e-ISSN 2499-1562 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale Vol. 56 – Settembre 2022 The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance Consequences for the Cartographic Approach Xavier Villalba Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Espanya Abstract In this article, we will show that the modal properties of infinitive rela- tive clauses are a direct consequence of their defective functional periphery, namely that they just project a FinP in the case of prepositional relatives, but up to ForceP in wh-relatives. While this truncation analysis helps us explain the special properties of infinitive relatives, it offers new insights into the standard analysis of in situ focus as covert movement to FocP and of right-dislocation as left-dislocation plus remnant move- ment of TP. Keywords Infinitive relatives. Left periphery. Truncation. Modal adverbs. Topic. Focus. Summary 1 Introduction. – 2 Infinitive Relatives. – 3 The Size of Infinitive Clauses. – 4 Consequences for Cartographic Approaches. – 5 Conclusions. Peer review Submitted 2022-04-01 Accepted 2022-05-13 Published 2022-08-31 Open access © 2022 Villalba | cb 4.0 Citation Villalba, X. (2022). “The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance. Consequences for the Cartographic Approach”. Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale, 56, [137-158]. DOI 10.30687/AnnOc/2499-1562/2022/10/008 137 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance 1 Introduction Relative clauses have been a major concern in syntax, semantics, ac- quisition, and processing studies, however, the focus has been placed, for obvious reasons, on finite prototypical cases. In this paper, we are moving to a less explored terrain, infinitive relatives, with three main goals in mind. First, we will provide a description of left pe- riphery of infinitival relatives in Romance, which is structurally de- fective in different degrees. Second, we will argue that the truncat- ed left periphery of infinitival relatives in Romance helps us explain certain interpretive properties, namely their particular modal read- ings. Finally, we will discuss the consequences that our analysis of infinitive relatives has for cartographic analyses involving remnant movement to a rich left periphery. 2 Infinitive Relatives In this section we present a description of the basic properties of in- finitive relatives. First, we show the two main constructions: wh- and prepositional relatives (§ 2.1). Then we contrast them with other con- structions with a similar pattern, but which they are not to be confused with. Then, in subsection 2.3, we describe the defective left periph- ery of infinitive relatives, and in 2.4, we show their modal properties. 2.1 Main Properties Infinitive relatives are a major feature of Romance languages (cf. Ger- manic languages, Bhatt 2008; Sabel 2014; 2015). On the one hand, we have infinitive wh-relatives, as in (1), where the clause is head- ed by a relative pronoun (Giurgea, Soare 2010; Napoli 1976; Táboas 1995; Villalba 2017; 2019):1 Previous versions of this article were presented at: the workshop “The Meaning of Function- al Categories in the Verbal/Sentential Domain” (UAB, 17-18 June 2021), the “III Encontro de Gramática Gerativa. Homenagem a Sonia Cyrino e Eugênia Duarte”(Salvador de Bahia, 1-3 September 2021), the “International Workshop on Syntactic Cartography”(Beijing, 29 Octo- ber - 1 November 2021), and the Seminar of the Center for Linguistic Theory (UAB, 26 No- vember 2021), where I benefitted from the comments and suggestions by Adriana Belletti, Valentina Bianchi, Sonia Cyrino, M. Teresa Espinal, M. Lluïsa Hernanz, and Adam Ledge- way. Thanks are also due to two anonymous reviewers, who helped me to improve the fi- nal version. Finally, I acknowledge financial support from the Spanish Ministerio de Cien- cia e Innovación (PID2020-112801GB-I00) and the Generalitat de Catalunya (2017SGR634). 1 We follow the Leipzig Glossing Rules. Besides, languages are abbreviated as fol- lows: Ca.=Catalan, EP=European Portuguese, It.=Italian, Fr.=French, Ge.=German, Ro.=Romanian, Sa.=Sardinian, Sp.=Spanish. 138 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance (1) a. Cerca una ragazza con cui uscire. seek.3sg a girl with whom go.out.inf ‘He is looking for a girl to have a date with.’ It. (Cinque 1988, 455) b. No tenim ni un tronc en què reposar. not have.1pl neither a log on what rest.inf ‘We don’t even have a log to rest on.’ Ca. (Alsina 2002, § 20.2.4.2) c. Necesita (a) un hombre en quien confiar. need.3sg dom a man on who rely.inf ‘(S)he needs a man to rely on.’ Sp. (Hernanz 1999, ex. 349) d. Kirco una pinta kin sa cale iscríere una líttera. seek.1sg a pen with the which write.inf a letter ‘I am looking for a pen with which to write a letter.’ Sa. (Jones 2005, 298) On the other hand, we also have infinitive relatives headed by a prep- osition-like element (Bianchi 1991; Cinque 2020; Duarte et al. 2015; Morales Carmona 1994; Napoli 1976; Schmitt Jensen 1973; Villalba, Planas-Morales 2020), as in the following examples: (2) a. Les livres à lire sont sur la the books to read.inf be.3pl on the ‘The books to read are on the table.’ Fr. (Giurgea, Soare 2010, 192) b. Cărtile de citit sînt pe măsa. books-the by read.inf be.3pl on table ‘The books to read are on the table.’ Ro. (Giurgea, Soare 2010, 192) c. Cerco un libro da leggere. seek.1sg a book by read.inf ‘I am looking for a book to read.’ It. (Cinque 1988, ex. 28a) d. Appo fattu tottu sas cosas de fákere. have.3pl made all the things by make.inf ‘They have done all the things to do.’ Sa. (Jones 2005, 298) While the former class is identified straightforwardly, the latter can be easily confused with causal or final prepositional structures. Hence, some methodological caveats are necessary. 2.2 Methodological Caveats When dealing with prepositional infinitival relatives, we must care- fully distinguish them from causal or final adjunct PPs, which is not an easy matter sometimes. Consider the following case, provided by one anonymous reviewer: 139 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance (3) Los niños buscan libretas para pintar. Sp. the children seek.3pl notebooks to paint.inf ‘The children are looking for notebooks to paint.’ The infinitival sentence para pintar can be analysed either as a rel- ative clause modifying libretas ‘notebooks’ (‘notebooks that can be painted’) or as an adverbial final clause (‘with the intention of paint- ing them’). When we separate the prepositional clause from the noun, the only surviving reading is that of a final adjunct: (4) Para pintar los niños buscan libretas. Sp. for paint.inf the children seek.3pl notebooks ‘For painting, the children are looking for notebooks.’ In contrast, when the prepositional clause follows a preverbal sub- ject, we can only get the relative reading: (5) Las libretas para pintar son caras. Sp. the notebooks for paint.inf be.3pl expensive ‘The notebooks to paint are expensive.’ A second difference concerns the availability of a resumptive pro- noun. While infinitive relatives do not allow a pronoun, since its func- tion is already carried out by a null operator, adjunct infinitive claus- es do not have such restriction: (6) a. En Castilla hay muchas tierras por sembrar(*las). in Castille have.3sg.loc many lands by sow.inf-them.f ‘In Castille there are many lands to be sown.’ Sp. b. Se queman las tierras para mantener*(las) fértiles. refl burn.3pl the lands for maintain.inf-them.f fertile ‘Lands are burnt to have them fertile.’ A third important test concerns the presence of a possessive pro- noun. As a rule, the antecedent of a relative clause cannot be modi- fied by a possessive: (7) Nos enseñó los/*sus libros que se había comprado Sp. to.us showed the/her books that refl had bought ‘She showed us the/his books that she had bought.’ 140 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance When we apply this test, we can find a clear contrast: (8) a. *Avergonzada, escondió sus libros por leer Sp. ashamed.f hid.3sg her books by read.inf ‘Ashamed, she hid her books to read.’ b. Avergonzada, escondió sus libros por no discutir. ashamed.f hid.3sg her books by not argue.inf ‘Ashamed, she hid her books to avoid an argument.’ We see that prepositional relatives are incompatible with a posses- sive modifier, as relatives in general, but adverbial PP are unaffect- ed by the presence of a possessive. A second source of confusion is predicative clauses, like the one in (9), which Hernanz (1999, 2299) includes in the class of preposi- tional infinitive relatives: (9) Se encontró la casa sin fregar, las camas por hacer refl found.3sg the house without scrub.inf the beds by make.inf y el vestido a medio planchar. Sp. and the dress to half iron.inf ‘The house was found unwashed, the beds unmade, and the dress half ironed.’ Typical constituency tests like independent pronominalisation or word order change show us that we are dealing with a subject-pred- icate small clause, rather than with a noun plus relative construction: (10) a. La casa se la encontró sin fregar. Sp. the.f house refl her found.3sg without scrub.inf ‘The house, (s)he found unwashed.’ b. Se encontró sin fregar la casa. Sp. refl found.3sg without scrub.inf the house ‘She found the house unwashed.’ (11) a. *Las tierras es difícil venderlas por sembrar. Sp. the lands be.3sg difficult sell.inf-them by sow ‘It is difficult to sell the lands to be sown.’ b. *Es difícil vender por sembrar las tierras. Sp. be.3sg difficult sell.inf by sow.inf the lands ‘It is difficult to sell the lands to be sown.’ Moreover, as expected, these constructions admit possessives, un- like relatives: 141 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance (12) a. Se encontró su casa sin fregar. Sp. refl found.3sg her house without scrub.inf ‘(S)he found his house unwashed.’ b. *Es difícil vender sus tierras por sembrar. Sp. be.3sg difficult sell.inf her lands by sow.inf ‘It is difficult to sell her lands to be sown.’ Therefore, these constructions are not nominal modifiers, but second- ary predicates, so they fall out of the scope of our research. Yet, as pointed out by an anonymous reviewer, this does not mean that these prepositional sentences cannot be found in the typical con- text of prepositional infinitive relatives, as for example after a pre- verbal subject: (13) Las camisas sin planchar están allí. Sp. the shirts without iron.inf stay.3pl there ‘The shirts without ironing are there.’ However, it is unclear whether we are dealing with wholesale rela- tive clauses. While the resumptive pronoun is not allowed, it is pos- sible to use a possessive modifier, and the clause can be separated from the noun: (14) a. *Las camisas sin plancharlas están allí. Sp. the shirts without iron.inf-them.f stay.3pl there b. Mis camisas sin planchar están allí. Sp. my shirts without iron.inf stay.3pl there ‘My shirts without ironing are there.’ c. Las camisas están allí sin planchar. Sp. the shirts stay.3pl there without iron.inf ‘The shirts are there without ironing.’ Besides, these infinitival clauses, unlike relative infinitive clauses, lack a modal reading and have a perfective value: what we under- stand is not that the shirts must or can be ironed, but only that they have not been ironed. As we will see in section 2.4, prototypical in- finitive relatives have an inherent modal reading and a prospective temporal interpretation. Finally, we must bear in mind that the whole gamut of infinitive relatives in Romance is richer and more complex than the picture we are offering. To illustrate the point, consider a ‘to’ and para ‘for’ relatives in European Portuguese (Duarte, Santos, Alexandre 2015). Relatives headed by a behave like the examples we have just seen: 142 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance they display enclisis, lack an overt subject and involve an uninflect- ed infinitive. (15) a. O livro a lerlhes está na prateleira. EP the book to read.inf.to-them stay.3sg on.the shelf ‘The book to read to them is on the shelf.’ b. Os potros a alimentar(*em) amanhã são de raça lusitana. the colts to feed.inf (3pl) tomorrow be.3pl of race Portuguese ‘The colts to feed tomorrow are of Portuguese breed.’ In contrast, para relatives show proclisis, and allow overt preverbal subjects and inflected infinitives, which suggests they involve a dif- ferent, richer clausal structure. (16) a. O livro para eu/ele lhes ler está na prateleira. EP the book for I/he to-them read.inf stay.3sg on.the shelf ‘The book which I/he will read to them is on the shelf.’ b. Os atletas para correr(em) na maratona chegaram ontem. EP the athletes for run.inf (3pl) on.the marathon arrived.3pl yesterday ‘The athletes who will run the marathon arrived yesterday.’ What we are proposing will be valid for prototypical infinitive prep- ositional and wh-relatives, but surely not for cases like those in (16). 2.3 Defective Left Periphery As a rule, Romance infinitive clauses do not easily allow for clitic left- dislocation (CLLD), as we can appreciate in the following Spanish ex- amples from Hernanz (2011):2 (17) a. *Juan niega a María haberle dado el premio. Sp. John deny.3sg to Mary have.inf-to.her given the prize ‘John denies having given the prize to Mary.’ b. *Pepe no se acordaba de esta novela haberla ya leído. Sp. Pepe not refl reminded.3sg of this novel have.inf-her already read.ptpc ‘Pepe did not remind having already read this novel.’ 2 As for the cases of CLLD in infinitives discussed in Fernández-Sánchez (2016), we will follow the suggestion by Hernanz (2011) that they should be considered parenthet- icals, rather than true cases of CLLD. 143 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance The same behaviour is found with infinitive relatives, either prepo- sitional or wh-:3 (18) a.*Las cosas por/para a Juana decirle son numerosas. Sp. the things by/for to Joan say.inf.to-herbe.3pl numerous b. *Els llibres per a col·legi portar-hi són aquí. Ca. the books by to school bring.inf-loc be.3pl here c. *Cerco un uomo da domani presentare a Maria. It. (Rizzi 1982, 103) seek.1sg a man by tomorrow introduce.inf to Mary d. ?*Cerco qualcosa a voi da regalare per Natale. It. (Cinque 2020, 198) seek.1sg something to you by give.inf for Xmas (19) a.*Necessitem una causa per la qual als carrers lluitar-hi. Ca. need.1pl a cause for the which at-the streets fight.inf-loc b. *Busca un amigo a quien sus secretos confiarlos. Sp. seek.3sg a friend to whom his/hersecrets trust.inf-them c. *Sto cercando una persona con cui questa proposta discuterla. It. (Bianchi 1991, 119) be.1sg seeking a person with who this proposal discuss.inf-her This restriction on CLLD is not found in finite relatives, as the fol- lowing examples show: (20) a.Tinc un amic amb el qual d’aquests temes have.1sg a friend with the which of-these subjects no en parlem mai. not part talk-1pl never ‘I have a friend with whom we never talk about these matters.’ Ca. (Villalba 2000, ex. 26c) b. Busca un socio que estos asuntos los solucione bien. Sp. seek.3sg a partner that these matters them solve.3sg well ‘(S)he is looking for a partner that solves these matters well.’ c. Un uomo a cui, il premio Nobel, lo daranno senz’altro. a man to whom, the prize Nobel it give.fut.3pl without.other ‘A man to whom, the Nobel Prize, they will give it undoubtedly.’ It. (Rizzi 1997, ex. 12a) 3 Against most of the literature, Cinque (2020, 198) suggests that CLLD is indeed pos- sible with Italian wh-infinitive relatives, and offers the following example: (i) Cerco un argomento di cui/del quale a voi poter parlare con calma. ‘I am looking for some topic I can talk to you about calmly.’ 144 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance When it comes to focalisation, neither prepositional nor wh- infini- tive relatives allow fronted foci (even though, as we will see in § 4, in situ focus is possible): (21) a.*Las tierras por solo en verano sembrar están en Soria. Sp. the lands by only in summer sow.inf stay.3pl in Soria b. *Els llibres per només a col·legi llegir són aquí. Ca. the books by only at school read.inf be.3pl here (22) a.*Las tierras en las que solo en verano sembrar están en Soria. Sp. the lands in the that only in summersow.inf stay.3pl in Soria b. *Els llibres amb què només a col·legi treballar són aquí. Ca. the books with what only atschool work.inf be.3plhere The same paradigm reproduces with negative fronting: (23) a. *Las tierras por nunca jamás sembrar están en Soria. Sp. the lands by never ever sow.inf stay.3pl in Soria b. *Els llibres per mai de la vida llegir són aquí. Ca. the books by never of the life read.inf be.3pl here (24) a.*Las tierras en las que nunca jamás sembrar están en Soria. Sp. the lands in the that never never sow.inf stay.3pl in Soria b. *Els llibres amb què mai de la vida treballar són aquí. Ca. the books with what never of the life work.inf be.3pl here Again, the restriction is not found in finite relatives: (25) a.Las tierras en las que solo en verano se puede sembrar the lands in the that only in summer refl can.2sg sow.inf están en Soria. Sp. stay.3pl in Soria b. Els llibres amb què mai de la vida has de treballar the books with what never of the life have.2sg to work.inf són aquí. Ca. be.3pl here The emerging pattern is very clear: none of the constructions stand- ardly associated with the higher left periphery of the sentence (TopicP and FocusP in standard cartographic approaches, and Po- larityP or SigmaP in other proposals) are allowed in infinitive rela- tives. In section 3, we will suggest this occurs because of their im- poverished functional clausal structure. 145 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance 2.4 Restricted Modal Readings Infinitive relatives are commonly described as inherently modal con- structions (Kjellmer 1975; Napoli 1976; Bianchi 1991; Hernanz 1999; Giurgea, Soare 2010). See the following examples from French by Berthelot (2017): (26) a. Je lui ai présenté une personne à qui confier I to.her have.1sg presented a person to whom leave.inf ses enfants. Fr. her children ‘I have introduced her a person to baby-sit.’ b. Elle lui a donné la liste des choses à faire she to.her have.3sg given the list of things to do.inf avant de partir. Fr. before of leave.inf ‘She gave her the to-do list before leaving.’ As the author remarks, infinitival relative clauses involve a modal in- terpretation lacking in their tensed variants: a deontic modality of possibility in (26a) and one of necessity in (26b). Sticking to prepositional infinitive relatives, Bianchi (1991, 121; 2007, fn. 7) argues that the modal reading must be deontic, as in the following case: (27) Un cane da addestrare ha morsicato l’istruttore. a dog by train.inf have.3sg bitten the-instructor ‘A dog to be trained bit the instructor.’ This description is pervasive in the literature (Morales Carmona 1994; Hernanz 1999; Bhatt 2008; Giurgea, Soare 2010; Cinque 2020). Indeed, Cinque (2020, 200) offers examples with potere ‘can’, and do- vere ‘must’ auxiliaries: (28) a. Ho trovato un libro da poter leggere in vacanza. have.1sg find.pctp a book by can.inf read.inf on holiday ‘I have found a book I can read during my holidays.’ b. C’è solo una cosa da dover fare per domani. loc-be.3sg only one thing by need.inf do.inf for tomorrow ‘There’s only one thing we must do by tomorrow.’ Interestingly, they point out that “only those restructuring predicates which are lower than potere/dovere are possible. All higher ones (ac- 146 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance cording to Cinque’s 2006 hierarchy) are impossible”. Among the high- er ones are epistemic modals, namely those involving alethic neces- sity and possibility (Palmer 1986 subsumes them under propositional modality). This traces a clear distinction in the expression of modal- ity in prepositional infinitive relatives: root modals are possible, but epistemic ones are excluded. Moreover, this contrast may follow from the structural deficiency of the construction. Yet, the evidence provided by modal auxiliaries is quite scarce. A search in the Spanish CORPES XXI corpus (Real Academia Espa- ñola, s.d.) only returns examples with poder ‘can’, as in the follow- ing example: (29) El dinero para poder hacer esto no salió the money for can.inf do.inf this not came.out.3sg de la billetera de Kiyosaki. of the wallet of Kiyosaki ‘The money to be able to do this didn’t come from Kiyosaki’s wallet.’ The corpus offers no examples with epistemic modals, as expected, but occurrences with root modals of deontic necessity are not found either, and Catalan and Spanish speakers systematically reject them, for unclear reasons.4 Therefore, since the availability of modal auxil- iaries is severely limited in infinitive relatives, we can find more re- liable evidence in modal adverbs. As a rule, root modal adverbs are always possible: (30) a. Os potros a alimentar necesariamente amanhã the colts to feed.inf necessarily tomorrow são de raça lusitana. be.3pl of breed Portuguese ‘The colts to necessarily feed tomorrow are of Portuguese breed.’ EP  (Duarte, Santos, Alexandre 2015) 4 An anonymous reviewer suggests that the impossibility of epistemic auxiliary modals in cases like (i) follows from the syntactic impossibility of combining ser posi- ble ‘be possible’ with an infinitive, unlike what happens with poder ‘can’. (i) *No quedan sitios para/por ser posible ir. not remain.3pl places for/by be.inf possible go.inf Yet, if this were the explanation of the ill-formedness of (i), we would expect the follow- ing sentence to be grammatical: (i) *No quedan sitios para/por ser posible que yo vaya. not remain.3pl places for/by be.inf possible that I go.sbjv.1sg Here we don’t find the presumed infinitive incompatibility, but the result is equally bad. 147 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance b. Els libres per llegir obligatòriament demà són aquí. the books to read.inf obligatorily tomorrow be.3pl here ‘The books to obligatorily read tomorrow are here.’ Ca. In contrast, epistemic adverbs are totally excluded in prepositional infinitive relatives either in postverbal or preverbal position in Cat- alan (28) and Spanish (29): (31) a.*Els libres per llegir possiblement són aquí. Ca. the books to read.inf possibly be.3pl here b. *Els libres per possiblement llegir són aquí. Ca. the books by possibly/maybe read.inf be.3pl here (32) a.*Los resúmenes por revisar quizás están aquí. Sp. the abstracts by review.inf maybe stay.3pl here b. *Los resúmenes por quizás revisar están aquí. Sp. the abstracts by maybe review.inf stay.3pl here We can conclude that prepositional infinitive relatives clearly reject epistemic modal adverbs in Catalan and Spanish. In contrast, things are less clear for wh-relatives. In Spanish and Catalan, we find the same restrictions on epistemic modal adverbs (not a single corpus example is found), but a contrast is perceived re- garding the position of the adverb: native speakers consulted found the examples with a preverbal epistemic adverb much better than the ones with a postverbal adverb. (33) a.?La Maria és una persona the Mary be.3sg a person en qui possiblement confiar. Ca. in which possibly rely.inf ‘Mary is a person on which to maybe/possibly rely.’ b. *La Maria és una persona the Mary be.3sg a person en qui confiar possiblement. Ca. in which rely.inf possibly (34) a. ??Las empresas en las que quizás invertir the companies in the that maybe invest.inf son escasas. Sp. be.3pl scarce ‘The companies to maybe invest on are scarce.’ 148 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance b. *Las empresas en las que invertir quizás the companies in the that invest maybe son escasas. Sp. be.3pl scarce A clearer pattern is found in Italian, where epistemic modal adverbs are reported to be possible in preverbal position, suggesting that the slight contrast we have reported for Catalan and Spanish might be real: (35) a.Cerco un uomo al quale possibilmente /se possibile seek.1sg a man to-the which probably /if possible /forse presentare Maria. /maybe introduce.inf Mary ‘I am looking for a man to whom probably/if possible/maybe to introduce Mary.’ It. (Rizzi 1982, 103) b. Ho trovato qualcuno a cui probabilmente /evidentemente have.1sg found somebody to whom probably /evidently affidare questo tipo di incarico. assign.inf this kind of duty ‘I found somebody to whom probably/evidently to assign this kind of duty.’ It. (Belletti 2009, 60-1) c. *?Ho trovato qualcuno a cui affidare probabilmente have.1sg found somebody to whom assign.inf probably questo tipo di incarico. this kind of duty It. (Belletti 2009, 60-1) To sum up, the availability of epistemic modal adverbs is not excluded by the non-finite nature of the clause: they are not possible in prep- ositional relatives, but they are in wh-relatives. Moreover, the posi- tion of epistemic adverbs clearly contrasts with that of root adverbs in wh-relatives: the former must precede the infinitive, while the lat- ter must follow it. This pattern suggests itself a solution in terms of the availability of the different structural positions hosting these ad- verbs, which we are developing in the next section. 3 The Size of Infinitive Clauses We have seen that infinitive relative clauses have severe limitations in the expression of material standardly encoded in the left periphery of the sentence proposed by Rizzi 1997, which is reproduced in (33) (see also Poletto, Bocci 2016; Rizzi 2001; Rizzi, Bocci 2017 for refinements): 149 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance (36) [ForceP [Force’ Force [TopP [Top’ Top [FocP [Foc’ Foc [TopP [Top’Top [FinP [Fin’ Fin [TP … ]]]]]]]]]] Since infinitive relatives can express neither CLLD nor fronted fo- cus, which are moved to TopicP and FocusP, respectively, we can fol- low the proposal by Villalba (2019) that they lack these functional projections. If we follow standard approaches to sentence defectivity based on truncation (Authier, Haegeman 2015; Friedemann, Belletti, Rizzi 2021; Haegeman 2013), we must assume that all the functional structures above TopicP must be missing, namely we have just FinP: (37) [FinP [Fin’ Fin [TP … ]]] Alternatively, we can think of this structural defectivity in terms of a more selective operation, like exfoliation (Pesetsky 2021), so that only TopP and FocP are pruned from the tree: (38) [ForceP [Force’ Force [FinP [Fin’ Fin [TP … ]]]]]] As far as we agree that we lack TopP and FocP, the choice is not cru- cial for our purposes, but it does matter when we consider modal ad- verbials. We have seen that root modal adverbs are fine in all infinitive rel- atives, but only wh-relatives admit epistemic ones in preverbal posi- tion. We will argue that this is a direct consequence of the kind of re- duction involved. Cinque (1997, § 4.1) shows that root modal adverbs surface in low positions within the sentence, close to the VP, where- as epistemic modal adverbs appear in the left periphery of the sen- tence, above tense and negation (see also Picallo 1990 for the strict ordering between epistemic and root modal verbs in Catalan, and Hacquard (2009, 285-6) for the contrast between root and epistem- ic modals regarding interactions with aspect): Figure 1 Cinque’s 1997 hierarchy of adverbs: epistemic vs. root modality From this independent hierarchy, we can expect root modal adverbs to be unaffected by the size of the reduction: they will appear in a ModRootP close to the VP. 150 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance (39) a.els llibres per llegir necessàriament the books by read.inf necessarily b. [FinP [Fin’[TP [T’ llegir [ModRootP necessàriament [ModRoot’ ModRoot [VP …t… ]]]]]]] The infinitive verb moves to Tense across the root modal adverb, and the structure will be built as a prepositional or a wh-relative. Crucially, epistemic adverbs will behave differently, for they are placed in the left periphery of the sentence, above FinP, which makes the kind of truncation involved relevant. Since they are not found in prepositional relatives, we can conclude that no more space is in- volved above FinP (truncation).5 If we assume a raising analysis of relatives (Kayne 1995; Bianchi 2000; Bianchi 1999), we obtain the following derivation for a prepositional relative:6 (40) a.els libres per llegir necessàriament ‘the books to be read necessarily’ b. [DP [D’ els [FinP llibres [Fin’ per [ TP PRO [ T’ llegir [ModRootP necessàriament [ModRoot’ ModRoot [ VP …tV tNP… ]]]]]]]]] The verb moves to Tense, and the noun moves to the specifier of FinP. Finally, the determiner head is merged. In the case of wh-relatives, we need more space above FinP for hosting epistemic adverbs, so we suggest that, following Cinque’s (1997) insights, MoodEpistP is placed between ForceP and FinP. Then the derivation of infinitive wh-relatives proceeds as follows: (41) a.un uomo al quale forse presentare Maria ‘a man to whom maybe to introduce Mary.’ b. [DP [D’ un [ForceP [PP uomoi al quale ti] [Force’ Force [ModEpisP forse [ModEpis’ ModEpis [FinP tPP [Fin’ Fin [ TP PRO [ T’ presentare [ModRootP [ModRoot’ ModRoot [ VP …tV Maria tPP… ]]]]]]]]]]]] 5 Confirmation that such an analysis might be on the right track comes from root in- finitives, which show a similar behaviour regarding modal adverbs (Grohmann, Etxe- pare 2003): they admit root modal adverbs (ia), but reject epistemic ones (ib). (i) a. Pedro comprar eso necesariamente?! ‘Peter necessarily buy that?!’ b. *María probablemente ir allí?! ‘*Mary probably go there?!’ 6 The choice of a raising analysis of relatives instead of a matching one (Hulsey, Sau- erland 2006; Cinque 2020) is orthogonal to the proposal on the size of relative claus- es that we are defending. 151 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance The PP al quale uomo moves to the specifier of FinP, and then to the specifier of ForceP across the position of forse in the specifier of Mod- EpisP. Finally, the noun uomo is fronted to the specifier of the PP, and the determiner is merged. To sum up, the resultant picture involves different clausal sizes for prepositional and wh-relatives. Moreover, it offers us an interesting playground for testing analyses of phenomena involving a rich left periphery, as we will see in the next section. 4 Consequences for Cartographic Approaches We have seen that infinitive relatives do not project a full left periph- ery, and particularly, they do not project either TopP or FocP. This fact has interesting consequences for standard cartographic analy- ses making crucial use of these projections. One interesting case is the mainstream analysis of in situ focus, as involving covert movement to the FocusP in the left-periphery. In this regard, an influential proposal was made by Rizzi (1997, 287) and a similar idea is suggested by Rizzi and Bocci (2017, fn. 6): Here too Italian seems to possess a lower focalization, involving focal stress (possibly contrastive, but not necessarily so) on an el- ement in situ (see Antinucci, Cinque 1977; Belletti, Shlonsky 1995; Calabrese 1982; Cinque 1993): (7) Ho letto IL TUO LIBRO (, non il suo) ‘‘I read YOUR BOOK, not his’’ But it is conceivable that at LF (7) will have a representation involv- ing (6) if the focal element must be moved to a peripheral position, as Chomsky’s (1976) classical analysis of Weak Cross-over implies. The representation mentioned in the previous citation is the following: The prediction that follows from this analysis is that contrastive or corrective focus in situ should be impossible in infinitive relatives, for 152 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance there is no place for the focus constituent to move to at LF. Yet, this prediction is incorrect: while infinitive relatives don’t allow fronting focus (see section 2.3 above), they do admit contrastive and correc- tive focus in situ. Witness the following Catalan examples: (42) a.Els libres per llegir només demà són aquí. the books by read.inf only tomorrow be.3pl here ‘The books to be read only tomorrow are here.’ Ca. b. Els libres per llegir a classe, i the books to read.inf in class and no pas a casa, són aquí. not neg at home be.3pl here ‘The books to be read in class, not at home, are here.’ Ca. c. Les persones amb qui parlar només d’això the persons with who talk.inf only of-this són difícils de trobar. Ca. be.3pl difficult of find.inf ‘The persons to talk to about this are difficult to find.’ These are clear examples of in situ contrastive or corrective focus, but since we lack any left-peripheral FocusP, Rizzi’s analysis involv- ing a left peripheral criterial head plus LF-movement cannot be sus- tained. Therefore, infinitive relatives give support to alternative analyses involving a lower FocP in the vP periphery (Villalba 2000; Belletti 2004) or to true in situ focus (Samek-Lodovici 2005; Samek- Lodovici 2015; Szendröi 2004). A similar problem arises when we consider analyses of (clitic) right-dislocation (CLRD). While some authors claim that CLRD is placed in a low vP periphery, plus remnant movement of the VP (Vil- lalba 2000; Villalba 2009; López 2009), other authors propose that it involves movement to a left peripheral TopP plus remnant move- ment of the TP (Cardinaletti 2002; Cardinaletti 2016; Samek-Lodov- ici 2006). Again, infinitive relatives offer us a playground for testing these two hypotheses. Since infinitive relatives don’t allow CLLD al- together, the analysis involving a low TopP will predict that CLRD would be possible; on the contrary, the analysis involving a higher TopP in the left periphery will predict that CLRD would be impossi- ble altogether. The behaviour of CLRD in Catalan seems to support the latter hypothesis, for CLRD is refused by all consulted speakers, unless a parenthetical reading is enforced: 153 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance (43) A col·legi necessiten llibres. Ca. ‘They need books at school.’ a. *Precisament, els llibres per portar-hi, precisely the books by bring.inf-loc a col·legi, són aquí. to school be.3pl here b. *Precisament, els llibres amb què anar-hi, precisely the books with what go.inf-loc a col·legi, són aquí. to school be.3pl here This behaviour is expected if CLRD necessarily involves movement to a left peripheral TopicP. Finally, let us consider infinitive wh-interrogatives, which have been suggested to allow CLLD by several authors: (44) a. No sé, d’aquest pernil, on comprar-ne. not know.1sg of-this ham where buy.inf-of.it ‘I don’t know where to buy some of this ham.’ Ca. (Villalba 2009) b. No saben al gobernador cuándo destituirlo. not know.3pl dom-the governor when depose.inf-him ‘They don’t know when to remove the governor.’ Sp. (Hernanz 2011) While Villalba (2019) argues that the selected nature of interroga- tive clauses involves ForceP necessarily, hence allowing for a higher TopP, and hence for CLLD, some Catalan speakers consulted suggest that a parenthetical intonation is necessary to admit (41a). Besides, similar sentences are systematically rejected by all Italian speak- ers consulted. Moreover, the proposal by this author did not consid- er modal adverbs. When we place them on the picture, we obtain a different perspective. On the one hand, root modal adverbs are pos- sible, as expected: (45) No sé quins llibres llegir obligatòriament /necessàriament. not know.1sg which books read.inf obligatorily /necessarily ‘I don’t know which books to obligatorily/necessarily read.’ Ca. On the other hand, epistemic modal adverbs are not allowed in post- verbal position, but they must appear in preverbal position: 154 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance (46) a.*No sé quins libres llegir possiblement. Ca. not know.1sg which books read.inf possibly b. ?No sé quins libres possiblement llegir. Ca. not know.1sg which books possibly read.inf ‘I don’t know which books to possibly/maybe read.’ This suggests that interrogative infinitives might have a defective left periphery similar to that of their wh-relatives counterparts, name- ly one including a ModEpisP and ForceP. Such a parallelism seems strong if we consider the evidence from Germanic languages, where infinite wh-relatives and wh-interrogatives go hand in hand. For ex- ample, whereas English allows both, German and Scandinavian lan- guages reject both (examples from Sabel 2014): (47) a. This is a topic about which to argue. b. Lisa has decided who to visit. (48) a.*Lisa sucht das Messer mit dem Käse zu schneiden. Ge. Lisa seek.3sg the.acc knife with the.dat cheese to cut.inf ‘Lisa seeks the knife with which to cut the cheese.’ b. *Lisa hat entschieden was Tom zu sagen. Ge. Lisa have.3sg decided what Tom to say.inf ‘Lisa has decided what to say to Tom.’ All in all, this regular behaviour suggests that our common proposal for wh-relatives and wh-interrogatives might be on the right track, even though a more detailed description is required of the exact left periphery of infinitive interrogatives, considering the finer-grained proposals by Rizzi and Bocci (2017) or Shlonsky and Soare (2011). 5 Conclusions In this article, we have offered an analysis of infinitive relatives, which crucially involves truncation of part of the functional left pe- riphery of the clause. The resultant defective structure helps us ex- plain the lack of material typically hosted at FocusP and TopicP (front- ed focus, CLLD, negative inversion). Furthermore, our proposal offers us a principled explanation of the availability of certain modal read- ings: while root modal adverbs are always possible, epistemic modals can only appear with wh-relatives and in preverbal position. This led us to suggest different clausal sizes: a truncated one for preposition- al relatives (just FinP), and a bigger structure for wh-relatives (and, tentatively, for wh-interrogatives). Besides the success of our descrip- 155 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie occidentale e-ISSN 2499-1562 56, 2022, 137-158 Xavier Villalba The Functional Structure of Infinitive Relatives in Romance tion of infinitive relatives, we have also shown that these reduced clauses can be a fruitful playground for testing cartographic analy- ses of phenomena involving a rich left periphery. Bibliography Alsina, À. (2002). “L’infinitiu”. Solà, J.; Lloret, M.R.; Mascaró, J.; Pérez Saldanya, M. (eds), Gramàtica del català contemporani, vol. 3. 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