Social Inclusion (ISSN: 2183–2803) 2021, Volume 9, Issue 4, Pages 232–242 https://doi.org/10.17645/si.v9i4.4511 Article Security Net and Ambassadors for Social Inclusion? The Role of Intermediaries in Host–Refugee Relationships in Homestay Programs Lara‐Désirée Brinker Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain; E‐Mail: laradesiree.brinker@e‐campus.uab.cat Submitted: 14 May 2021 | Accepted: 9 September 2021 | Published: 15 December 2021 Abstract In response to refugees’ social marginalisation and lack of appropriate housing, homestay programs have emerged as a new approach to refugee accommodation. However, caring relationships between asylum‐seekers and refugees and locals are prone to reproduce power imbalances. As a countermeasure, flatshares initiated by the organisation Refugees Welcome are created within a three‐fold network of hosts, social workers, and volunteers. The volunteers serve as intermediaries and provide refugees with personalised support to become more rooted in society. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and thirty in‐depth interviews with hosts, refugees, intermediaries, and social workers in Catalonia (Spain), this article explores the responsibilities and struggles of intermediaries in the hosting networks. Results show that intermediaries give refugees and hosts a sense of security during the flatshare and keep social workers informed, yet their role varies considerably. Keywords family hosting; housing; migration; refugees; volunteering Issue This article is part of the issue “In Good Company? Personal Relationships, Network Embeddedness, and Social Inclusion” edited by Miranda J. Lubbers (Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain). © 2021 by the author; licensee Cogitatio (Lisbon, Portugal). This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribu‐ tion 4.0 International License (CC BY). 1. Introduction 2019). Often, refugees tend to settle with co‐ethnics in disadvantaged areas (Colic‐Peisker & Tilbury, 2008). Secure and safe housing is considered a fundamental As a response, hosting programs have emerged, human need and a crucial prerequisite for refugees’ which provide an alternative form of refugee accommo‐ social integration (Ager & Strang, 2008). As Phillimore dation (Ran & Join‐Lambert, 2019). In such programs, and Goodson (2008, pp. 315–316) indicate, “finding a resident families or individuals offer a spare room to home is particularly symbolic as it marks the end of a refugees for a limited time. They are expected to facili‐ journey and the point at which refugees can start to tate refugees’ social integration by providing a safe and consider their wider need.” A lack of stable and sani‐ stable living environment and introducing refugees to tary housing has been found to jeopardise refugees’ well‐ local culture and customs by sharing daily life. However, being and physical health (Phillips, 2006). such arrangements can be prone to reproduce power Yet, refugees face difficulties transitioning from imbalances. Therefore, the international organisation reception centres or specialised housing into the private Refugees Welcome additionally assigns an intermediary local housing market due to insufficient knowledge of to the family–refugee arrangement, i.e., volunteers who local procedures and discrimination (Adam et al., 2019). facilitate the first meeting between the two parties and Support through local networks, and people who know accompany them during the arrangement. the asylum application and transition process are cru‐ While relationships between residents and refugees cial as refugees are particularly vulnerable and prone in family hosting programs (Brinker, 2020; Ran & to exploitation during this transition phase (Provivienda, Join‐Lambert, 2019) and befriending programs (Behnia, Social Inclusion, 2021, Volume 9, Issue 4, Pages 232–242 232 2007; Charbonneau & Laaroussi, 2003; Stock, 2019) have p. 74). For asylum seekers and refugees, they also pro‐ been studied by various researchers, the impact of local mote upward mobility (Wells, 2011) and a sense of secu‐ intermediaries in family hosting programs has not been rity and belonging through regular contact with locals investigated before. The present study occupies this (Verdasco, 2019). niche in the literature by exploring the role of inter‐ Recent studies on the impact of family‐hosting mediaries in host–refugee dyads, examining whether in refugee integration in France and Spain (Brinker, they can contribute to the formation of local social cap‐ 2020; Ran & Join‐Lambert, 2019), communal living ital and compensate for potential power differentials between refugees and residents in Belgium (Mahieu & in refugee–host relationships observed elsewhere. Thus, Van Caudenberg, 2020), and foster care of unaccompa‐ the research question guiding this article is: What do nied young refugees in local families in England (Sirriyeh, intermediaries contribute to host–refugee relationships 2013) show that flatshares between refugees and locals in family hosting programs? More specifically, do they are largely beneficial in this respect. Not only do they pro‐ provide social support to the refugees, and do they com‐ vide housing, but host families also facilitated refugees’ pensate for potential power differentials in these rela‐ access to local social capital and positively impacted tionships? To answer these questions, I draw on quali‐ refugees’ well‐being (Ran & Join‐Lambert, 2019). Brinker tative research conducted in the organisation Refugees (2020) and Sirriyeh (2013) further highlight the close Welcome in Catalonia (Spain). emotional bonds developed between flatmates and The structure of this article is as follows. The next sec‐ the extended family members of residents, fostering a tion presents the theoretical framework, which discusses sense of belonging. Mahieu and Van Caudenberg (2020) concepts of power imbalance and social connectedness. emphasise the benefits of mutual learning in intercul‐ Subsequently, I present asylum seeking in the Spanish tural flatshares and highlight the importance of flatmates context and the Refugees Welcome’s activity in Catalonia. as easily accessible providers of informal social support. In Section 4, I describe the methodology adopted to However, research on host–refugee relationships conduct the research. Then, I present the findings, fol‐ also exposed that such flatshares might reproduce power lowing the themes that emerged from the interviews, imbalances (Brinker, 2020; Ran & Join‐Lambert, 2019). and finally, I draw my conclusions regarding the research As Del Real (2019) explained for the US, the difference in questions and discuss their implications. legal status, rights, and social protection between docu‐ mented and undocumented citizens is reproduced infor‐ 2. Theoretical Framework mally in mixed‐status social relationships among friends, relatives, and acquaintances. Particularly when undocu‐ The insufficiency of government‐led housing for asylum mented citizens relied partly on the resources to which seekers and refugees in many European societies has led documented citizens had access, documented citizens to the emergence of family hosting programs in Europe had the upper hand in these relationships, which could (Ran & Join‐Lambert, 2019). Such programs tend to have make these ties “toxic.” Research on host–refugee rela‐ a double objective: first, to provide safe and secure hous‐ tionships in family hosting programs shows that power ing, and second, to aid local integration. Indeed, social imbalances manifested in different ways. First, although integration goes far beyond offering permanent accom‐ usually based on a formal contract, refugees and hosts modation to refugees (Kourachanis, 2019). Establishing often had a different say in rule‐making, also due to the social connectedness with local communities and social different status of rights regarding the property, and cul‐ cohesion, these local contacts are crucial to refugees’ tural differences often prevailed (Brinker, 2020; Ran & sense of belonging and integration (Ager & Strang, 2008). Join‐Lambert, 2019). Second, hosts’ and refugees’ expec‐ As refugees forcibly left their social and cultural sur‐ tations towards the flatshare often deviated as hosts roundings and lost their support networks, they must wished for more family‐like interactions (Brinker, 2020). build new local social capital from scratch (Hebbani Third, hosts were prone to interfering with refugees’ et al., 2018). Such relationships can have varying tie private space and, knowing or unknowingly, sabotaged strength, defined by Granovetter (1973) as a combina‐ refugees’ path to independence through overprotection tion of the duration of a relationship, emotional inten‐ (Ran & Join‐Lambert, 2019). sity, mutual confiding, and the exchange of recipro‐ One way to manage this imbalance is intermediation. cal services. “Strong ties”—enduring, intimate, and sup‐ The NGO Refugees Welcome (see below) offers a family portive relationships—provide access to social resources hosting program and pairs families and refugees with a and a sense of belonging. Yet, Granovetter argued that local volunteer. This intermediary has various objectives: the more numerous, heterogeneous, and less densely to extend the social support network of the refugee or connected “weak ties” are also essential for diffusing asylum‐seeker and, once the organisation has identified information, enabling access to housing or employment. a suitable pairing, to verify housing conditions, facilitate A wide array of “weak” or “peripheral ties,” particularly the first meeting, and accompany the process through‐ with locals, benefits social integration as weak ties may out the period of co‐living (Refugees Welcome, 2021d), “enhance intimate ties” and take the function of strong giving both parties a sense of security. Furthermore, by ties when individuals lack such ties (Fingerman, 2009, taking up the role of intermediary, the volunteer also Social Inclusion, 2021, Volume 9, Issue 4, Pages 232–242 233 promotes the “welcoming culture” that aims to welcome it has created 100 cohabitations in Spain and 1,869 refugees into society instead of excluding them, “a call globally (Refugees Welcome, 2021a; Refugees Welcome for accepting those in need and encouraging support of International, 2021). The NGO’s concept is based on the civil society in the integration of refugees” (Liebe (a) matching hosts with refugees for a minimum of et al., 2018, p. 2). Traditional befriending programs estab‐ six months, considering each party’s specific needs and lished for locals and refugees assume that “due to their (b) supporting the flatshare with the help of social work‐ formal citizenship, resident volunteers have privileged ers and volunteers, called vínculos locales (“local links”). access to the relevant cultural, economic, or social capi‐ Volunteers are supposed to act as intermediaries to tal needed to facilitate migrants’ integration into society” guide flatmates through the process and serve as inde‐ (Stock, 2019, pp. 128–129). Befriending programs are a pendent persons of trust (Refugees Welcome, 2021b). valuable resource for refugee integration (Behnia, 2007). Refugees Welcome promotes a culture of horizontal‐ Volunteers provide “emotional, informational and instru‐ ity among all parties. Flatshares are agreed on by con‐ mental support,” ranging from assistance in administra‐ tract, and refugees are requested to contribute a min‐ tive tasks such as searching for a job or place to live to cul‐ imum rental fee (Refugees Welcome, 2021c). The fee tural orientation in the new society (Behnia, 2007, p. 3). is intended to ensure that the different parties con‐ Nonetheless, the concept of an intermediary in tribute within their own ability, providing ground for a a refugee–host dyad differs from traditional befriend‐ sense of horizontality and equality. Publicly, the organ‐ ing programs, where befrienders do not usually serve isation portrays co‐living as an enriching experience as direct mediators. While befriending programs for for all parties, underlined by pictures and videos from residents and refugees have been studied by various previous flatshares. Intermediaries are commonly pre‐ researchers (Behnia, 2007; Charbonneau & Laaroussi, sented as activists for the welcoming culture (Refugees 2003; Stock, 2019), the impact of local intermediaries Welcome, 2021c). in family hosting programs has not been investigated before. The present study, therefore, contributes to the 4. Methodology literature by exploring the role of intermediaries in host– refugee dyads, examining whether they can compensate Data stem from my doctoral research project on flat‐ for potential power differentials observed elsewhere. shares between refugees and locals in Spain. The meth‐ odology encompasses participant observation at the 3. Refugees Welcome in Spain NGO Refugees Welcome, data analysis of all flatshares organised in Catalonia, and thirty qualitative interviews The number of asylum‐seekers has increased signifi‐ with refugees, hosts, intermediaries, and social workers cantly in Spain between 2014 (5,952) and 2019 (118,446). from Refugees Welcome. The majority comes from Latin‐American countries such For participant observation, I conducted my field‐ as Venezuela, Colombia, and Honduras. However, others work as a “volunteer ethnographer” (a term proposed come from the neighbouring country Morocco, various by Garthwaite, 2016, p. 61, to describe the dual role of West African countries such as Mali, and large conflict volunteer and ethnographer; cf. Hill O’Connor & Baker, zones in other continents such as Syria (Oficina de Asilo 2017), at the organisation’s office from November 2019 y Refugio, 2020). Spain follows a three‐phased reception to September 2020, revising the projects in Catalonia and and integration system, allowing asylum seekers to stay participating in formal training and meetings for volun‐ between six to nine months at reception centres after teers. Later, I also started volunteering as an intermedi‐ a one‐month admission process. Subsequently, during ary for a new flatshare, which I continue to do until today. the six‐month phase two, refugees can receive further With a social worker, I analysed the anonymised data economic aid and social services. When entering phase that Refugees Welcome in Catalonia had collected of two, refugees are expected to leave government facili‐ the thirty‐nine flatshares they had organised between ties and find a private place to stay. The process may be January 2017 and February 2020, involving thirty‐nine completed with a third phase, in which the beneficiary refugees, thirty‐three hosts, and twenty‐nine interme‐ receives additional assistance or sporadic support in cer‐ diaries. The data concern participants’ profiles, motiva‐ tain areas (Comisión Española de Ayuda al Refugiado, tion, flatshare duration, conflicts, extensions, reasons 2021). However, due to increasing rental prices (partic‐ to terminate, and the longevity of contact after flat‐ ularly in Madrid and Barcelona), xenophobia, gentrifica‐ shares ended. All individuals from whom data were col‐ tion, and landlords’ discrimination, refugees are at risk of lected accepted the terms and conditions stipulated by poverty and homelessness in Spain (Provivienda, 2019). Refugees Welcome, including the use of the anonymised Founded in Germany in 2014, the international data by collaborators. NGO Refugees Welcome serves as a broker by con‐ Last, I conducted thirty semi‐structured qualita‐ necting local hosts with a spare room with refugees tive interviews with eight refugees, eleven hosts, six in search of housing. Refugees Welcome is active in intermediaries, and six social workers from Refugees Spain in six locations: Barcelona, Madrid, Valencia, the Welcome. A social worker initiated the first contact. Later, Balearic Islands, Galicia, and Murcia. As of March 2021, I used snowball sampling to invite participants. Besides Social Inclusion, 2021, Volume 9, Issue 4, Pages 232–242 234 collecting demographic and socio‐economic information, Barcelona, explained my research, and asked for con‐ the interviews focused on the different responsibilities sent to use observations confidentially in my research. within the flatshare network, patterns of contact during For the interviews, I also explained the voluntary nature and after the flatshare ended, and the expectations of of participation and asked for consent. As it is a com‐ the hosts, refugees, and social workers. The interviews mon policy at Refugees Welcome not to ask refugees or took ninety minutes on average and were mainly carried asylum seekers any triggering questions regarding their out via Zoom between March and September 2020 due past, I did not ask such questions during the qualitative to the first wave of COVID‐19 in Spain. The interviews interviews. In this article, the data was anonymised, and with each party were held separately and confidentially names were replaced by pseudonyms. Although my par‐ in English or Spanish, languages with which all partici‐ ticipant observation as an intermediary in one family‐ pants were conversant. The interviews were recorded hosting arrangement has informed my work, I have not with consent and later transcribed verbatim and coded described it explicitly in this article, as the other mem‐ and analysed using NVivo 1.0 (QSR International), follow‐ bers of the arrangement would be able to recognise ing a combination of a priori and emergent codes. themselves and one another in such a description. Ethics approval for data collection was gained from the univer‐ 4.1. Sample sity’s Institutional Review Board, the Ethics Committee on Animal and Human Experimentation (ID 5189). The interview sample of refugees consisted of seven male and one female participant. The participants were 5. Results between 23 and 40 years old. Only one was in his late fifties. This distribution mirrors the high proportion of To unfold the perceived role of local buddies, I will first young, single, male West Africans and Latin Americans sketch the role of each network member and their expec‐ applying for asylum in Spain. Four of the flatshares were tations about the role of the intermediary. I will then still active when the interviews took place. discuss the different responsibilities intermediaries have The hosts were eleven white, middle‐class Spanish within the family hosting network, ranging from facili‐ nationals (six male, five female). Eight were in their mid‐ tating the first contact between hosts and refugees and fifties to mid‐sixties, one between forty and fifty and two providing help to the refugee to different levels of inter‐ in their mid‐thirties. Two of their flatshares were still ventions during the flatshare. Discussing these issues active when the interviews took place. from the different points of view of hosts, refugees, Interviewed intermediaries were six middle‐class intermediaries, and social workers allowed me to detect females from Spain, Italy, and the US. Five were in their (dis)agreement in perceptions regarding social connect‐ mid‐twenties to mid‐thirties, with one above forty years edness and power imbalances. old. Two of their flatshares were still active at the time of the interview, and five claimed to still be in contact 5.1. The Hosting Network with at least the refugee. Among volunteers and hosts, only one volunteer had a professional affiliation with the The concept of Refugees Welcome’s family hosting net‐ field of refugee aid. work is based on a three‐fold structure of support, com‐ The social workers I interviewed were five female, prising hosts, social workers, and intermediaries. To set middle‐class Spanish nationals in their mid‐twenties the role of intermediaries into context within the fam‐ to mid‐thirties. One was a paid part‐time employee ily hosting network, I will briefly outline the roles and at Refugees Welcome; the others were volunteers responsibilities of hosts and social workers based on my themselves, with previous volunteering experience qualitative interviews. at migration‐related social organisations or migration‐ In theory, hosts provide the core element in the host‐ related studies. Notably, all social workers had previ‐ ing network: a safe and stable living environment for ously served as intermediaries. One was one of the a fixed period. Refugees reported that hosts provided NGO’s founders. essential emotional and administrative support, often acted as advisers on cultural and everyday issues, and 4.2. Ethics introduced refugees to their friends, families, or oth‐ ers. Six out of eight refugees named the host as some‐ From the first moment I contacted the organisation, one they would consult if they needed help. The others I have disclosed my nature as a PhD student focusing mentioned other migrant friends and social workers of on cross‐cultural flatshares and provided detailed infor‐ Refugees Welcome. When asked with whom they felt mation about my research and methodology. The organ‐ most safe in Spain, seven refugees named the same indi‐ isation’s leadership accepted me, and in mutual agree‐ viduals, while one did not feel safe with anyone. ment I also accepted the role as a volunteer at Refugees In contrast to hosts’ emotional support, social work‐ Welcome ES. At every first interaction (such as in events) ers represented stability and guidance supporting par‐ with members, volunteers, or refugees, I disclosed that ticipants from the beginning of the process until, at I was a PhD student at the Autonomous University of least, the termination of the flatshare. Social workers Social Inclusion, 2021, Volume 9, Issue 4, Pages 232–242 235 mentioned that the management of hosts and interme‐ something racist, they shouldn’t get angry and say, diaries’ expectations was a focal responsibility. Properly “You are racist!” Instead, they should explain why introducing the hosts and intermediaries to refugee aid we, as Refugees Welcome, don’t identify with that through training sessions is seen as key. Refugees val‐ phrase….They have to be constructive because some ued the fact that social workers provided them with people will say something without a bad inten‐ tools to integrate in Spain, such as access to language tion….Some people need a bit of guidance and some‐ classes, cultural activities, information on job vacancies, one who explains a situation from a different perspec‐ and training programs provided by the local govern‐ tive. If you can open this channel of trust, people ment or other social organisations. Furthermore, social often step forward and ask you more questions. (Éster, workers reached out to humanitarian organisations and social worker) local refugee reception centres to get the project known. As Refugees Welcome does not provide legal assistance Hosts agreed upon the crucial role of intermediaries, for refugees, social workers from respective reception although they emphasised other skills: centres continued to provide guidance and legal assis‐ tance throughout phase two of the asylum applica‐ It is good to feel accompanied by a third person. tion process. Someone who is there if you might need them. Responsibilities of hosts and social workers thus fol‐ Someone who does a follow‐up and checks on lowed a specific structure with clearly defined responsi‐ you independently or when all three of you are bilities. In contrast, the role of intermediaries appeared together. He [the intermediary] feels fundamental to to be more flexible, adjusting to the needs of hosts me because when you have a doubt, someone is there. and refugees. (Enric, host) 5.2. The Ideal Intermediary The intermediary is very important….First, you might think you don’t need an intermediary. But after some Intermediaries were seen as crucial by social workers for time, problems and differences will appear, and you their personalised support: need one….It is essential that an intermediary can lis‐ ten, is peaceful, and knows how to reflect with calm‐ When the flatshare starts, we [social workers] usu‐ ness. (Maria, host) ally take a step back….If the intermediary and the flat‐ share get along well, it’s the intermediary who sup‐ I think it is essential to have a third person from out‐ ports them….The intermediary serves as a reference side the house. (Hugo, host) when problems occur and, if everything goes well, is doing the follow‐ups. (Anita, social worker) From the interviews with hosts, it was found that men‐ toring and communication skills, empathy, patience, and If there is any query or anything they [intermediaries] pro‐activity were traits of the ideal intermediary: don’t know, we from the organisation are there to help. Still, we try to make the intermediaries the ones [Intermediaries] should know how to listen and how who are present [after the first encounter with the to empathise with both sides. Every relationship is host]. (Laura, social worker) different, and so are the needs. Sometimes refugees and hosts might need more practical help, like find‐ As Refugees Welcome is an NGO, most social work‐ ing a job. Some might have the typical problems of liv‐ ers are volunteers. When the interviews took place, ing together, like cleaning, and in some cases, there Refugees Welcome in Barcelona employed one social might be more emotional issues… like things you worker and two part‐time marketing and project man‐ don’t like about the other person. So they have to be agement professionals. Thus, from the organisation’s open‐minded about this. (Enric, host) perspective, intermediaries occupied an essential role in administrative support and accompanying migrants on A good match between volunteers, refugees, and hosts their paths to autonomy. Furthermore, as intermediaries was also valued. Maria, a Spanish woman in her six‐ only attend one flatshare, they are closer to flatmates ties, hosted Alaya, a young South‐Asian woman. Maria and better equipped to monitor and intervene. believed that depending on the refugees’ culture, Social workers emphasised respect for the refugees’ refugees and hosts should have the same gender to avoid privacy and the ability to handle racism and prejudice as discomfort on both sides and that a good demographic essential skills of intermediaries: match was equally important for volunteers and refugees: They must be very respectful, and they cannot ask The intermediary is essential….In the beginning, the the refugees anything about their story and why young man we had didn’t feel comfortable. I believe they are here. Above all, they need to have a con‐ it was more a thing about him being a man and her structive approach. By this, I mean, if a host says a woman. He was young, married, and had a small Social Inclusion, 2021, Volume 9, Issue 4, Pages 232–242 236 child….If Alaya was a young woman from Venezuela or friendship. You get along well or not. In some cases, at least spoke some Spanish, things could have gone this might not work out, but the intermediary is some‐ differently. (Maria, host) one who makes [the first encounter] easier for hosts and refugees. (Ignacio, host) Although the organisation emphasises matching volun‐ teers and refugees according to demographic, cultural, Carmen, a Spanish lady in her fifties, and her fam‐ and interest‐related similarities, same‐gender pairings ily hosted Eduardo from Central America. She was remain challenging, as 72% of refugees accommodated slightly nervous about her new flatmate. Still, when the in flatshares in Catalonia were male adults, while 90% of social worker and later the intermediary told her about intermediaries were female. Eduardo and introduced him, the day he moved in, he Like hosts, refugees also highlighted the importance was no stranger anymore: of a third party in the relationship. However, when asked about the ideal intermediary, they would not ascribe Our intermediary was the first to tell us about the them specific characteristics or mention gender issues. person who was coming. We didn’t know anything, The mere fact of having another party to turn to seemed but by how she explained him to us, we already had most critical: an idea of him in our mind….She [intermediary] was such a nice girl, very natural….She had a good relation‐ It is not only the apartment, but they also follow the ship with Eduardo, and she transferred this bond to us. flatshare and give you someone like a mentor to see And we continued with the affection she had for him. how the flatshare is going. If everything is all right and (Carmen, host) if you feel comfortable. I think for us migrants, it is vital. To have someone who is looking after you to see Eduardo perceived this in the same way: if you are doing well. I think the person [refugee] feels more comfortable and confident. (John, refugee) My intermediary went with me to Carmen and Roger’s house. It was very nice because she wanted to help I was relieved….When the social worker told me me and when we went to see the family for the first I would stay in this apartment, but there would be time, I could feel they wanted to help me as much as someone [intermediary] for me… she didn’t say there she did. (Eduardo, refugee) would be someone to monitor or control me.….If I had any conflict or problem, this person would be there Intermediaries usually accompanied refugees on their for me if anything is not ok. It was like a backup relief first day of the flatshare, assisted with carrying boxes, for me. It doesn’t stress me. Ana [intermediary] is like and stayed with the new flatmates until they felt com‐ a house guardian for me. It was more than a relief. fortable and settled. They also sometimes acted as trans‐ It was like, thank God; I have somebody to talk to. lators or interconnectors. When Faizal from Morocco (Samuel, refugee) moved in with Hugo, Faizal was not conversant in Spanish and had difficulties understanding Hugo. To their bene‐ To conclude, all interviewees valued the role of interme‐ fit, their intermediary was from Morocco and translated diaries to complement host–refugee dyads flexibly. between the two: 5.3. Breaking the Ice Our intermediary was here on the first day. He was able to translate everything I said to Faizal. It was help‐ Social workers reported that doubts and lingering fears ful. (Hugo, host) often characterise the weeks before the flatshare. After a wave of joyful anticipation, hosts often struggle with their Similarly, Enric reflected on how intermediary Paula expectations and uncertainties about the process. Typical helped to connect him with his flatmate Musa: concerns of hosts include managing misunderstandings, getting along well, and proceeding if one party does not Paula helps me a lot to understand Musa. When Paula feel comfortable cohabiting. In contrast, refugees were comes to our house, Musa is always very open. I think most anxious about the conditions of the spare room. she is doing an excellent job. Paula helps us because One of the intermediaries’ responsibilities is get‐ she knows how to approach him. She is also very ting to know hosts and migrants separately and accom‐ patient and, I don’t know, doesn’t expect anything panying their first encounter before both parties sign from the moments with him. She is just there for him. the rental contract. Both hosts and refugees described (Enric, host) intermediaries as crucial to breaking the ice at the first encounter and helping the parties connect: Intermediaries thus serve as essential bridges, carefully preparing hosts and migrants for living together and con‐ To me, the intermediary is one of the capital figures necting them. of the organisation. It is like at the beginning of a new Social Inclusion, 2021, Volume 9, Issue 4, Pages 232–242 237 5.4. A Helping Hand they do everything for the refugee, and it is not the refugee who is making his/her own decisions….It is Once the flatshares had been active for some weeks, better if intermediaries tell them I am not the one relationships between hosts and refugees varied consid‐ who is going to do this for you, but I will accompany erably. While some grew fond of one another and cre‐ you. (Gala, social worker) ated strong, amicable, or even family‐like bonds (Brinker, 2020), other relationships remained weak and rather for‐ Overprotection, while well‐meant, shows that volun‐ mal. In that case, the intermediary often stepped in as teers, whose role was to intermediate and to contribute a friend, especially in the absence of other strong ties. to horizontality, could at times reinforce the power In this sense, intermediaries, who were initially weak ties, imbalance in the family hosting network. To minimise indeed took over the role of strong ties in their absence, this risk, Refugees Welcome provides training sessions as previously theorised (see Section 2): for newly recruited volunteers to explain the asylum application process, the concepts of horizontality and It is nice. She [intermediary] is not like a landlord [refer‐ equality in flatshares, and behaviours to avoid, such as ring to host]. She helps me with a lot of things related overprotecting refugees. to my living situation. She is a very good person. Very empathetic. Before quarantine, we often met to have 5.5. Intervening in Host–Refugee Relationships a coffee and talk. She is a good person, more like a friend, not just a volunteer. (Hamza, refugee) In conflict situations, intermediaries intervened by pro‐ viding advice or a third opinion. Hosts and refugees val‐ As refugees in Refugees Welcome have not fully com‐ ued the opportunity to consult with a third and indepen‐ pleted the asylum process, they regularly have appoint‐ dent party: ments with different entities. Some hosts struggled to support their flatmates in these matters due to their own It is an important person. And they should be given commitments. Therefore, intermediaries regularly sub‐ more importance than they are given….They are not stituted hosts or took full responsibility: affected by everyday life [in the flatshare]. They are a more independent figure. It is someone who is there, The intermediary is a crucial figure because he pro‐ and I know it can be sometimes difficult to step in. But vides help on behalf of the organisation if the refugee they [hosts and refugees] know they can consult them needs anything specific like preparing a CV, getting in if things go wrong without burning any relationships. touch with a social worker from the city council, or I think it is a figure that should be given more poten‐ anything else. Because when Abdallah moved in, he tial. (Belén, host) had many appointments and programs [it was impor‐ tant to get some extra help]. (Ignacio, host) Many hosts and refugees emphasised that they pre‐ ferred to talk to the intermediary first when issues arose. However, intermediaries sometimes struggled with find‐ In a disagreement with his flatmate, one host called the ing an acceptable level of support for the refugee intermediary to ask for advice. When asked why he chose without overstepping boundaries or undermining their to talk to the intermediary instead of the social worker, autonomy. For instance, Paula recalled how she might he emphasised that consulting the social worker would have overstepped the line: have a “far too formal character.” Although the interme‐ diary did not intervene directly, informing her helped They had already prolonged the flatshare, and the him “get the pressure off his chest.” host didn’t want to continue, and they had agreed Conflicts usually centred around daily issues in flat‐ on terminating it. We got a little desperate at this shares, such as cleaning, recycling, and rent. For instance, point, and I wanted to help him [the refugee]….I knew volunteer Katia described that Hamza complained that that he knew that my responsibility as an intermedi‐ the rent was higher than previously agreed. Katia dis‐ ary wasn’t to get him a job, but I could see that he was cussed the matter with both parties separately, even very desperate. I know he received a lot of support though it made her feel uneasy: from other organisations, but they didn’t advance. So, I started to send out CVs for him [from her e‐mail First, I didn’t know how to address it….I felt uncomfort‐ account]….He never told me to do so, but I wasn’t sure able, but I could see that Hamza was very uncomfort‐ if he had done it. (Paula, intermediary) able talking about the money issue. But in the begin‐ ning, we had agreed with the host on a way of paying, The fine line between adequately supporting and patro‐ and later, he [host] changed it. He never said things nising migrants was also expressed by social workers: clearly, so I felt uncomfortable. (Katia, intermediary) One rebound effect is when the intermediary is hyper‐ As indicated before, hosts and social workers cherished protective and generates dependency. In other words, direct intervention and the flow of information. Refugees Social Inclusion, 2021, Volume 9, Issue 4, Pages 232–242 238 seldom called for direct intervention but emphasised the Some of them [intermediaries] disappear because the importance of having someone to turn to if they had a workload increases, some because the flatshare is problem and the value of a safe environment through going well, and they don’t feel the need to keep com‐ having an external person monitor the flatshare. While municating. I think that is the main reason they think intermediaries were crucial for refugees’ sense of safety, everything is going well, so they are not needed. (Gala, they often struggled with their roles and expectations. social worker) 5.6. Struggling With the Role as Intermediary Intermediaries sometimes felt rejected or unfulfilled if they were not needed. They did not want to be Social workers confirmed that there was a high turnover mere bystanders or only check on flatmates through of intermediaries, as can be expected for volunteers. calls or texts. Speaking of an intermediary losing touch, Analysis of the data of thirty‐nine flatshares in Catalonia Belén said: revealed that flatshares were active for 9.8 months on average and terminated after one contract prolongation, There were a lot of expectations of having quick as refugees found independent housing. Around 50% rewards, of feeling needed….I think he didn’t meet of refugees and hosts stayed in contact with Refugees the profile of an intermediary… he got very frustrated Welcome after the flatshare ended. However, most inter‐ every time he saw Yolanda [refugee] was very self‐ mediaries lost touch with refugees, hosts, and the organ‐ efficient because she needed little support. Instead isation while the flatshare was still running, despite ini‐ of enjoying her independence, he got frustrated with tially being quite active. it….He didn’t like the feeling of not feeling needed. Although the data collected by the organisation does (Belén, host) not reveal why intermediaries left, it showed that inter‐ mediaries who stayed in contact were better embedded Intermediaries further reported that they felt closer to in the organisation’s community through having addi‐ migrants and hosts when they had specific tasks. tional responsibilities or regularly attending meetings. Emotions and empathy are motivating forces for vol‐ Regular interaction and a sense of belonging can moti‐ unteering with refugees and are often fuelled by sen‐ vate volunteers in emotionally challenging environments timental media coverage (cf. Doidge & Sandri, 2018). (cf. Doidge & Sandri, 2018). Éster described how the organisation’s representation The interviews showed that increasing demands in of the intermediary’s role might influence volunteers’ intermediaries’ personal and professional lives often led expectations: to a temporary or permanent interruption of volunteer‐ ing and the removal of the refugees’ newly gained local I also must be self‐critical because we sell it [expecta‐ social capital: tions] to them. When your website says it will be an enriching experience, people think it always will be. The relationship was good. She lived in my village. There are many expectations by applicants and some‐ So, we met from time to time. But then she found a times also white‐saviours, and they won’t be part job and was busy and didn’t have time to meet. One of the project….Sometimes people believe they must day she told me she found a job abroad and moved help refugees with the language, give them clothes there. (Azeez, refugee) and a job. But some may have everything. They just need asylum in Spain. (Éster, social worker) Besides, volunteers may struggle with finding the right amount and form of help, as Katia and Paula indicated Refugees Welcome mainly relies on its social media pres‐ (see above). Hugo also expressed this fragile balance: ence and appearances in the local press to increase host society engagement. To make its mission more tangi‐ He [intermediary] shouldn’t feel like a burden when ble, the organisation regularly features stories of host– he steps in and supports the refugee. I think it is essen‐ refugee relationships on its channel. Sometimes, they tial that the refugee receives help from outside the asked volunteers to invite refugees and hosts to partic‐ house… but I also believe that the local buddy should ipate in social media posts by providing photos or videos be someone who helps rather than making things of living together or spending the COVID‐19 lockdown. more difficult. (Hugo, host) This role was challenging for some volunteers: Furthermore, intermediaries often disengaged when Concerning the social media content, I felt a bit obli‐ they felt no longer needed. They were commonly gated to pass them on to the family. Then I saw that it the ones initiating meetings with hosts and refugees. was bothering them a lot because I sent them a cou‐ Refugees did not want to bother intermediaries and ple per week, and they didn’t want to do any. They thus waited for them to reach out. One social worker stopped responding to me. Well, this has all been described this discrepancy in communication as a crucial quite counterproductive… and now I don’t know how factor in why intermediaries struggle: to continue. (Mila, intermediary) Social Inclusion, 2021, Volume 9, Issue 4, Pages 232–242 239 Thus, intermediaries’ expectations towards their respon‐ able for other homestay programs. Second, to main‐ sibilities might not always match their value to the tain intermediaries’ independence, social organisations flatshare and the organisation. One way to avoid high should refrain from instructing volunteers to ask hosts or dropout was by recruiting volunteers mainly within the refugees for favours to support social media campaigns. organisation’s circle of friends and acquaintances or from Furthermore, they should avoid assigning intermediaries other refugee organisations, as another unit in Spain did. who are friends with the hosts. NGOs are encouraged However, previous friendship ties between hosts and to advertise the role of intermediaries in hosting net‐ intermediaries, which sometimes existed, made interme‐ works differently from traditional befriending programs, diaries less independent. emphasising the importance of a mediator for the host– refugee dyad. When this article was finalised, the organi‐ 6. Conclusion sation had already changed the description of volunteers and flatshares on their website. Specialised training on Homestay programs offer a way to provide refugees conflict mediation in intercultural relationships and inter‐ safe and stable housing and facilitate access to local acting with vulnerable communities might enhance the social capital and mutual cultural learning. Yet, while quality of volunteers’ support. they often enable refugees to create strong ties with Furthermore, attracting a diverse group of volun‐ hosts, they can also—even simultaneously—reproduce teers in terms of gender and nationality allows for better power imbalances. This article explores the impact matches between intermediaries, hosts, and refugees. of intermediaries on the host–refugee dyad, analysing Lastly, organisations are encouraged to invest in creating whether intermediaries can compensate for potential a sense of community among volunteers. By the time this power imbalances. article was completed, Refugees Welcome in Catalonia Refugees Welcome uses intermediaries with the aim had introduced quarterly online meetings with volun‐ to extend the support network of asylum seekers and teers to strengthen the community and keep volunteers refugees, provide a security net to host–refugee rela‐ informed and engaged. tionships, and promote the “welcoming culture” as While homestay programs can be highly beneficial ambassadors of social inclusion. My results showed, for the incorporation of certain profiles of refugees, first, that intermediaries were regarded by all parties as especially relatively young, single refugees, they remain essential bridges in the hosting network. While hosts’ small‐scale projects compared to the large number of and social workers’ responsibilities were structured, refugees in need of housing and offer only temporary volunteers’ responsibilities differed in each case. This housing. However, while not a viable mass alternative flexibility in tasks and the unique dedication to one to government‐led solutions, they can complement such flatshare allowed them to give personalised support. solutions for specific groups of refugees. Furthermore, Intermediaries often eased the first weeks of co‐living, the study of intermediation in asymmetrical resident– acted as impartial advisers, and provided emotional refugee relationships can be valuable beyond these pro‐ support, thus effectively providing a safety net for the grams. Both homestay programs and intermediation refugee. Furthermore, intermediaries form a critical link could be upscaled with more financial support. with the organisation. By checking on flatshares period‐ Future research could compare Refugees Welcome’s ically and providing social workers with updates, inter‐ approach in Spain with other homestay programs. mediaries enable the organisation to monitor flatshares As Refugees Welcome accommodates refugees who discretely. Additionally, the organisation relies on volun‐ have already spent a minimum of six months in Spain, teers to mediate minor conflicts. future research could examine the impact of similar func‐ All interviewees indicated that flatshares needed tions at earlier stages of the asylum application process. very few direct interventions. Yet, the presence of an independent party provided hosts and refugees with a Acknowledgments sense of security. In this sense, intermediaries compen‐ sated for power imbalances in host–refugee relation‐ I am deeply grateful to the editors and anonymous ships. However, by overstepping boundaries, volunteers reviewers of this article for their valuable comments. could also reinforce power differentials. Furthermore, I would also like to thank Dr Miranda Lubbers for her con‐ amicable relationships between volunteers and hosts structive criticism on earlier drafts of this article. Sincere jeopardised the neutrality of intermediaries. Lastly, vol‐ thanks also to Refugees Welcome Spain who supported unteers often disengaged when they felt un‐needed. me throughout my ethnographic fieldwork and to all par‐ These results suggest that the value of intermediation by ticipants of this study. All procedures contributing to this volunteers depends ultimately on the extent to which vol‐ work comply with the ethical standards of the relevant unteers have no previous ties to the hosts, have realistic national and institutional committees on human experi‐ motivations and expectations, and stay engaged. mentation and with the Helsinki Declaration of 1975, as The results have several implications. First, all parties revised in 2008. Ethical approval for data collection was appreciated the role of intermediaries in host–refugee obtained from the university’s Institutional Review Board flatshares, suggesting that this practice may be valu‐ (ID: 5189), the Ethics Committee on Animal and Human Social Inclusion, 2021, Volume 9, Issue 4, Pages 232–242 240 Experimentation (CEEAH) of the Autonomous University Kourachanis, N. (2019). From camps to social integra‐ of Barcelona. tion? Social housing interventions for asylum seek‐ ers in Greece. International Journal of Sociology and Conflict of Interests Social Policy, 39(3/4), 221–234. Liebe, U., Meyerhoff, J., Kroesen, M., Chorus, C., & Glenk, The author declares no conflict of interest. K. (2018). From welcome culture to welcome limits? Uncovering preference changes over time for shelter‐ References ing refugees in Germany. PLOS ONE, 13(8). https:// doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199923 Adam, F., Foebker, S., Imani, D., Pfaffenbach, C., Weiss, Mahieu, R., & Van Caudenberg, R. (2020). Young refugees G., & Wiegandt, C.‐C. (2019). “Lost in transition?” and locals living under the same roof: Intercultural Integration of refugees into the local housing market communal living as a catalyst for refugees’ integra‐ in Germany. Journal of Urban Affairs, 43, 831–850. tion in European urban communities? Comparative Ager, A., & Strang, A. (2008). Understanding integration: Migration Studies, 8(12), 1–17. A conceptual framework. Journal of Refugee Studies, Oficina de Asilo y Refugio. (2020). Asilo en cifras 2019 21(2), 166–191. [Asylum in numbers 2019]. Ministerio del Interior, Behnia, B. (2007). An exploratory study of befriend‐ Secretaría General Técnica. http://www.interior.gob. ing programs with refugees. Journal of Immigrant & es/documents/642317/1201562/Asilo_en_cifras_ Refugee Studies, 5(3), 1–19. 2019_126150899.pdf/15f04b97‐06e9‐4ab0‐ba20‐ Brinker, L.‐D. (2020). My home is your home? Power 7d90ebec1f13 differentials in mixed‐status relationships between Phillimore, J., & Goodson, L. (2008). Making a place in the local hosts and refugees in family hosting programs. global city: The relevance of indicators of integration. Manuscript in preparation. Journal of Refugee Studies, 21(3), 305–325. Charbonneau, J., & Laaroussi, M. V. (2003). Twinning Phillips, D. (2006). Moving towards integration. The hous‐ projects between immigrant families and Quebecois ing of asylum seekers and refugees in Britain. Hous‐ families: Volunteer work, mutual aid, or interven‐ ing Studies, 21(4), 539–553. tion? Journal of International Migration and Integra‐ Provivienda. (2019). Una casa como refugio: Itinerarios tion, 4(4), 453–470. residenciales de las personas solicitantes de pro‐ Colic‐Peisker, V., & Tilbury, F. (2008). Being Black in Aus‐ tección internacional en Madrid y Vigo [A home tralia: A case study of intergroup relations. Race & like a refuge: Residential itineraries of applicants Class, 49(4), 38–56. for international protection in Madrid and Vigo]. Comisión Española de Ayuda al Refugiado. (2021). Pro‐ https://www.provivienda.org/wp‐content/uploads/ ceso de asilo [Asylum process]. https://www.cear.es/ INFORME‐CIUDADES‐ACOGEDORAS‐FINAL‐28‐ persona‐refugiada/proceso‐de‐asilo OCTUBRE‐LR.pdf Del Real, D. (2019). Toxic ties: The reproduction of legal Ran, G. J., & Join‐Lambert, H. (2019). Influence of family violence within mixed‐status intimate partners, rel‐ hosting on refugee integration and its implication on atives, and friends. International Migration Review, social work practice: the French case. European Jour‐ 53(2), 548–570. nal of Social Work, 23(3), 461—474. Doidge, M., & Sandri, E. (2018). ‘Friends that last a life‐ Refugees Welcome. (2021a). Refugees Welcome. https:// time’: The importance of emotions amongst volun‐ refugees‐welcome.es teers working with refugees in Calais. British Journal Refugees Welcome. (2021b). Colabora [Collaborate]. of Sociology, 70(2), 463–480. https://refugees‐welcome.es/colabora# Fingerman, K. (2009). Consequential strangers and colaboramarca peripheral ties: The importance of unimportant rela‐ Refugees Welcome. (2021c). Una nueva cultura de bien‐ tionships. Journal of Family Theory and Review, 1(2), venida [A new welcoming culture]. https://refugees‐ 69–86. welcome.es/como‐funciona#nuestrometodo Garthwaite, K. (2016). The perfect fit? Being both volun‐ Refugees Welcome. (2021d). Preguntas frecuentes teer and ethnographer in a UK Foodbank. Journal of [Frequent questions]. https://refugees‐welcome.es/ Organizational Ethnography, 5(1), 60–71. como‐funciona#preguntasfrecuentes Granovetter, M. S. (1973). The strength of weak ties. Refugees Welcome International. (2021). Refugees Wel‐ American Journal of Sociology, 78(6), 1360–1380. come International. https://www.refugees‐ Hebbani, A., Colic‐Peisker, V., & Mackinnon, M. (2018). welcome.net Know thy neighbour: Residential integration and Sirriyeh, A. (2013). Hosting strangers: Hospitality and social bridging among refugee settlers in Greater Bris‐ family practices in fostering unaccompanied refugee bane. Journal of Refugee Studies, 31(1), 82–103. young people. Child and Family Social Work, 18(1), Hill O’Connor, C., & Baker, R. (2017). Working with and for 5–14. social enterprises: The role of the volunteer ethnog‐ Stock, I. (2019). Buddy schemes between refugees and rapher. Social Enterprise Journal, 13(2), 180–193. volunteers in Germany: Transformative potential Social Inclusion, 2021, Volume 9, Issue 4, Pages 232–242 241 in an unequal relationship? Social Inclusion, 7(2), Studies, 45(9), 1439–1457. 128–138. Wells, K. (2011). The strength of weak ties: The social Verdasco, A. (2019). Communities of belonging in the networks of young separated asylum seekers and temporariness of the Danish asylum system: Shalini’s refugees in London. Children’s Geographies, 9(3/4), anchoring points. Journal of Ethnic and Migration 319–329. About the Author Lara‐Désirée Brinker is a PhD candidate at the Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. Her research foci include migration, refugee activism, as well as housing strategies and initial integration measures for vulnerable migrants. She is also a member of the Laboratory of Personal Networks and Communities (egolab‐GRAFO), which is part of the Research Group of Fundamentally Oriented Anthropology (GRAFO). Social Inclusion, 2021, Volume 9, Issue 4, Pages 232–242 242