to Freud’s ideas, as well as the hostility of a number of tellectual traditions, many of which were considered con- professionals and the offended sensibilities of the most tradictory, opening up a broad field of lines of reception conservative parts of society who were scandalized by his and reformulation. As Zaretsky argued: theories on sex, not only failed to thwart acceptance of psychoanalysis but also laid the foundations for the es- In order to situate psychoanalysis historically, it is not tablishment of a psychoanalytical culture in Spain. Areas enough to know the details of Freud’s life, the history such as sexual reform, education, criminology, literature of psychiatry or that of Vienna, however important these and art all included psychoanalytical concepts. Reali- Culture & History Digital Journal 10(1), June 2021, e008. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.008 Between modernity and tradition: the formation of a psychoanalytical culture during the Franco dictatorship • 3 ty could therefore be thought of in Freudian terms, with had a decidedly nationalist perspective, that scorned all psychoanalysis going beyond exclusively medical circles, that was foreign and lauded all that was Spanish. Never- working as a system of ideas and beliefs in which a wide theless, despite this evident break with the past, there are range of everyday aspects could be named and discussed sufficient arguments that oblige us to think that there were as well as affecting the way people thought about them- also significant elements of continuity (Campos, 2015; selves (Turkle, 1992). Campos and González de Pablo, 2016). This increase in interest and the dissemination of ide- During the dictatorship, the inclusion of psychoan- as concerning psychoanalysis outside a medical context alytical ideas within the milieu of medicine and mental allowed it to act as a bridge between the specialist prac- hygiene which had had its apogee in the 1920s and 1930s tices of psychiatry, neurology, medicine, sexology and the underwent adaptations to the new social model that the re- right to education on the one hand and popular and elite gime sought to impose. For psychiatrists who were allied culture on the other (Illouz, 2007). The inclusion of psy- with the Republic, psychoanalysis was at the very fore- choanalysis in the Second Republic’s social reform poli- front of science, above all in its tenets regarding sexuality cies, as well as the concurrent appearance of psychoana- (Lévy and Huertas, 2018). The reforms introduced during lytical content in cultural products such as entertainment the Second Republic had included some of the most im- magazines, graphic humor, novels and popular non-fiction portant ideas in psychoanalysis. However, the overturning are clear examples of this exchange of ideas between the of all these changes by the regime also affected psycho- world of experts and that of lay people. Contrary to what analysis, “not to destroy it but rather to cleanse it of its other authors have argued (Druet, 2018), this did not cease blind determinism and adapt it to psychological and clini- with the advent of Franco’s dictatorship, although the way cal knowledge” (Vallejo Nágera, 1952, p. 12) in which ideas circulated did alter. Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, Freud’s theories This article seeks to develop the main points of the had been consolidated as modern scientific and cultur- reformulation of psychoanalysis during the early years al thought which could be used to express the changes of the dictatorship before analyzing the presence of ideas that society was experiencing. Its ideas transcended the on the discipline on various media outlets such as certain borders of what it meant to be an expert, entering areas Sección Femenina (the women’s branch of the Falangist of social discourse and popular culture and stepping into political movement) magazines or the series of detective ways of thinking about subjects such as madness, sexu- novels written by Jaume Ministral in the 1950s. We then ality and criminality. Specialist national magazines and reflect on the establishment of a “psychoanalytical cul- journals had published articles and commentaries regard- ture” in Spain that had its origins in the 1920s and which ing this controversial Freudian theory (Druet, 2011b)1. grew throughout the 20th century. Psychoanalysis had an ever-increasing appeal, with the 1922 publication of Freud’s Complete Works selling over NATIONAL-CATHOLICISM AND PSYCHOANAL- 15,000 copies before the Civil War in 1936 (Ruiz-Castillo YSIS Basala, 1972, p. 103). All of these actions further reinforced an artificial re- In the first decades of the Francoist dictatorship there lation between ideology and psychoanalysis in which the was a program of political and doctrinal cleansing of latter was taken as a progressive discourse, a bulwark of Spain’s science and culture. The new State embarked on sexual freedom and Republican reforms, confronting the a process of reorganization of society which eliminated conservative sector which it saw as a danger and a perver- most of the Republican government’s reforms and laws sion of thought. Nonetheless, we feel that there is nothing in an attempt to eradicate everything that bore its stamp in psychoanalysis or in its epistemology that means that it (Campos, 2015). López Ibor announced this in his inau- sides with one ideology or another and that, in any event, gural speech in 1942 to the newly established Sociedad it is the subject that assigns this political character or af- Española de Neurología y Psiquiatría (the Spanish Socie- filiation to a social class (Vetö Honorato, 2013). In this ty of Neurology and Psychiatry) which replaced the Aso- sense, the identification of psychoanalysis and Republi- ciación Española de Neuropsiquiatras (the Spanish Soci- can reform proposed a scenario of political, personal and ety of Neuro-Psychiatrists), founded in 1924 by a number professional confrontation that was not necessarily rele- of the main players in the Republican reforms (Huertas, vant to scientific debate in terms of psychoanalytical the- 2017): “Our victorious war of liberation […] has seen the ory, although it did determine the way that psychoanalysis resumption of the good and true Spanish cultural tradi- was to be consolidated in Spain. tion. It has also meant the removal of all that is alien to us In the first years of Francoism, psychiatrists, theologi- and inconsistent” (López Ibor, 1942, p. 15). ans and doctors criticized and reconsidered psychoanalyt- The purge duly took place, as did the dismantling of ical theories on sexuality and its mechanisms and materi- the previous secular, modern science and its institutions alism, mainly focusing its attention on its spokespeople. and staff (Otero, 2006). This cleansing led to a new, Initial opposition to psychoanalysis was marked by Fran- Catholic science, free from heresy, one which glorified coist interest in discrediting psychiatrists and specialists the new regime and new Catholic man. Francoism aban- in exile – identified as those who sought to eradicate the doned the liberal, modernizing tendencies that had char- new social order – and impose its own political and scien- acterized the Republican period in favor of a science that tific hegemony. Once everybody’s political responsibility Culture & History Digital Journal 10(1), June 2021, e008. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.008 4 • Silvia Lévy Lazcano had been cleansed, there was no problem in continuing to redrafting of the discipline, just as it hadn’t troubled it reframe psychoanalysis and “rescue” it from its excess- during the Second Republic. Nevertheless, it is true that it es—“(…) An attitude that requires fidelity to our own was to have much less practical importance, relegated to psychoanalytical past” (Sarró, 1936, p. 426). a more descriptive and philosophical level than clinical. In any event, either due to scientific, ideological or Even so, and above all from the 1950s onward, a num- professional reasons, psychoanalysis, as was the case ber of writers from the Catholic world turned their atten- with psychiatry and psychotherapy, had to adapt to the tion to the usefulness of such knowledge in the lives of new order, one which was strongly autocratic, nationalist Catholic men and women. Even the Augustinian Father and religious. Vallejo Nágera expressed this clearly at the César Vaca considered its use in seminaries. In 1951 his 3rd National Neuro-Psychiatry Congress in 1952: Psicoanálisis y dirección espiritual (“Psychoanalysis and Spiritual Direction”) was published, with a second edition Spanish people are, in the main, Catholics. It is the first following in 1954. The book proved to be the start of the of the psychotherapeutic conditions that Catholic dogma publishing house’s Biblioteca de Psicología del Director and morality not be contradicted if we want to prevent Espiritual (Library of the Psychology of Spiritual Direc- detrimental effects on the health of our patients […]. That tion”) collection, dedicated to works introducing psychol- psychoanalysis is an instrument that is easily adaptable to ogy to seminarists and priests in order that they might use the concepts of psychosomatic medicine has also had an them as guides in matters of conscience. In his prologue influence on its dissemination, making it manageable for a to the first edition, Vaca wrote that “psychoanalysis has general practitioner […]. When faced with clinical reality, its roots in the materialism of the last century, paving the as psychiatrists we cannot avoid psychoanalytical training way for the spiritual turbulence of this. It serves as a kind […], albeit not in the way demanded by orthodox psycho- of bridge between two opposing approaches, while also analysts that adhere to the old analysis of psychotherapy bringing together disperse matters of discussion in the (Vallejo Nágera, 1952, pp. 11-12). various sectors of human science” (Vaca, 1954, p. 8). For Vaca this meant “baptizing” Freudianism (Vaca, 1954, p. National Catholicism redefined psychoanalytical theo- 426), incorporating all that might be of value to Catholic ries regarding sexuality in order to preserve chastity among spiritual life: “What we might call `the theology of sin´, the young and defend the Catholic notion of marriage and a subject that was of great concern to Saint Augustine, reproduction as the framework in which sexual relations can find in psychoanalysis an instrument with a wealth of were permitted (Campos, 2018). Terms such as sublima- enlightenment and contribution” (Vaca, 1954, p. 32). His tion and sexual drives continued to be used to refer to an book was praised by López Ibor and enjoyed the support individual’s sexual condition, although they needed to be of the magazine Eclessia (Vereda, 2001) which added a “purified” and adapted to better suit the new doctrines of short note in the inside cover to all “directors of souls” Francoism2. The legacy of psychoanalysis was therefore and, in general, anybody who is interested in the subject, recognized, albeit oriented toward a construction that con- recommending that they investigate “through this safely ceptually dispensed with Freud in order to move closer to orthodox guide, the science and applications of Freudian others such as Jung and Adler, entrusting religion and ex- psychoanalysis” (Vaca, 1954). istential anthropology with the task of “saving” psychoa- The Jesuit priest Pedro Meseguer was another of those nalysis and putting it at the service of Francoist science. who were most prolific in the Catholic reformulation of For example, Doctor Fernando Enríquez de Salamanca, a psychoanalysis. He wrote numerous articles for Razón y counter-revolutionary Catholic monarchist who was close Fe (“Reason and Faith”), a magazine for Jesuits that has to the group of intellectuals who wrote for the magazine been published without interruption since 1901. The role Acción Española (Campos, 2016; Huertas, 1998) stated in of this magazine in the dissemination of ideas regarding his prologue to José de San Román’s Por la Higiene de la psychoanalysis in the Catholic world was crucial, with Raza (“For the Hygiene of Our Race”) that one of the most its frequent references to the theories of Freud, Adler and important things for man to do was to strengthen his will Jung, among others. In 1957, Meseguer attended the 7th in order to channel his libido toward social balance and re- International Catholic Congress on Psychotherapy and production, thus avoiding falling prey to instinct and the Clinical Psychology in Madrid, at which a large number satisfaction of unfettered sexual desire (Enríquez de Sala- of important theologians, psychiatrists and psychothera- manca, 1938 pp. VI-VII). San Román meanwhile defended pists from the Catholic milieu in Spain and abroad were psychoanalysis – above all its theories of repression and present. Chaired by López Ibor, the event featured Father sublimation – as mechanisms which could be harnessed to Agostino Gemelli, president of the Pontifical Academy of the achievement of the social ideal, which for him meant Sciences and rector of the Catholic University as honorary the “love of one’s neighbor” in the sense of foregoing one’s president. Gemelli was a political and religious authority own satisfaction. In this case, he said, “We have no diffi- on psychology and Catholicism (Pasqualini, 2016). It is culty in admitting it and applying continence to ourselves, no coincidence that the prologue that replaced the origi- even where it might seem paradoxical to do so” (San nal by the philosopher and essayist José Ortega y Gasset Román, 1938, p. 73). in the reprint of Freud’s Complete Works in 1948 based Psychiatry’s organicism in the 1940s did not hinder itself on Gemelli in order to establish the compatibilities the incorporation of psychoanalysis within the Francoist between psychoanalysis and Catholicism, convincing the Culture & History Digital Journal 10(1), June 2021, e008. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.008 Between modernity and tradition: the formation of a psychoanalytical culture during the Franco dictatorship • 5 Francoist authorities and avoiding possible censorship stand the essence of man, in sickness and in health, incor- (Druet, 2006; Bermejo, 1993) porating a dynamic interpretation of personality that owed The main promoter of these congresses was the French a great deal to psychoanalysis (López Ibor, 1957, p. 26) philosophical writer Maryse Choisy, one of the figures Alongside this movement of specialists from the who fought most for the implementation of psychoanal- Catholic milieu, one of the most important thinkers in the ysis within Catholic circles. She also suggested the cre- dissemination of psychoanalysis in scientific and cultural ation of an Institute of Catholic Analysts through which circles during the dictatorship was the Catalan psychia- psychoanalysts recommended for their scientific work trist Ramón Sarró. In his youth he had travelled to Vienna and their faith might undertake training analysis (Ohayon, to study under Freud, undergoing analysis with Helene 2006). She had in fact been a patient of Freud’s in 1925, Deutsch. In 1927, without having finished his training at although she interrupted her analysis until the mid-1940s the Vienna Psychoanalytic Association, he broke of this when she restarted under René Laforgue and Maurice analysis to return to Spain. He subsequently dedicated a Bouvet (Roudinesco, 1994). Choisy, Gemelli and López large part of his scientific to critiquing and reformulat- Ibor had all based themselves on Pope Pious XII’s ad- ing Freudian psychoanalysis in order to make it compat- dress at the 5th International Congress on Psychotherapy ible with a more spiritualized and integral image of man, in 1953 in Rome, at which it was felt that he had opened without completely ignoring the somatic perspectives on the door to a calm, critical study of Freud’s work (Ohay- which he based his arguments. Precisely for this reason, on, 2006; Desmazières, 2011). he dedicated significant time and money to the study and The 7th International Catholic Congress on Psycho- dissemination of psychoanalysis from his position as therapy and Clinical Psychology in 1957 was therefore chair of psychiatry at the University of Barcelona, which an opportunity for intense debate and reformulation of he had held since 1950. Freud’s theories within Catholicism, highlighting as well In 1958 he chaired the 4th International Congress on the existence of a network of international collaboration Psychotherapy in Barcelona. This event was probably the between psychotherapists, psychiatrists, psychoanalysts most important such convention held during the Franco and members of religious orders. Spanish writers such as era. As well as the leading figures from Spanish psychia- Padre Barbado, Padre Vaca, Padre Meseguer, Sarró, López try and psychotherapy, it attracted a broad representation Ibor, Vallejo Nágera, Pelaz, Rojas, Rof Carballo, Otaola, of experts from all over the world such as Henry Ey, Bin- Bofill, Zamora and Pertejo – the latter four members of swanger, Bleuler, Viktor Frankl, Franz Alexander, Eugène the group that in 1959 would constitute Spain’s first psy- Minkoswski, Medard Boss, Erwin W. Strauss, Arthur choanalytical society – and those from further afield, like Jores, Igor Carusso, Jacob Lévy Moreno, René Diatkine Choisy, Father Dempsey, Carusso and the Catholic psy- and the French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan, who kept in choanalysts Henri-Nodet and Durand, spoke in favor of a touch with Sarró, returning in Spain once more in 1972 religious psychotherapy that would incorporate these new (Druet, 2014). At the inaugural conference, Sarró argued, scientific ideas in order to better understand and orient as López Ibor had done at the 1957 Madrid congress, that the modern conscience toward the Catholic way of life. the central aim of the event was a “psychosomatic revo- Freud’s psychoanalysis was the common ground which lution” in Spanish medicine that would start by breaking practically all took as their point of reference. In gener- away from Freud’s psychoanalysis in favor of existential al, the aim was to cleanse Freudianism of its materialism, anthropology and phenomenology (Dalmau, 1958, p. reshaping it to make it compatible with the principles of 571)4. Nevertheless, the word “revolution” would finally scholastic philosophy founded in Thomistic thought. disappear from conference addresses as it displeased the For Catholicism, said Padre Meseguer in his address political authorities, with whom they had to take the nec- to the Congress, it is very difficult to accept the Freud- essary precautions (Druet, 2014). ian idea that moral conduct, culture or religion are the Throughout the congress, the psychoanalytical con- result of a “sublimated libido”3. According to Thomistic cept of transference was brought up on various occasions. philosophy, the efficient cause of the spiritual is always It was said to have revolutionized medicine by putting the superior to its effect, meaning that it cannot be of a ma- patient’s experience and their interpersonal relation with terial order. It would be an aberration to think that sexual their doctor at the forefront. For example, Rof Carballo matters can be passed on to religion, as “the cause of the outlined this idea in his address which cited Medar Boss spiritual effect is in the spirit”, from which stemmed the and Gustav Bally, two representatives of modern psycho- need to Christianize psychotherapy (Meseguer, 1957, p. therapy whose work was characterized by their defense 310). This was a controversial matter that transcended the of the view that Heidegger and Freud’s thinking was critique of psychoanalysis and which in some ways fore- based on the same foundations, meaning that it was not shadowed the disagreements that the Catholic Church had necessary to break away from them or complement one’s with evolutionists throughout the 20th century (Florensa, work with the other’s (Rof Carballo, 1959). The Russian 2013). psychoanalyst Igor Caruso defended a similar position in Both psychiatry and psychotherapy, said López Ibor his speech “Analytical technique as existential technique” in his opening address to the Congress, had to undergo a (Caruso, 1959), while Spain’s Luis Martín-Santos also “Copernican revolution” in order to move from the natu- spoke in favor of the complementary dichotomy between ral sciences to anthropological sciences in order to under- instinct and existence or between Jaspers and Freud, seek- Culture & History Digital Journal 10(1), June 2021, e008. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.008 6 • Silvia Lévy Lazcano ing recourse in the thinking of Jean-Paul Sartre (González the world and between the subject and themselves (Rose, de Pablo, 1998) 1998; Ruperthuz, 2017). Francoist psychiatry and Catholic psychotherapy Novels, comic books, pocket editions, self-help books criticized psychoanalysis and German philosophy, the and movies, all designed for mass dissemination and con- foundations on which his concept of man and the world sumption, all accessible to differing economies and social was built. On this mission, Freud’s drive theory was re- classes, have at one time or another tapped into psychoan- jected—Homo natura as López Ibor had conceived the alytical ideas. It is thus important to translate this success idea—in favor of a new concept that took, among other within a clear sales strategy that turns psychoanalysis and ideas, Jaspers’ phenomenological system, Binswanger’s the psychological discourse in general into a consumable phenomenological-existentialist criteria—which ex- object. plained the schizophrenic patient’s being starting from In his article Paradójicos reaccionarios: la moderni- Freud and Heidegger—or Minkowski’s phenomenologi- dad contra la República de la Comunión Tradicionalista cal notions (González de Pablo, 1987). (“Reactionary paradoxes: modernity against the Republic The centrality of these two congresses—the 7th In- of the Traditionalist Communion”), Francisco Capistegui ternational Catholic Congress on Psychotherapy and proposed the concept of a “defensive modernity”, a “con- Clinical Psychology in 1957 and the 4th Internation- servative modernization” and a “reactionary moderniza- al Congress on Psychotherapy in 1958—allows us to tion” which help us to describe this process as “the ad- analyze the effective presence that psychoanalysis had aptation of the system to the changes produced by mass on Francoist scientific culture on both a strategic level society, but without this establishing values, which would and the political-social weight of those attending. The have to be those maintained from tradition” (Capistegui, Catholic reformulation of science transformed Freud- 2012, p. 5). In other words, ideas, the media and modern ian ideas. Various authors made real efforts to safeguard technologies were used as a way of maintaining the status the way in which these ideas would continue to form a quo and finally incorporated as part of tradition (Louzao, part of psychotherapy. The cleansing of psychoanaly- 2011), as could be seen in Sección Femenina magazines sis was articulated around overcoming instinct through such as Y, Medina and later Teresa. the spirit, without renouncing the tenets of biology nor Such magazines gave rise to an internal paradox by submitting to dogmatic idealism. Even the psychiatrists projecting a series of feminine ideals, many of which who came from an orthodox Freudian background who contradicted the “official” model of women as wives founded the Sociedad Luso-Española de Psicoanálisis and mothers, looking after the home and their children (the Portuguese-Spanish Psychoanalysis Society) in (Rosón, 2016). Meanwhile, the use of magazines as po- 1959 had to adapt their focus to the requirements of litical propaganda channels of ideological dissemination this new context. reflects this tension between two rhythms, traditionalism and modernity, in which leakage toward hegemonic dis- PSYCHOANALYSIS IN THE CULTURAL OUTPUT course could be detected, exemplifying the distance be- OF FRANCOISM tween and resistance to the ideal of what should be and what it actually was. The Francoist censorship apparatus “created” an im- The appearance of psychoanalytical ideas in such pop- age of a model society, with the articles on the roles of ular platforms was not, however, a new development in gender and questions relating to sexual education that the 1950s and 1960s. Since the 1920s, a range of cultur- had filled magazines in the 1920s and 1930s disappear- al output had incorporated psychoanalytical terms with- ing from popular publications. Catholicism permeated in its pages. This was the case with a number of literary all values, all education, and all popular customs and works such as Sinrazón (“Absurdity”) by Sánchez Mejías traditions, modelling the social order on the standards of (1928), Las Adelfas (“The Adelphi”) by the Machado Catholic morality. Along with the traditionalist thesis of brothers (1928) and La Túnica de Neso (“The Shirt of Acción Católica, Falangist ideas of political-social revo- Nessus”) by Juan José Domenchina (1929) (Druet, 2013), lution, which in the early years of Francoism held greater as well as other publications for mass audiences like the weight, defined an evolution in which models of progres- so-called “suggestive” 5 and satirical magazines6, in which sive, technocratic and liberal economics were gradually scientific matters rubbed shoulders with humorous and adopted, in continuous conflict with traditionalist “myth” erotic content. In all these publications, psychoanalytical (Jumilla, 2007, p. 6). theory became a popular subject matter, with the figure From the 1950s and 1960s onwards, above all, these of the psychoanalyst, often represented by Doctor Freud, changes in the regime’s economic policy allowed the ap- portrayed as a personable character who was the butt of pearance of new channels of mass circulation and con- jokes and the object of curiosity. sumption of information in which the use made therein It is possible to establish a continuity between these of expert discourse, mainly from the field of psychology, cultural products and the use of psychoanalysis during the is noteworthy. We highlight this to show the existence of Franco era in popular publications. We can see the effec- a process of “psychologization” of society, in which psi tive cultural inclusion that psychoanalysis experienced in knowledge was included in a number of cultural settings, Spain, which translated into the incorporation of psycho- functioning as intermediaries between the subject and analysis thought into everyday reality, transcending its Culture & History Digital Journal 10(1), June 2021, e008. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.008 Between modernity and tradition: the formation of a psychoanalytical culture during the Franco dictatorship • 7 doctrinal use in the process. Nevertheless, it is important accessible language in an indication that the magazine to point out that in order to ensure that these ideas are was part of the social group it was aimed at (Menéndez, effective requires them to have been backed by the coun- 2013). The publication’s interest in psychological matters, try’s scientific authorities. together with the use of a language that expressed “fem- For example, in 1938, the Falange’s Sección Femenina inine” emotions and sensibility, was also evident in its magazine Y (“And”) published an article by the playwright sections, which the Diario de Zamora de la Falange Es- Enrique Jardiel Poncela. The writer fiercely criticized any pañola de la J.O.N.S (Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindi- woman who was not a Falangist who had emerged thanks calista—Councils of the National-Syndicalist Offensive) to “the vast forces of our race”. Such a woman, claimed echoed in the following words: Jardiel, was one that had understood “the mission of man- as-man, of woman-as-woman and that of woman-as-sup- For the first time, the country’s newspaper stands now porter-of-man” (Jardiel, 1938, p. 37). For other women, have the monthly Teresa magazine for all women. From Jardiel went into great detail, with a barrage of personal its rotogravure cover, the Sección Femenina invites read- attacks aimed at, among others, those who were “(…) Re- ers to this publication, which will soon be a “must have” publicans who admire the talent and physical beauty of in every home. Its content is select, attentive and enter- Azaña. Those who aspire to be “film stars”. Those who taining. The pages of Teresa feature magnificent contribu- read Freud and are concerned about psychoanalysis. Fem- tions from famous writers (…) as well as a large number inists, pedants and Lady-Know-it-Alls from the worlds of of regular sections such as “Psychoanalysis”, “Heraldry”, science and philosophy. Divorce enthusiasts who think “Stories”, “Think, Speak and Write Well”, “Literary Let- they are going to find a better husband (…) etcetera, et- ters”, “Beauty”, “Gymnastics”, “Cinema”, “Theatre”, cetera.” (Jardiel, 1938, p. 36). “Matters of Conscience”, “Around the World in 30 Days”, The reference to Freud in the description of the young, “Home”, “Cookery”, “Dream Analysis”, “The Stars Fore- left-leaning woman represented the identification of psy- tell”, among others. Every article, each report and section choanalysis with the progressive policies of the Second is wonderfully illustrated with drawings and photographs Republic, in which women played an important part in of the highest quality. The printing in Teresa’s 54 pages is politics, winning a number of rights such as the right to impeccable. Spanish women needed a magazine like this, divorce and the right to vote. Psychoanalysis had scientif- made by them, for them and above all affordable – it only ically defended the majority of these reforms and, above costs five pesetas. Now they have it and should read it. all, the “new” sexual morality that Jardiel attacked in his Congratulations!7 article (Lévy and Huertas, 2018). This identification em- In April 1954, the magazine published an article en- ployed the rhetoric of the construction of a female profile titled Psicoanálisis. Freud, el psicoanálisis y la religión that clearly stood in opposition to the vision of femininity (“Psychoanalysis – Freud, psychoanalysis and religion”) put forward by the Falange. It is important to cite the year by Carolina Zamora, one of the first female psychoana- in which Jardiel’s article was published – 1938, the year lysts in Spain. In her piece, Zamora stated the following: in which the magazine was founded and also in which the project to build the models of reference on which the phi- It is natural that as fervent Catholics we have thought long losophy of the Sección Femenina was launched (Rosón, and hard about this matter (…). It is also natural that we 2016). However, it was also the year in which the frame- do not share Freud’s theories that seek to turn us away work of the future Francoist state began to take shape, in from our Christian and Catholic beliefs. Nevertheless, that which, as Vallejo Nágera was to defend, Spain had to turn does not mean that we see ourselves as `holier than thou´, away “from the ‘International League for Sexual Reform’ that we see the Devil’s hand at work wherever we look. as our racial policies differ significantly. Professional (…) We do not accept Freud’s conception of the world circumstances highlight the intimate drama of a sadly fa- although we do admit the technique of psychoanalysis be- mous propaganda of sexual education which invites the cause the private beliefs of a genius are one matter while careful selection of sexual educators without abandoning his scientific discoveries are quite another. If we are going sex education to visionaries and cultists” (Vallejo Nágera, to inject a dose of penicillin we do not first investigate 1938, pp. 60-61) Fleming’s religious sentiments. When we sail uncharted As we have argued throughout this study, once purged waters we do not concern ourselves with what religion the of its links to the Republican government’s reforms, psy- Captain professes (…). In France there are a large number choanalysis could be seen as a useful point of reference as of Catholic psychoanalysts who were recently received by far as Francoist interests were concerned, as can be seen his Holiness, the Pope (…). Let us put an end once and in the evolution of magazines published by the Falange’s for all to the permanently resentful who take advantage of Sección Femenina. uncertain times to sling mud at the theories and discover- In 1954, this Section launched Teresa, Revista para ies of which they were incapable (Zamora, 1954, p. 25). Todas las Mujeres (“Teresa – A Magazine for All Wom- en”), which was published monthly until 1975 (Durón, Zamora defended a conciliatory position between 2015-2016). Its pages featured profiles of the ideal wom- Catholicism and psychoanalysis. She supported the ex- an—moral, intellectual, elegant yet austere. To this end istence of a Catholic psychoanalysis movement, which it used vignettes and illustrations together with a simple, gave a certain weight to her argument. As she would do Culture & History Digital Journal 10(1), June 2021, e008. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.008 8 • Silvia Lévy Lazcano following her address to the 7th International Catholic also inspired the creation of a series of detective stories Congress on Psychotherapy and Clinical Psychology in that Biblioteca Oro – part of Molino, the largest publish- 1957 which we mentioned in the foregoing section, she ing house specializing in popular novels in the post Civil aimed her criticisms toward those who vilified psycho- War period (Cornellà, 1999) – published throughout the analysis without having any idea of the scope of its thera- 1950s in which the main character was Doctor Ludwig peutic possibilities. Nevertheless, it should be added that, Van Zigman, an avowed “disciple of the Austrian profes- as well as espousing psychoanalysis as a form of Catholic sor, Sigmund Freud” (Lartsinim, 1949, p. 3). Written by psychotherapy, in this case she was expressly addressing Jaume Ministral under the pseudonym J. Lartsinim, the women, the main readers of this magazine. Zamora there- series ran to six titles in total, which sold for eight pesetas fore used an inclusive language, leaving it clear that she each. There were: El caso del psicoanálisis (“The Case was one of these women, that she shared their reality, their of the Psychoanalyst”, 1949), La señorita de la mano de vision of the world. This had the effect of emphasizing cristal (“The Woman with the Glass Hand”, 1950), El the closeness which increasingly characterized such mag- caso de la grafología (“The Case of the Handwiting An- azines and which could be useful as a marketing strategy. alyst”, 1951), El Doctor no recibe (“The Doctor is not In these circles, psychoanalysis moved toward a psy- Receiving Patients”, 1952a), Sencillamente una cinta de chology based on counseling, family orientation, healthy máquina (“Simply a Typewriter Ribbon”, 1952b) and married life and vocational discovery. It is interesting La pista de los actos fallidos (“The Clue of the Freudian here to note that a number of the titles published by the Slips”, 1953a). publishing house Iberia focused on self-help, translating In the first of these, the publisher introduced the series the work of foreign writers with frequent allusions to psy- by stressing how innovative the plot of the story was in the choanalytical ideas. By way of example, we might cite El following words: insomnio vencido. El arte de dormirse fácilmente a pesar del ruido, las preocupaciones o el dolor (“Overcoming This book sees the start of a new series published by BI- insomnia – the art of sleeping well despite noise, worries BLIOTECA DE ORO which we hope will be of great in- and pain”, 1930) by the French doctor P. Oudinot and Paul terest to our readers. Leaving the beaten path of the pure C. Jagot which enjoyed many reprints in Spain and Lat- detective story, its author takes a decidedly new direction in America until the 1990s, ¡Aflojad los nervios! – orig- with this tale of intrigue which focuses on a psycho-patho- inally entitled “Release from Nervous Tension”—by Da- logical problem. The technique of psychoanalysis is vid Harold Fink, (1951) and the 1957 publication of the the basis for the first novel of this new series. Research book by the Costa Rican author Lilia Ramos ¿Qué hace into the subconscious, an area which is so suggestive for usted con sus amarguras? Lecciones de psicoanálisis younger generations, are the basis for the stories to flow aplicables a su vida cotidiana, (“What can you do about from the pen of this new author (Lartsinim 1949, p. 3). your bitterness? Lessons from psychoanalysis applicable to everyday life”, 1957). These publications confirm the The plot centers on a crime which leads Doctor Van acceptance of a culture of consumer psychology that had Zigman to psychologically investigate those implicated transnational channels of circulation and exchange, in in order to analyze the motives behind their actions and which, despite the specific characteristics of each coun- thus uncover the clues that help him to solve the case. The try, could nevertheless be identified as having elements in encounter with the crime thus always appears as a fortui- common (Ruperthuz and Lévy, 2017) tous event, which allows the detective to present “psycho- Another genre that increasing featured allusions to logical facts” through the medium of modern psychology Freud and psychoanalysis in order to create its characters (Porcel, 2019). As Ministral said in one of his novels, the was that of the comic book. With their dissemination of crime as such was of little interest to him. His intention ideas that intertwined words and images, comics were an was to tell his readers who the characters he was present- extremely popular narrative element during the Franco era ing were and why they acted one way or another (Lartsin- (Porcel, 2012). It was once again a women’s magazine, im, 1953a). Reading Freud, Ministral wrote, had led him Florita (1949-1961), which in 1952 published the com- to think that “the investigation of a neurosis was every ic strip Marta y el Complejo by the artist Miguel Ripoll bit as exciting as the search for a criminal” (Lartsinim, Guayadol, with text by the pseudonymous Ramy. The 1953a, p. 3). By way of example of this, he based his final comic strip told the story of a process in which the ini- psychoanalytical novel on Freud’s The Psychopathology tial confidence of the protagonist, Marta—a woman who of Everyday Life, which had inspired him to “write a novel had a sleeping problem and recurring nightmares—in the based on mistakes, omissions, blunders, lapses etcetera – treatment prescribed her by her psychiatrist (with clear Freudian slips in other words. These symptomatic actions reference to psychoanalysis, with the couch, analysis of that we all commit everyday without deeming them im- dreams and the use of the term “complex”, which was portant yet which reveal so much to those who know how used to characterize Marta’s condition) concluded with to read them” (Lartsinim, 1953a, p. 4) the woman’s rejection of the doctor and his depiction as a The usefulness of psychoanalysis in the study of crim- madman bereft of any sense of logic. inality had been extended by writers such the judge César The appeal invoked by the figure of the psychoanalyst, Camargo, the lawyer Luis Jiménez de Asúa, the psychia- half-way between a mad genius and a somber scientist, trist Emilio Mira and the psychoanalyst Ángel Garma in Culture & History Digital Journal 10(1), June 2021, e008. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.008 Between modernity and tradition: the formation of a psychoanalytical culture during the Franco dictatorship • 9 the 1920s and 1930s. During the Franco era, manuals on CONCLUSIONS legal psychiatry had also appeared that alluded to such procedures (Lévy, 2016a, 2016b). Jaume Ministral re- Throughout the early years of Francoism, psychoanal- covered such thinking and used it to create the plots for ysis underwent a process of political cleansing and doc- his novels. Analysis of transference, the interpretation of trinal redrafting in which its tenets were redefined based dreams and word association experiments are accurately on the principles of Francoist psychiatry. As we have described. In the case of this latter phenomena, Ministral seen, medical conferences, psychiatric texts and religious even knew how it had been adapted in a judicial context, magazines were all busy conceptually adapting theory – complemented by the use of barbiturates (Lévy, 2016b). Under the pseudonym of Lartsinim, Ministral also pub- eradicating any relation to positivism and scientific mate- lished a book on psychological matters as part of the Mo- rialism – and establishing limits with the knowledge that lino publishing house’s Manuales Prácticos (“Practical psychoanalysis had been at the forefront of avant-garde Manuals”, 1953b) promoting the popular dissemination thought during the Second Republic. From the perspective of such ideas. of a humanistic and phenomenological understanding of Together with the references to Freud’s work, Minis- humankind, in which Freudian drive was eradicated from tral’s detective novels also included critical accounts of the center of the explanation of moral conduct, Francoism Adler’s thinking and descriptions about disorders and availed itself of all the ideas from psychoanalysis that had psychiatric treatment that went some way beyond ortho- been useful, ensuring the necessary circumstances were in dox psychoanalysis. He was in fact well aware of critiques place for their dissemination. The changes to the regime’s of psychoanalysis and thus, probably as a precaution, lim- ited his sexual casuistry to when his protagonist and nar- social and economic policy actually lead to a greater visi- rator of the stories explained his deductions. One of his bility for psychoanalysis in the most popular areas of cul- novels (1952b) was even set in Barcelona, where Doctor ture through the mass media. It was in this process that Van Zigman had been invited by a Spanish psychiatrist by psychoanalytical ideas entered the public realm, organiz- the name of López Perera. Ministral portrayed this latter ing and implementing truths regarding people and every- character as a Catholic psychiatrist who defended prayer day life (Rose, 1998). In this way, reality could be consid- and work in the treatment of his patients. However, at the ered from a Freudian perspective, even by people who had same time, Ministral perfectly imagined the psychoanal- never lain on a psychoanalyst’s couch or had any contact ysis that Von Zigman professed, as López Perera had in- with their therapeutic methods. Nonetheless, it should be vited the Dutchman to Barcelona to treat a case of anxiety remembered that in order think about the effectiveness of neurosis using psychoanalysis (Porcel, 2019). these methods, they still had to have previously had a so- The references to the unconscious and the characters’ deep-lying complexes and Freudian slips were attrac- cial and cultural trajectory in which their legitimacy had tive elements for literature, art and cinema, For example, been compromised as scientific knowledge. Hitchcock’s Spellbound, which premiered in 1945 and Bearing all this in mind, we have sought to highlight Nido de Víboras de Anatole Litvak’s The Snake Pit (Por- a journey in which a kind of psychoanalysis “available to cel, 2019). In general, the idea of mystery, the unveiling all” was defined which since the 1920s and 1930s (and of what had been hidden, formed a part of psychoanaly- taking off in the 1950s and 1960s due to Spain’s develop- sis’s power of seduction as well as its commercial hook. mentalism and economic openness) provided new meth- See for example how the Catalan textile company Meyba ods and ways of thinking and representing men and wom- used psychoanalysis to sell its pajamas. On 29 Novem- en. This process responds to a greater phenomenon in ber, 1957, La Vanguardia published this advert in which, which the expansion of a psychological language which, alongside an illustration of Freud with a serious, defiant expression is the text: through the use of psychoanalytical ideas, established a vehicle for new ways of understanding the reality and The Professor at rest. Sigmund Freud, this tenacious de- experiences of subjects (Rose, 1998), transcending the tective of our dreams, discovered that they were the key to merely therapeutic and, within this construct, withstand- a balanced, happy life. The protection offered by the rest ing the ideological and political tensions of Francoism. we enjoy when we dream is twice as necessary for modern man, whose intense life is only possible with uninterrupt- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ed repose. Working with the natural defense offered by our subconscious, Meyba’s technicians have designed a This paper has been prepared within the framework garment that protects your rest from interruption from ex- of the Del movimientro pro-higiene mental a la postp- ternal elements. The Ski-Jama is completely different to siquiatría: la construcción de la salud mental colectiva conventional bedwear. With the perfection of its design, fabric and manufacture, the Ski- Jama is the most com- en la España del siglo XX (“From the pro-mental hygiene plete aid to restful sleep. With the launch of the Ski-Jama, movement to post-psychiatry: the construction of the Meyba promises you a brighter, more dynamic day, mak- mental health collective in 20th-century Spain”) research ing a major contribution to human progress.8 project. RTI2018-098006-B-I00 (MICINN/FEDER). Culture & History Digital Journal 10(1), June 2021, e008. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: https://doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.008 10 • Silvia Lévy Lazcano NOTES Bermejo Frígola, V. (1993) La institucionalización del psicoanálisis en España en el marco de la API, 2 vols. Valencia: Universitat 1 Consider, for example, the articles by the psychiatrist Gonzalo de València, doctoral thesis. Rodríguez Lafora – Los misterios de la sexualidad (“The Mys- Campos, R. (2015) “Psiquiatría republicana vs Psiquiatría franquis- teries of Sexuality”), El Sol, January 1, 1918 and ¿Es curable ta. Rupturas y continuidades (1931-1950)”. Letra internacional, la locura? (“Is Madness Curable?”), El Sol, April 16, 1918 – or 12, pp. 105-128. Campos, R. (2016) “Autoritarismo y eugenesia punitiva: higiene by the educationalist Lorenzo Luzuriaga – La educación sexual racial y nacionalcatolicismo en el franquismo, 1936-1945. (“Sexual Education”), El Sol, March 24, 1919, El psicoanálisis y História, Ciências, Saúde- Manguinhos, 23(1), pp. 131-148. la educación (“Psychoanalysis and Education”), El Sol, March 3, doi: https://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702016000500008 1919; and Las relaciones amistosas entre los muchachos de uno Campos, R. (2018) “Entre la ciencia y la doctrina católica: Eugene- y otro sexo (“Friendly Relationships between Young People”), sia, matrimonio y sexualidad en el primer franquismo”. Cuader- El Sol, June 10, 1920. The psychiatrist César Juarros also used nos de Historia Contemporánea, 40, pp. 51-71. doi: https://doi. psychoanalysis to comment on current affairs, for example, his org/10.5209/CHCO.60322 article Igualdad sexual (“Sexual Equality”) in El Sol, November Campos, R. and González de Pablo, Á., eds. (2016) Psiquiatría e 27, 1927. higiene mental en el primer franquismo. Madrid: Catarata. 2 It should be remembered that the term sublimation was most pop- Capistegui, F. J. (2012) “Paradójicos reaccionarios: la modernidad ular among the psychiatrists, jurists and reformers of the 1920s contra la República de la Comunión Tradicionalista”. El Argo- and 1930s. Where the word was understood to be a mechanism nauta español, 9. Available at: http://journals.openedition.org/ through which destructive unconscious sexual preferences and argonauta/1409 [Accessed 15 January 2020]. drives might transmute into products with a recognized social and Carles, F., Muñoz, I., Llor, C. and Marset, P. (2000) Psicoanálisis cultural value, it represented an ideal force for social defense. In en España (1893-1968). Madrid: Asociación Española de Neu- this sense, Francoism only had to re-establish what it understood ropsiquiatría. to be “social value” based on its model of the State, leveraging Caruso, I. A. (1959) “La técnica analítica como técnica existencial”. the advantages that sublimation offered in terms of racial hygiene Revista de Psiquiatría y Psicología Médica de Europa y Améri- (Lévy, 2019). ca Latina, 4 (3), pp. 171-174. 3 Freud had expressed this idea in The Future of an Illu- Castilla del Pino, C. (1997) “La psiquiatría española (1930-1975)”. sion, published in 1927 (1981 [1927]). In: J. M. Castellet, ed., La cultura bajo el franquismo. Barcelo- 4 See La Vanguardia, September 2, 1958, p. 17. na: Anagrama, pp. 79-102. 5 As Serge Salaün wrote, this “suggestiveness” was initially a way Cornellà, J. (1999) “El món novelesc de Jaume Ministral”. Revista of depicting eroticism in the theatre. Little by little, it grew out de Girona, 194, pp. 84-88. Dalmau Ciria, M. (1958) “El profesor Sarró y el IV Congreso Inter- of this restraint to describe all kinds of eroticism in literature, nacional de Psicoterapia”. Revista de Psiquiatría y Psicología behavior, customs etc. (Salaün, 2001, p. 218). In her book Cul- Médica de Europa y América Latinas 3 (7), pp. 569-581. turas del erotismo en España 1898-1939 (“Cultures of Eroticism Damousi, J. and Plotkin, M. B., eds. (2009) The Transnational Un- 1898-1939”), Maite Zubiaurre analyzes this phenomenon that she conscious. Essays in the History of Psychoanalysis and Trans- describes as an “erotic invasion” that makes “explicit reference to nationalism. London: Palgrave Macmillan. the sudden proliferation of “risqué” material from the end of the Desmazières, A. (2011) L´inconscient au paradis. Comment les ca- century until well into the 1930s” (Zubiaurre, 2015.p. 18). tholiques ont reçu la psychanalyse. Paris: Payot. 6 Here we refer to the use that magazines such as Algo, semanar- Druet, A. (2006) La psychanalyse dans l’Espagne post-franquiste (1975 io ilustrado enciclopédico y de buen humor, (“Something – An 1985). Paris, Université de Paris IV-Sorbonne, doctoral thesis. Illustrated Humorous Encyclopedic Weekly”, 1929-1938); Buen Druet, A. (2011a), “Psychoannalysis in Franco´s Spain (1939- Humor, semanario satírico (“Good Humor – A Satirical Week- 1975): Crónica de una `agonia´anunciada”. In: J. Damousi y ly”, 1921-1931); Gutiérrez, semanario español de humorismo M.B. Plotkin, ed., Psychoanalysis and Authoritarism. Nueva (Gutiérrez - A Spanish Humor Weekly”, 1927-1934) and Gracia York: Oxford University Pres, pp. 153-194. y Justicia. Órgano extremista del humorismo popular (“Wit and Druet, A. (2011b) “La psychiatrie espagnole et la psychanalyse Justice – An Extremist Organ of Popular Humor”, 1931-1936) des années 1910 à la guerre civile: de la presse médicale made of psychoanalysis. au discours social”. El Argonauta Español, 8. 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