Social Inclusion (ISSN: 2183–2803) 2022, Volume 10, Issue 2, Pages 132–142 https://doi.org/10.17645/si.v10i2.4943 Article Towards a Common Public Culture? Boundaries to Belonging in Catalonia Angelina Sánchez‐Martí 1, *, Jordi Pàmies 2 , Alejandro Caravaca 2 , and Berta Llos 2 1 Department of Applied Pedagogy, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain 2 Department of Educational Theories and Social Pedagogy, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain * Corresponding author (angelina.sanchez@uab.cat) Submitted: 14 October 2021 | Accepted: 4 January 2022 | Published: 20 April 2022 Abstract The tension between the will to build a collective national identity and the increasing diversity of today’s societies is one of the main challenges facing nation‐states today. Catalan society, being no exception, also faces many challenges as dias‐ poric identities and transnational loyalties proliferate, weakening both citizens’ roots and their need to belong. The present article aims to identify situations and social spaces of discrimination and explicit/implicit racism, existing mechanisms and responses aimed at avoiding and dealing with these situations, and the groups they affect most in Catalan society. Through a participatory research, 23 focus groups were carried out—of between six and 12 participants—in eight territories (Pàmies et al., 2020). Results reveal diverse areas of discrimination, ranging from the violation of civil and political rights to that of economic, social, and cultural rights. The situations described and named by some as examples of micro‐racism compli‐ cate the sense of belonging for many citizens, challenging the real possibility of achieving a pluricultural collective identity. Thus, to promote belonging and build a common public culture with which everyone feels identified, as promoted by offi‐ cial speeches, it is necessary to recognize plurality and diversity and promote citizen participation—and representation—in devising public actions, as well as encourage interactions that emphasize all common and shared aspects in a context con‐ ditioned by the reactive fragmentation of identity politics. Keywords Catalan identity; Catalonia; collective identity; diversity; pluricultural identity; sense of belonging Issue This article is part of the issue “Promoting Social Inclusive Experiences in Uncertain Times” edited by Ana Belén Cano‐Hila (University of Barcelona). © 2022 by the author(s); licensee Cogitatio (Lisbon, Portugal). This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribu‐ tion 4.0 International License (CC BY). 1. Introduction tionalism (Kymlicka, 1995), while social inequalities have been accentuated (del Griera, 2016). Societies today are, by definition, multicultural, com‐ All of these relatively new situations facing plex, and diverse. Catalonia is no exception to this, and diversity—in its broadest possible meaning (Todd, although the entire region does not fulfil the descrip‐ 2011)—have forced nation‐states to consider how they tion of superdiversity (Phillimore et al., 2020; Vertovec, can successfully build civic communities that incorpo‐ 2007), it is a place where people of diverse origins, social rate the heterogeneous values, ideals, and goals of all classes, religions, genders, ages, sexual orientations, and their citizens (Banks, 2007; Moodod, 2010). The tension more live together. Indeed, Catalan society faces many between the desire to build a collective national identity challenges as diasporic identities and transnational loyal‐ and the reality of the diversity of their citizens is one of ties proliferate, weakening both citizens’ roots and their the main challenges facing nation‐states in a highly glob‐ need to belong. It is also undeniable that the increase alized and interconnected context today (Banks, 2008; in migratory processes (Bernad & Llevot, 2018) has Moodod, 2021a). The “state” is understood here as the accelerated certain changes towards multiculturalism administrative apparatus through which the government (Martínez‐Ariño et al., 2011), polyethnicity, and multina‐ answers to its responsibilities. For this reason, although Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 2, Pages 132–142 132 in the case of Catalonia it is, in many ways, a conflicting cesses of collective identification, which have overem‐ term, it can be directly or indirectly extrapolated to the phasized ethnic issues. However, these processes also region—our context of analysis. form and prevail through other social categories, such as For years, Catalonia, as well as Spain, has been char‐ gender, age or life cycle, social class, political beliefs, and acterized by fairly tolerant policies and attitudes toward values (Narciso, 2021). migrants (Burchianti & Zapata‐Barrero, 2014). However, In the following sections, we analyse the diversity as is the case throughout the European landscape, the management model defined in Catalonia as well as other increasing presence of far‐right movements in the region key ideas regarding the relationship between the con‐ is beginning to shake its 37 years of social‐democratic struction of a common public culture, a collective iden‐ rule, overlapping with other political processes of enor‐ tity, and a sense of belonging. We then expose the mous significance such as the Catalan independence methodology employed throughout our research and movement (Bernat & Whyte, 2019) or the feminist discuss our main results following the report Towards protest cycle that has turned feminism into one of the a Pluricultural Collective Identity (Pàmies et al., 2020) main vectors of politicization in Spain (Cabezas, 2022). commissioned by the School of Public Administration of These ongoing issues represent Spain’s worst political Catalonia and the Secretariat for Equality, Migration and crisis in 40 years and their effects loom over the politi‐ Citizenship (SIMC). Finally, the last section of our article cal and social milieu in both Catalonia and Spain today, presents the conclusions and limitations of the intercul‐ generating social fractures among their citizens (Byrne, tural model in Catalonia, considering the axes of discrimi‐ 2021). Caught in the middle of this, in its 2017–2020 nation and the structural factors of oppression identified Citizenship and Migration Plan (Regional Government in the research. of Catalonia, 2017), Catalonia defined its firm will to implement an intercultural model to advance towards 1.1. The Diversity Management Model in Catalonia: the construction of a “common public culture,” with Towards a Common Public Culture which all people living in the region can feel identified. However, this model has not been exempt from exclu‐ Catalonia does not have full competence over migration sionary dynamics and experiences of exclusion and vio‐ issues, which has a direct link with how diversity is man‐ lence, which have been repeatedly experienced by immi‐ aged. Much of this competence rests with the Spanish grant families and their children (Carrasco et al., 2011). central government. Despite this fact, the will of the In Catalonia, but also globally, both diversity manage‐ Catalan government has been to fully manage migra‐ ment policies and research carried out from the field of tion issues, as evidenced by the signing of the National social sciences have focused mainly on the integration Pact for Immigration in 2008 (Regional Government of migrant people and their children either by engag‐ of Catalonia, 2008). The agreement does not clearly ing host societies as well as migrants (two‐way integra‐ specify Catalonia’s position regarding diversity manage‐ tion) or by acknowledging that the role played by the ment, although the term “intercultural” appears five country of origin (three‐way integration; see European times in various sections of the document. The explicit Commission, 2020; Garcés & Penninx, 2016). These per‐ desire to move towards an intercultural model has been spectives, which on too many occasions seems to reduce reflected in other official documents as well, such as all the diversity of the territory to migrants and their fam‐ the 2017–2020 Citizenship and Migration Plan (Regional ilies, have generated different dynamics and challenges Government of Catalonia, 2017, pp. 18–19): to the critical dialogue that should elucidate us on the cul‐ tural dynamics of all citizens in Catalonia and their contri‐ Our aim is to address the diversity of Catalan society bution to Catalan society. from the perspective of interculturalism, a perspec‐ Thus, there is an urgent need for research on the tive that seeks to put the ideas and actions of every binomial of integration and sense of belonging due to the person or group with specific cultural identities on an multiple tensions and hostility that have been installed equal footing. From this perspective, dialogue, con‐ in the territory, arising from reactions to identities and sensus, integration, and coexistence between these differences at both the local and global levels. This arti‐ diverse cultures are favoured. From this perspective, cle wishes to contribute to the literature in this direc‐ the reality of conflicts is not denied, but rather their tion. Specifically, we investigate some of the situations of resolution is sought through knowledge, proximity, exclusion and violence that represent limiting factors to reconciliation and the search for shared common the development of a sense of belonging in Catalan ter‐ denominators. This process is building a Catalan pub‐ ritory. This development entails building a common pub‐ lic culture and a social ethic that helps us advance lic culture that includes all the diversities present within in the construction of a democratic, integrated and the framework of an intercultural model. This is aligned cohesive society. with European efforts and interest in managing diver‐ sity and making social cohesion feasible. The present However, we must not forget that dynamics referring to article is closely linked with previous work developed cultural diversity, and how these are managed by gov‐ by Yuval‐Davis (2006) and Anthias (2009) about the pro‐ ernments, must be viewed from a historical perspective Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 2, Pages 132–142 133 in a specific social and political context—or within a dis‐ doms and responsibilities. The state has been articu‐ course, in Foucauldian terms. It is important to bear in lated as an instrument for the protection of the nation, mind that said context conditions the implementation configured as a collective identity to which all the peo‐ of any plan—or “policy as text” (Ball, 1993)—as does ple who form it belong. Thus, nationality policies have its interpretation by the agents who execute it—related served to define a legally constructed “we” in opposi‐ to the concept of “policy enactment” (Ball et al., 2012). tion to a differing “they.” In this sense, the role of diver‐ Given the above, as Shaimi (2018) denounced, differ‐ sity management policies and the administrative model ences exist between the discursive and the practical lev‐ adopted—whether assimilationist, multicultural, inter‐ els. According to him, in practice, the majority perspec‐ cultural, etc.—have a strong impact on how identity and tive contemplates a homogenization of heterogeneity, belonging processes are constructed, and consequently and conceives autochthonous culture as unitary, relegat‐ on the shared public culture sought in said policies. ing “diversity” to migrant people, even if the Catalan model is explicitly labelled as being intercultural. In addi‐ 2. Method tion, he states that discriminations preventing the exer‐ cise of the rights of freedom and equality, under what This article is part of a participatory research designed to he describes as a “culturalization of politics,” are not answer the question: How can we promote the construc‐ taken into account. In similar terms, Rubio‐Carbonero tion of a pluricultural collective identity based on pub‐ and Zapata‐Barrero (2017) point out that there is an lic policies in Catalonia? We aimed to identify the poten‐ implicit discriminatory tendency in the nationalist polit‐ tialities, tensions, and limits of a collective identity—and, ical discourse that prioritises own identity, culture, and more specifically, to identify the situations and social nation. Consequently, the common public culture is not spaces of discrimination and explicit/implicit racism, built on a neutral basis of real equality; rather there are existing mechanisms and responses aimed at avoiding structural conditioning factors and social dynamics that and dealing with these situations, and the groups most limit its construction. These will be our object of study in affected by them in Catalonia. this article. There would appear to be a close link between 2.1. Data Collection and Participants common public culture and the sphere of identity and belonging, and more specifically the construction Twenty‐three (23) focus groups were carried out, accord‐ of collective identities—similar to the concept of citi‐ ing to their inherent participatory nature, based on zenship posited by Koopmans et al. (2005). However, group processes (Farinosi et al., 2019). The focus these collective identities built on the basis of legal groups—of between six and 12 participants—were held nationality present challenges and limitations related in eight territories of Catalonia, with a balanced participa‐ to aspects such as the current context of globaliza‐ tion of 173 people: Barcelona city (12.9%), Vic‐Manlleu tion, the potential homogenization of culture, the pro‐ (16.2%), Olot (11.6%), Baix Penedès (13.9%), Alcarràs gressive disappearance of symbolic and physical bor‐ (13.9%), Premià de Mar (10.4%), Santa Coloma de ders (Benhabib, 2006; Gangahar, 2015; Pries, 2013), Gramenet (9.8%), and Ripoll (11.6%). These territories the trend towards increasingly diverse and plural soci‐ were chosen based on the maximum possible variability eties (Kymlicka, 1995; Martínez‐Ariño et al., 2011), and and four inclusion criteria: (a) percentage and (b) origin the plurality of people’s identities and their multidi‐ of the migrated population, (c) size of the municipality, mensional nature—that is, multiculturalism (Lapresta & and its (d) location within Catalonia. Huguet, 2008; Moodod, 2021b). In fact, nationalism is In choosing the territories and participants, we based on the need to defend national culture, tradition, counted on the support of the SIMC and the participa‐ identity, language, and values, and this promotion of tion of local decision‐makers who were familiar with the one own’s identity has historically defined itself against contexts and acted as mediators. Their predisposition other nations, races, and ethnicities (Rubio‐Carbonero & and support were key in forming the groups. Three focus Zapata‐Barrero, 2017). groups were held in each territory with: (a) young peo‐ Therefore, although the sense of belonging to a ter‐ ple and young adults (28.3%); (b) decision‐makers from ritory can be developed in different ways, it is always the local and regional governments (42.2%); and (c) rep‐ a dynamic process that is socially constructed and inti‐ resentatives of the associations and citizens in general mately linked to power relations (Álvarez‐Gálvez et al., (29.5%). Santa Coloma was the only territory where a 2018; Benhabib, 2006; Giesen & Seyfert, 2016; Pàmies focus group with representatives of the associations and et al., 2020). Such is the case of Spain and, by exten‐ citizens could not be held. Participation was higher in the sion, Catalonia. The articulation of collective feelings of case of women (65.3% of the decision‐makers and 60.8% national belonging has been one of its backbones as of the representatives of associations were women), well as in other countries. This articulation has occurred except in the focus group of young people (44.9%). Most mainly through nationality, that is, legal recognition as non‐EU participants were found among the groups of a member of a specific socio‐political community nor‐ entities (47.1%) and young people (30.6%). Only 12.3% matively regulated by codes that recognize certain free‐ of the participants in the local decision‐maker groups Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 2, Pages 132–142 134 were born outside the EU. Regarding the place of birth, the Autonomous University of Barcelona’s code of good most of the participants were born in Catalonia (63.6%) research practices. In addition, throughout the process, and among those born outside of Spain, the highest pro‐ the research team took into consideration the six key portion were born in Morocco (13.9%). 6.4% were born axes proposed by the European Commission for a project in other parts of Spain, 5.2% in other African countries, to be aligned with responsible research and innovation 5.2% in countries of South and Central America, 2.3% in principles, ensuring compliance with the dimensions of other EU countries, 1.7% in countries of Western Asia, citizen participation, gender equality, science education, and 1.7% in countries of South Asia. Of the 173 partici‐ open access, ethics, and governance. pants, more than half (71.8%) had higher studies, 18.2% had post‐compulsory education or vocational studies, 3. Results and only 10% had compulsory education. The focus groups followed a semi‐structured script The results section has been divided into the main fields with the main aim of involving all participants in a of discrimination identified by participants: (a) labour conversation about “pluricultural identity.” The partici‐ market and housing; (b) social institutions and public patory dynamics consisted of three different sections: administration; and (c) education. First, based on a projective technique using Gianni Rodari’s story Chi Sono Io?, an introspective brainstorm‐ 3.1. Discrimination in the Fields of Labour Market and ing activity was conducted about identity and experi‐ Housing: Access and Conditions ences around it using emic labels. Then, participants engaged in a situated reflection on the concepts of indi‐ Two of the fields of discrimination identified are related vidual and collective identity, before finally exploring dif‐ to access to the labour market and housing. First, partic‐ ferent facilitating and limiting factors in the construction ipants in all the focus groups agreed that explicit racism of a pluricultural collective identity, discussing the ideal occurs in job recruitment processes in Catalonia, based and real role of policies in fostering this. on the alleged origin and/or physical appearance of appli‐ A previous step taken in this study to prepare the cants. In fact, this was identified as a widespread phe‐ focus group strategy was to hold a meeting with the nomenon in the labour market in general, but most espe‐ entire research team to discuss our positionalities and go cially in those private sectors with little to no effective beyond self‐reflexivity. We put into practice the participa‐ regulation in terms of recruitment criteria—that is, little tory dynamics designed to raise awareness and provoke control of non‐discriminatory processes. Regarding this, reflection based on our individual and collective identi‐ one employee at a public occupation service stated: ties and as socially and culturally specific subjects. This also allowed us to create time and a space to engage Companies tell you: “We don’t want Moroccans.” Like in critical views while remaining open to disagreement. this: “We don’t want Moroccans!” As an employee at It is important to note that the team was made up of a public institution, I must send them all the applica‐ researchers from various universities, as well as pub‐ tions, but it’s the companies who end up choosing. lic policy consultants, decision‐makers, and researchers (associations, FG2) from civil society. The above intervention illustrates a very common topic 2.2. Data Analysis in the focus groups: In Catalonia, the business sec‐ tor often shares this pejorative view towards migrant The focus groups were recorded and later transcribed, people—or racialized people in general regardless of and the transcription was then deductively and induc‐ their migration background—which excludes them from tively content analysed with the support of the CADQAS certain work positions, especially when these positions NVivo 12 software. To analyse the findings in greater involve direct contact with customers: depth, the following progressive levels of reduction and theoretical structuring of the information were followed: I remember that one day I was with a Moroccan guy, (a) creation of a filing system for the collected data; and he asked me: “Why here in this city don’t we (b) segmentation, identification, and grouping of units see migrant people working directly with the public?” of meaning into initial descriptive categories, initially He asked it clearly. And the truth is that most people defined deductively; (c) segmentation and identification don’t want migrant people, especially sub‐Saharan of analytical units of meaning from which—based on people, dealing with customers face‐to‐face. (associ‐ the discovery, encoding and interpretation of all data— ations, FG3) (d) an overall model finally emerged. It is precisely at this last analytical level that Braun and Clarke (2006) This situation creates an image that young people interi‐ state the content analysis begins, which gives rise to orize even when they are still in the compulsory stages the emergence of the main categories from triangu‐ of the school system, thus conditioning their future aspi‐ lation, fundamentally based on the constant compara‐ rations and pathways. In this regard, a worker in the tive method. The research process followed embraces non‐governmental sector revealed both a perceived‐as‐ Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 2, Pages 132–142 135 foreigner teenager’s low future perspectives of access to tain things…I feel embarrassed. “You don’t have offi‐ the labour market and his interiorization of the marginal‐ cial documents? Great, I’ll hire you, but I’ll only pay ized position he occupies at school in terms of academic three euros per hour.” So, owners are committing (in)capacity: two offences: First, they hire the workers without a contract and without access to the social security sys‐ A 12‐year‐old boy told me: “I know I’m not good at tem, and, second, workers are paid less than the min‐ studying, I’ve already been told. When I turn 16, what imum wage. (associations, FG9) can I expect? What can I expect here in this city?” And you need to be sincere and tell him: “If soci‐ Along with the labour market, another space where dis‐ ety has advanced enough and you go to a bar and crimination was identified is access to housing. This topic they have a CV of someone called Marc or Manel also emerged in most territories, especially in the associ‐ [used as (stereo)typical traditional Catalan names] ations and the young people focus groups. Firstly, there is and another CV of someone called Mohammed, and an explicit discourse on the part of homeowners regard‐ they choose you….I’d love to tell you that they’d ing not being willing to rent houses or apartments to indi‐ choose you, Mohammed, because you’re worth so viduals perceived as foreigners, consequently denying much, but I’m afraid they wouldn’t.” Of course it’s them the right to housing. Secondly, abuse of power was prejudice, and I hope I’m wrong, but this is still hap‐ also identified concerning housing conditions, in those pening here in this city. (associations, FG3) cases where access is achieved. Some workers in the non‐governmental sector evidenced this in the follow‐ The possibility of obtaining a job seems to increase ing quotes: only when the perceived‐as‐foreigner individual accumu‐ lates the necessary social capital, has good references I went to a real estate agency and said: “We need or even a direct recommendation from a local person— some apartments.” And they replied: “We have something that is not required for those people not per‐ a problem, because homeowners don’t want to ceived as foreigners. In the same vein, the following rent their apartment to black people, Moors, or quote illustrates the racist discourse of the speaker when Romanians.” And I flipped out….Others accept rent‐ she recognizes that, unless she has extraordinary infor‐ ing [out] to them, but when you go to visit the mation, she will first hire a local white person: apartment with the clients, you get embarrassed because of the very high prices….Some house own‐ They’ll hire Mohammed [used as a (stereo)typical ers take advantage of people’s vulnerability. (associa‐ non‐traditional Catalan name] if Mohammed has tions, FG12) good references from people you know. One day this black guy came to me and told me: “This guy works We have big problems with people who have a per‐ with me and he’s a very good person.” So, I said: manent job and enough income to rent an apart‐ “Perfect, I don’t mind hiring him.” But if you see two ment…but we can’t offer them an apartment, even random CVs, you think at first: “I’ll chose the easiest though some are empty, because house owners don’t option, the local, the white guy.” (associations, FG3) want to. (associations, FG3) This last quote, which was followed by a discussion This situation, in which house owners explicitly order real within the focus group, evinces the complexity of views estate agencies not to rent their apartments or houses and experiences from participants. Far from having a to certain people represents a clear violation of their monolithic discourse, the participants manifested differ‐ rights under an evident racist or xenophobic discourse— ential nuances, contradictions, and even conflicts. Still, despite the Catalan and Spanish legal frameworks pro‐ the degree of consensus within and between most focus hibiting such discriminatory criteria. As the literature groups was remarkable. points out (e.g., Álvarez‐Gálvez et al., 2018; Benhabib, Moving beyond difficulties regarding access to also 2006; Giesen & Seyfert, 2016; Pàmies et al., 2020), these consider working conditions, the following quote pro‐ situations of discrimination related to housing and the vides a good example of a common reality in different labour market might difficult the creation of a common areas of Catalonia, especially in those where agriculture sense of belonging—which is socially constructed—for represents one of the main economic sectors. Not hav‐ they imply power relations with strong consequences for ing the official documents—which might itself become a certain people. All this can be illustrated in the follow‐ limiting factor in developing a feeling of belonging to a ing quote: certain territory, for most rights to citizenship are then neglected—is used by some owners of agricultural busi‐ There is inequality regarding access to the labour mar‐ nesses to enforce exploitative working conditions: ket, and there is more unemployment depending on your origin: This naturally doesn’t facilitate your feel‐ Regarding working conditions, it’s all the same, I go ing part of a community, being discriminated against to workers’ settlements and I see…I am told cer‐ workwise. (young person, FG5) Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 2, Pages 132–142 136 3.2. Discrimination at the Institutional Level: in the car waiting for us with her husband, and the Administration, Police, and Political Parties police officers stopped her because they saw my sis‐ ter with my mother, who was wearing a hijab, and A second field that has been identified is related to they asked for our passports….After that, they asked institutional discrimination—that is, the discrimination me for my ID card, which my mother has, and they produced by institutional structures, and, by exten‐ also asked us for our passports, they asked us how sion, undertaken by actors from public institutions— old my little brother was, they asked him what his experienced by marginalized people or groups because name was, if he was happy….And I didn’t understand of their origin, nationality, or physical appearance. why they did that….Why that obsession with asking The situations identified arise, first, due to legislation migrants questions? (young person, FG2) and the public administration, through the actions of the state security forces, and in situations experienced in the Through the narration of a young woman’s experience daily life of politics. with her family in the last quote—which constitutes just Firstly, the dynamics of the administration itself are one example of the many experiences that emerged identified as a field of discrimination. A violation of social about racism in the police—the arbitrariness associated and political rights was mentioned in most groups (e.g., with prejudice is pointed out. In other words, police offi‐ people who have settled in a municipality not being able cers tend to have more suspicions about people per‐ to exercise their right to vote). As one participant stated: ceived as foreigners not behaving in a “civilized way,” to “We must think in terms of citizenship and political rights the point of often questioning their legal status. These sit‐ if we want to promote pluricultural collective identities.” uations occur constantly, as the participants stated, and However, the following quote illustrates how the “for‐ especially, although not only, among young people: eign affairs” competencies of the state have been delim‐ ited over time and how this is a limiting factor when it I took the bus with my daughter and there were two comes to achieving a sense of belonging: police officers standing at the bus entrance and ask‐ ing for our passports. My friend said: “Are you ask‐ We [migrant people] first depended on the Ministry ing me for my passport? It’s because I’m black, right? of the Interior, 10, 12, 15 years ago, “because we In fact, I was born here, and I haven’t done anything. were criminals”; now, we depend on the Ministry Tell me what I have done.” She confronted him and of Labour, “because we are workers.” Until there is the other [police officer] got embarrassed. In the end, a Ministry of Citizenship or something that involves she gave him [the passport], but not without yelling people just for the sake of living here, of migrating at the police officer first. (young person, FG2) here…we are categorized, and this label has impacts on you. (associations, FG6) In the field of politics, as stated especially in two territo‐ ries, the increasing presence of hate speech from the far There was a strong consensus among participants in all right, but also less explicitly from other parties, fosters the territories regarding the restrictive nature of the cur‐ the feeling of certain marginalized groups being excluded rent legal framework to achieve civil and political rights. from the common public culture. These groups become a In addition to that, they also agreed on difficulties regard‐ focus of attack because the far‐right makes them respon‐ ing access to public service, which reduces the presence sible for the faults in the system. In this regard, a young of people from different origins in those services: woman explained an experience in her town, where she was heckled on social networks: It’s true that the legal framework is totally against us….This has many limiting consequences on We went to a demonstration with a sign that one [migrant] flows, irregularity…it prevents you [from of my colleagues had made, that said: “Feminism feeling a sense of belonging]….For instance, regard‐ will be anti‐racist or won’t be.” And the people from ing family reunification procedures, people must wait the local radio asked us for a photo; lots of peo‐ 10 [to] 15 years to be able to reunite with their family. ple asked us for photos with the sign. And then the (administration, FG7) photo was posted, and we appeared there, in that and other photos. Well, so the Vox political leader This unjust situation is reproduced in the behaviour posted the photo on his Facebook saying: “Look at of the security forces—as emerged especially in most what I found….What represents us in this city.” And young people focus groups. In general, their discrimina‐ he let his followers comment with discrimination and tory activities are also part of the everyday micro‐racism hate comments….“They should go and defend their to which young people, the children of migrants, are feminism in their country…fucking Blacks, but what especially exposed. are they doing here? If I caught them”….And I think they said they would kill us or something….Well, a lot My sister, my mother, my little brother, and I were at of things, and we couldn’t report it either. (young per‐ Barcelona airport. My sister wasn’t with us, she was son, FG2) Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 2, Pages 132–142 137 The discourse here illustrates the explicit racism of a spe‐ 4. Conclusion cific political leader, but, at the same time, it evidences the position of some citizens and their adherence to dis‐ In 2007, the Council of Europe called for societies to criminatory and racist comments that mark the limits of become more plural and democratic, a move that nec‐ otherness and the boundaries of “us” and “them,” espe‐ essarily entails them becoming both pluricultural and cially against certain groups (Carrasco et al., 2011). multilingual. In line with this, the diversity manage‐ ment model proposed by the Regional Government of 3.3. Discrimination in the Field of Education: Teachers Catalonia (2008, 2017) has been defined as intercultural and Families and claims to promote the construction of a common or shared public culture based on “mutual accommo‐ Several discriminatory episodes were identified in the dation between the various cultural groups” (Regional field of education, mostly by young people from a Government of Catalonia, 2017, pp. 13–14). However, migrant background, but also by educators and other years on from its conception, we can see that policy education‐related workers participating in the focus efforts have been limited. In addition, research trends groups, with a high degree of consensus between territo‐ demonstrate that we still know little about the life experi‐ ries. The educators pointed out problems related to seg‐ ences and collective perspectives of many citizens, such regation across schools, whereas the young participants as young generations in Catalonia (see, for instance, highlighted segregation within the schools. In other Narciso, 2021), who are characterized more than ever by words, these young people identified the fact that some an unprecedented diversity of origins and experiences. teachers had lower expectations of them, and that they The results of the present study contribute to identifying were mostly placed in the lowest groups in those schools factors that clearly restrict the construction of this com‐ with allegedly based‐on‐ability, homogenous grouping mon public culture and a sense of belonging to the terri‐ practices—which, as has been stated in international tory among all citizens. research, has a negative effect on the students in ques‐ Fieldwork has revealed that intercultural education, tion. Above and beyond this, however, discrimination understood by some as the “conflict prevention device” experiences also reach their families: Despite there being (Leclercq, 2002) or the “coping strategy” (Batelaan, extensive literature that refutes it (El Mouali, 2021; Leiva, 2003) for learning to live harmoniously together, which 2011), some mothers from a migrant background are has been used to promote democracy through a dia‐ considered less capable and even less interested in their logue that seeks to avert conflict (Todd, 2011), has children’s education—as stated in two territories: failed to achieve its aims. Results show that there are discrepancies between political discourses and offi‐ At the school, we also find that families’ associa‐ cial documents—which promote interculturality and tions constantly criminalize women, who, of course, mutual recognition of diversity based on a shared public don’t attend the meetings because they don’t under‐ culture—and what happens in practice, certain dynam‐ stand the teachers. So, there’s often the stigma that ics of discrimination having been constructed historically those women look after their children in a bad way, (see, e.g., Singh & vom Hau, 2016) and still being con‐ that they’re not interested in their lives. (administra‐ structed in everyday life. To adopt Ball’s (1993) termi‐ tion, FG10) nology, while policy as text points towards an intercul‐ tural model of diversity management, in practice, this Additionally, in the field of non‐formal education, the model is conditioned and limited by exclusive discrimi‐ participants in the focus groups also pointed out other natory dynamics that permeate different social spheres discriminatory situations experienced by children from a and make such policy as text deviate from reality. migrant background: In particular, the results exposed above, which rep‐ resent the main areas of consensus among participants When I was a child, nobody wanted to take the from all the territories, point out diverse areas of discrim‐ migrant boys from my football team in their car. ination, some of them involving the violation of civil and I mean, well, my dad didn’t mind….In this case, one political rights (among others, obstacles to access to citi‐ was called Mohamed and the other one Abdullatif, zenship and the right to vote, difficulties in accessing the but nobody wanted to take them in their car, you public function, recognition of academic qualifications know? Their families couldn’t take them to the and skills, submission to greater vigilance by the security matches, and the other families didn’t want to take forces). Others are linked to the violation of economic, care of them. It was like: “They are rubbish, you take social, and cultural rights (educational rights, greater dif‐ them.” (young person, FG5) ficulties in finding work, and obstacles to house access). A part of the explanatory factors of this reality has to This final quote is a harsh example of the explicit racist do with the effects of the processes of exclusion or dis‐ situations experienced by these migrant children, in this crimination that manifest ethnic coordinates (mainly in case within a football team, which represent a clear access), including family origin, religion, language, etc. obstacle to creating a sense of belonging. (Parella, 2016). Most of the study participants consider Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 2, Pages 132–142 138 that all of these barriers, without exception, “complicate groups are well fitted for collecting data on this topic their belonging” to the Catalan territory and the real pos‐ but they have been underused, especially in literature sibilities of truly achieving a pluricultural collective iden‐ on belonging and identity. This approach is useful and tity. There is a persistence of what some participants con‐ necessary to further discourse analysis. Besides, actual sider to be micro‐racism, while others, without naming it participatory ethnographic research in this field is also explicitly, describe situations that reveal the difficulties indispensable for a deeper understanding of the inter‐ they face in feeling identified with an environment that secting experiences and effects of discrimination while sends them messages of not belonging in their daily lives. exploring points of convergence and divergence to build This can be related to the effect of post‐racial universal‐ a shared public culture. We also call for new scholar‐ ist approaches adopted by current European practices of ship that moves towards an intersectional analysis and interculturalism which might be falling short in the fight thinking, to address and find responses to the areas that against discrimination since they are making it more diffi‐ limit and hinder belonging and participation in contexts cult to challenge societal prejudices and structural racism of diversity. (Lentin, 2020; Rodríguez‐García, 2022). Undoubtedly, we are faced with a challenge that not Therefore, to achieve belonging and build a common only raises questions related to social integration but public culture in which all of the people of Catalonia feel also questions the very policies of redistribution, recogni‐ identified, as promoted by official speeches, it is essen‐ tion, and participation. This forces us to rethink the con‐ tial to work to achieve effective equality of rights, duties, ditions offered to accommodate minorities, but also how and opportunities from the point of view of equity and their public recognition is made possible, how opportu‐ social justice. It is also necessary to recognize plurality nities and a sense of belonging are made available to and diversity and promote citizen participation in devis‐ them, as well as how national citizenship is built. Equal ing public actions, as well as encourage interactions, rights and opportunities must be a social imperative that emphasizing all common and shared aspects (Pàmies unites us all. We cannot remain blind to differences and et al., 2020). At a governance level, this is possible by inequalities and impassive to how individual and group addressing each of the five core critiques on which recent alterities are constructed. As Moodod (2010) stated, we criticism on integration has focused: normativity; nega‐ need a conception of equal citizenship, but also mecha‐ tive objectification of migrants as “other”; an outdated nisms to be able to address all forms of structural minor‐ image of society; methodological nationalism; and a nar‐ ity and daily exclusion, ending the spaces of impunity of row focus on migrants in the factors shaping integration certain groups that do not favour social cohesion, and processes (Spencer & Charsley, 2021). From the educa‐ also reviewing a regulatory framework that substantially tional field, we believe that education can play a major discriminates against many people. role in doing this, since diversity is mobile and complex, and thus requires approaches that foster constructive Acknowledgments multiculturalism to combine a flexible, mobile, and dif‐ ferent idea of cultural identity with a claim for equity We would like to thank all the participants and members and social justice against discrimination and oppression of the IDCOL project, and the reviewers for their insight‐ (Torres & Tarozzi, 2020). ful comments. The social dynamics that generate discrimination, such as those that have been explored throughout this Conflict of Interests article, must necessarily be redirected. In this respect, it should be noted that, although this research has identi‐ The authors declare no conflict of interests. fied dynamics and discriminatory discourses referring to different axes of oppression, the most prevalent bound‐ References aries to belonging that have been mentioned relate espe‐ cially to racism, discrimination based on beliefs, and legal Álvarez‐Gálvez, J., Echavarren, J. M., & Coller, X. (2018). status. Thus, we must consider that discrimination and Bound by blood: The ethnic and civic nature of collec‐ structural violence—such as racism, economic and social tive identities in the Basque Country, Catalonia and inequality, and the violation of rights, among others— Valencia. Nations and Nationalism, 24(2), 412–431. represent clear obstacles to a sense of belonging and the https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12379 construction of a common public culture. In this sense, Anthias, F. (2009). 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Sociology, tadania i de les migracions 2017–2020 [Citizenship 52(2), 228–244. https://doi.org/10.1177/003803851 and migrations plan 2017–2020]. 7702599 About the Authors Angelina Sánchez‐Martí holds a PhD in education and society and is currently a Serra Húnter Tenure‐track lecturer in the Department of Applied Pedagogy, in the area of research on methods and diagnosis in education, at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. As a member of CER‐Migracions, she has undertaken investigations mainly in the field of education and children of migrants. Jordi Pàmies holds a PhD in social and cultural anthropology and is a full professor in the Department of Educational Theories and Social Pedagogy at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. He has been involved in research related to education, migration, and inequalities mainly on the socio‐educational trajectories of young people of foreign origin. He is a member of CER‐Migracions research group since its inception. Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 2, Pages 132–142 141 Alejandro Caravaca is a PhD candidate in education at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. He holds a master’s degree in social policy, work and welfare, and a bachelor’s degree in educational studies from the UAB. He has participated in research projects about education policy in Central America and the Caribbean, the role of the World Bank in education policymaking, and gender perspective in Catalan education, among others. His main research interests are education policy, comparative and international education, and gender studies. Berta Llos is a PhD candidate in education at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. She holds a master’s degree in social policy, work and welfare, a bachelor’s degree in educational studies, and a bachelor’s degree in primary education, all from the UAB. She has participated in research projects about educational transitions and gender perspectives in education in Catalonia, among others. Her research interests are related to the sociology of education, education inequalities, and gender studies. Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 2, Pages 132–142 142