Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-022-00354-0 The Moral and Ethical Baseline of Marine Socio‑Ecological Values: the Case of Recreational and Artisanal Fishing in NW Mediterranean Coastal Waters (Catalonia, Spain) Sílvia Gómez1 Accepted: 12 July 2022 / Published online: 28 September 2022 © The Author(s) 2022 Abstract Scant attention has been paid to values not expressed in monetary terms, due in part to the difficulty of assessing them. Moreover, the notion and understanding of “value” differs depending on the discipline and academic approaches. This eth- nographic study focused on three marine spaces from the Catalonia region in Spain (Natural Park of Cap de Creus, Medes Islands protected area, and Natura 2000 Network area) addresses the competing values of maritime activities, small-scale fishing and recreational fishing, that make value judgements based on moral and ethical standards with which to legitimize activities and use of marine resources. The results highlight the co-existing market and non-market values involved in car- rying out these activities, and the need to identify values as drivers of socioecological systems in order to evaluate sustain- ability. Through the lens of social theory mainly stemming from social anthropology, the study discusses on the moral and ethical issues at play. Keywords Marine values · Socio-ecological systems · Artisanal fishing · Recreational fishing · Marine protected areas · Costa Brava · Catalonia · Spain Introduction This ethnography reveals the interplay between the mar- ket and non-market values that underlie the maritime activi- In governance, values are highlighted as a driving force, and ties of artisanal and recreational fishing in marine protected “legal tool” with which to suitably manage the environment. and conservation areas. It does so in the light of evolving From this perspective, socio-economic activities should be social theory stemming mainly from economic, environmen- understood as part of the ecosystem in both economic pro- tal, and legal anthropology that discusses values and their duction, and well-being. In this context, to reconcile the ethical and moral implications. The three contiguous areas (often diverging) interests of the various activities taking under study lie along the Costa Brava coast in Catalonia, place at sea, the balance between economic, socio-cultural, North-western Spain, specifically the marine protected area and ecological values must be maintained to ensure an of Cap de Creus, the Medes Islands protected area and an equitable and sustainable access to, and use of, resources. area included within Sites of Community Importance and The way to reconcile competing uses of marine resources Special Protection Areas under the Natura 2000 European is to integrate marine socio-ecological systems into policies network. By disentangling the interacting market and non- (Gómez et al., 2021). Therefore, achieving this implies tack- market values involved in carrying out these activi- ling competing values of maritime activities that make value ties, I aim to highlight the need to identify the drivers of judgments based on moral and ethical standards with which socio-ecological systems (the values) in order to evaluate to legitimize activities and use of marine resources. sustainability. For this, narratives of fishers’ perceptions that are behind values are analysed underpinning claims to access rights to * Sílvia Gómez marine goods and resources. The ethical and moral princi- silvia.gomez@uab.cat ples of values are stressed, bearing in mind the social, cul- 1 tural, and economic contexts in which they are enmeshed, Department of Social Anthropology, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Building B‑Campus UAB 08193‑Bellaterra and how they might serve as a basis for sound decision- (Cerdanyola del Vallès), Barcelona, Spain making in management plans under sustainable criteria. 13 Vol.:(0123456789) 896 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 Some recommendations are put forward for integrating val- desirability projected in success, vanity, prestige, cooperation, ues aimed at ensuring sustainability within marine manage- and harmony, etc. ment plans. Therefore, the availability of material and non-material elements which satisfy needs can influence the level of valu- ation, and the ability to fulfil these needs makes valuation Theoretical Background an ethical and moral issue that is underpinned by rights of access and restriction. According to Etzioni (1988: 101), “Values” and “Value”. Is there a Theory of Value? value has two sources, pleasure and morality: "When values are internalised, they become part of the individual's percep- When talking about values, the first difficulty is to define tion, and when they are external, they act as constraints on them (Hirons et al., 2016). Ecosystem-based management the decision-making process". approaches have revealed the quantitative value of biodiver- sity (Constanza et al., 1997). However, scant attention has been paid to values not expressed in monetary terms, due in part to Values Through a Moral and Ethical Lens the difficulty of assessing them (Cabana et al., 2020). Moreo- ver, the notion and understanding of “value” differs depending Despite the recent call for an ethical turn in social anthro- on the discipline. Value is often confused with price, which pology, ethics and morality have received little attention is only a fraction of value linked to transactions in a market- (Klenk, 2019). Existing interest mostly stems from recent based system, and in turn only one of many transaction pos- environmental studies debating exploitation and conserva- sibilities (Polanyi, 1944). This paradox leads us to the con- tion as a paradigm that involves values, moral and ethical troversial understanding between economic anthropology and reasoning, and that legitimises human-nature interactions. economics, which has given rise to convergences and diver- This lack of attention has been further reinforced by the con- gences between the two disciplines throughout history (García structivist postmodernist approach taken by anthropologists, del Hoyo & Jiménez de Badariaga, 2016) when approaching which focuses on social constructions of nature and natu- market and non-market values. In reality, it is more a question ral spaces. This approach advocates cultural relativism but of methodology (García del Hoyo & Jiménez de Badariaga, ignores environmental issues and fails to address questions 2016) or forms of enquiry. When social anthropologists focus of values and rights (Kopnina, 2012). on subjectivity, they address the symbolic dimension of value, Traditionally, morality attracted little attention within whereas economists (who are more interested in objectivity) social anthropology as it was understood as being embed- focus on the price resulting from a negotiation between parties ded within social systems, and its main focus was notions of (García del Hoyo & Jiménez de Badariaga, 2016). Differing law. In social anthropology, morality has been circumscribed criteria and bargaining systems are what differentiate socie- within the normative order as the social constraints individu- ties and cultures, as values are culturally embedded (Moreno, als exert on social institutions at the expense of cultural sys- 1991). tems, which satisfy material and symbolic needs (Radcliffe- In social anthropology, value can be understood as either Brown, 1952; Mauss, 1971; Malinowsky, 1982; Durkheim, an objective phenomenon embedded in cultural structures 1985). Societies develop a set of cultural complexities or as a social and cultural construction continuously pro- that attempt to respond to the fundamental imperatives of duced by human activity (Robbins & Sommerschuh, 2016). social life. These complexities are embodied in institutions Although the two options differ in their approach to val- (kinship, economic systems, government), and go beyond ues (one as a supra-objective entity within the culture; the individual behaviour in order to serve the social structure, other constructed according to social agency), both highlight which involves the process of institutionalising social life. "needs" equally as being the main driver of values, as do This approach placed the idea of morality at the core of the other disciplines (Robbins & Sommerschuh, 2016). Beyond dichotomy between conflict and harmony in an attempt to the classical needs such as physiological, psychological and explain norms and deviations with regard to social order practical, and/or material ends of the first anthropological (Bohannan, 1957). studies, other needs that nowadays should also be considered Defining law and what law responded to in universal are well-being, pleasure, taste, desire, and recreation, along terms was encompassed in ethics and moral values. Implic- with other subjective needs (García del Hoyo & Jiménez itly, it entailed defining cross-cultural morality, and this drew de Badariaga, 2016). However, in the vein of Kluckhon the attention of social anthropologists during the first half of (1951), if the value is a "conception of the desirable", the twentieth century. The formulation of absolute universal this means it is culturally contextualised, and therefore moral principles was partly influenced by the philosophi- dependent on the social systems that sustain the notions of cal approach that embraced deontological and utilitarian 13 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 897 perspectives (Klenk, 2019). This was criticised for being In this regard, conservation anthropology is seen as being poorly grounded in empirical assumptions and lacking con- more concerned with environmental justice and socio-eco- tact with actual social practices. nomic equity than the environment per se. It seeks to achieve Morality is understood as a social process of reasoning conservation alongside social justice, with the main goal of that interacts in a culturally embedded social fabric deter- securing the rights of local (and/or disadvantaged) people to mined by rights and duties according to social positions. The nature and socio-economic development (Kopnina, 2012). important debate within legal anthropology centred on the Moral engagement is considered from the point of view of question of whether the object of study should be on norms human beings and focuses on measuring loss of human life or on processes. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, interest in and well-being. As Strang (2016) has pointed out, although processes of contestation followed a concern for the way in the "cultural practices" of both Western and non-Western which history and power shape legal systems, and the rela- societies have been underpinned by patterns of global con- tionship between them, which constrains value systems and sumerism, environmentalism is a universal approach, as it is moralities to contexts of power and domination. Just (2001), already embedded in many "traditional societies" and runs who has analysed conflict resolution and dispute resolution through all social groups. Social justice and economic justice among the Donggo people of Indonesia, argues that con- are implicit in environmental justice, as Kopnina (2014: 8) flict resolution must be understood in its broader context; in has stressed "we cannot have justice for people before jus- terms of what he calls the "moral economy" of society. This tice for the environment, because separating the two leads to concept was first proposed by Thompson (1971) to explain neither". According to Kopnina, the notion of justice must the logic of food riots in England in the eighteenth century. be expanded to include non-human species. It described a set of reciprocal obligations and responsibili- More recently, the "rights of nature movement" has ties embedded in a "paternalistic" economy that could con- called for the recognition of the moral scope contained in flict with the effects of increasingly open markets and free the intrinsic value of nature (as a subject of rights, not just trade on local subsistence. However, in "The Moral Econ- an object of rights) embodied in the "rights of being alive", omy Reviewed" (1991), Thompson (1991) admitted that the i.e., the legal rights of nature. Rights of nature are a blend concept now encompassed a wider range of issues. A moral of Western rights, concepts, and indigenous conceptions of economy is based on underlying cultural assumptions about the human-nature relations that make up indigenous cos- the nature of human existence, the individual, social behav- mologies (Chapron et al., 2019; Harden-Davis et al., 2020). iour, and social order, all of which a moral valence. In short, Harden-Davis et al. (2020) maintain that four principles need we can say that dispute processes cannot be understood as to be engaged for us to speak of rights of nature: rights (as a consequence of specified social conditions, but rather as a intrinsic values), connectivity and primacy of life (fulfilment reflection of the cultural construction of values that respond of ecological functions), reciprocity (human-nature feedback to demands resulting from class struggles or class interests relationship), representation and implementation (entities or socio-economic activities. charged with executing human responsibility). In short, rec- In social anthropology law, as a field of study, was dis- ognising ecological limits would not be enough to curb eco- placed by the notion of justice, and the focus of interest nomic expansion by attempting to reconcile growth and con- shifted towards the morality of conflict (Gómez, 2006, 2010) serve biodiversity or human needs. Recognising nature as with the aim of revealing the value of human life and its heritage, regardless of its utility for humans and the ser- struggle in relation to peoples, social groups and commu- vices it brings them, implies that the social and natural nities. Values emerge from processes of contestation based sciences need to change their approach (Gudynas, 2011). on the experience of justice, grounded in the socially con- This context has given rise to an emerging field of research textualised moral spheres that define ethical principles. As that takes a post-human (or post-anthropocentric) approach, Strang (2016) notes, "justice is based on the idea that main- calling for a more holistic anthropology, subsuming environ- taining a proper order in the world involves "cherishing": mental humanities by conceiving reality as a human-nature recognising and upholding the value of others". This takes negotiation (Engert & Schürkmann, 2021); and the ethical existing unequal power relations into account, as well as the and moral turn in anthropology, taking on environmental and hierarchical and patriarchal governance systems that produce economic issues in contemporary society with broad social economic and social disadvantages among social groups and implications linked to notions of justice and equity. jeopardise rights to equitable access to resources (Strang, 2016). Moral engagement has been assigned to contemporary The Values of the “Blue Economy”: Socioecological applied anthropology, which is concerned with the rights to Relationships at the Core of the Economy nature for the most disadvantaged (e.g., indigenous rights), although the environmental ethics school of thought has criti- Current socio-ecological and economic crises have cised this for its human-centred approach (Kopnina, 2012). highlighted the extent to which humans are not only 13 898 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 interdependent, but also eco-dependent, giving rise to a shift in needs that must be urgently met. Humans are dependent on the environment for both basic resources (e.g., food and water), and a wide range and diversity of desires for their lives and livelihoods (Hirons et al., 2016). The effects of climate change, the decline in living marine resources and the erosion of marine ecosystems have led us to reconsider our relationship with the marine environment and altered our perspective of human-nature relationships. In light of this, the economy is placed within and as part of nature, and its conceptual framework shifted towards human well-being and quality of life (Pascual et al., 2017; Díaz et al., 2018; Molony et al., 2022). By considering human dimensions as inter- twined with ecosystems and interdependent with biodiver- sity, the economy is placed at the centre of socio-ecological relations. This implies seeing the economy as being rooted in social institutions and cultural values, both of which inter- act with the ecology as an integrated whole. Thus, market and non-market values go hand in hand, bringing anthropo- logical and economic perceptions closer together. Since the concept "ecosystem services" first became popular in 2005 in the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MEA), the main question arising from the relationship between humans and nature is how to evaluate non-market values in socio-ecological assessment in order to incorporate it into policy decision-making (Hirons et al., 2016). The con- Fig. 1  Costa Brava cept of ‘natural capital', based on the economic rationality of conservation, has not produced the expected results as it remains anchored in the post-World War II idea of progress, fairness and equity in access to resources and/or in meeting which is linked to the economic growth paradigm. This was the needs of particular lifestyles. underpinned by the notion of the "good life" (Muradian & Pascual, 2020) institutionalised in the Fordist-Keynesian model. The collapse of the Fordist society and the recent Materials and Methods economic and socio-ecological crises has shifted attention to "quality, rather than quantity, of growth", and calls into Study Area question the materialist conception of well-being, as the environment becomes the pillar around which change and The study focuses on the Costa Brava (Fig. 1), an emblem- the search for nature-based solutions pivot. atic tourist destination on the northern coast of Catalonia, However, in this context, reconciliation between eco- Spain. The study area includes the Natural Park of Cap nomic growth and ecology is paradoxical, as the market- de Creus (Fig. 2), with a marine protected area covering based economic system cohabits with western cultural 3,000 ha of maritime surface; the marine protected area of values of security and comfort that depend on the consump- the Medes Islands (21,5 ha) (Fig. 3); and a conservation tion of our planetary resources; and guaranteeing "access area that forms part of a Natura 2000 network (1,795.74 ha) to resources", in order to cope with contemporary living (Fig. 4). standards, is difficult to balance with resource exploitation. Different preservation legal provisions have been used The "blue economy" in marine protected areas that can to declare these marine protected areas, sparking contro- become an overcrowded spaces has to cope with divergent, versy among maritime activities. Hence the difficulty in often conflicting interests from a number of socio-economic organising the various socio-economic activities aimed at activities. Balanced economic, socio-cultural and ecologi- conservation, while also respecting the various viewpoints cal trade-offs become contentious when an attempt is made and values placing moral judgments on the legitimisation to integrate market and non-market values into managerial of social and economic practices. Currently, under the par- systems at the same time as meeting environmental sustain- adigm of the "blue economy", and within the framework ability goals aligned to employment objectives, ensuring of the green transition agreement for seas and oceans, the 13 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 899 Fig. 2  Cap de Creus Marine Protected Area Catalan Maritime Strategy of the Government of Catalo- co-managerial aims is to include social and cultural issues nia has begun to implement measures which will lead to in management plans. co-managing the entire Catalan coast and marine protected The marine protected area of Cap de Creus established areas, including the northern coastal zone. 1 One of the in 1998 enables fishing in the area of Natural Park and par- tial reserve. Recreational fishing in partial reserve is only allowed from onshore.2 In the integral reserve, fishing is totally banned (Fig. 5). Since 2010 Medes Islands is part of 1 Since 2017 co-management is legally regulated in Catalonia. “This the Natural Park of Montgrí and Baix Ter. It comprises a par- is part of one of the key points set out in the 2030 Maritime Strategy of Catalonia, through Decree 118/2018 of 19 June on the governance model tial reserve and integral reserve where fishing is banned, and for professional fishing in Catalonia published at the Official Journal of a peripheric zone of the partial reserve where only artisanal the Generalitat de Catalunya (DOGC-A-18170141–2018). Moreover, the decree, which sets out the guidelines for the co-management deci- sion making body (the co-management committee), has recently (January 2021) been enforced by the co-management of the MPA Cap the Creus. In 2019, Medes Islands MPA was incorporated within the co-management 2 of a larger area (Natura 2000 network)” (Gómez et al., 2021: 8). Law 4/1998, of 12 March 1998, on the Protection of Cap de Creus. 13 900 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 Fig. 3  Medes Islands. Own elaboration based on the figure published in El Periodico, 18/07/2021 fishing is permitted3 (Fig. 6). The Natura 2000 network of A total of 113 artisanal fishers’ vessels can currently fish this area (Baix Empordà) established in 2019 is regulated in the adjacent areas of Medes, the Natura 2000 network under the SCI and SAC. Sites of Community Importance area, and the Cap de Creus marine protected area. Data (SCI) are sites hosting some type of natural habitat or spe- show us that since 2003 artisanal fishing fleet has decreased cies of special value at EU level. These are designated under by more than 50%.4 Conversely, according to the Catalan the Habitats Directive and become Special Areas of Conser- Government, there are 54.000 registered recreational fish- vation (SAC) once they are officially declared by EU Mem- ers in Catalonia (ICATMAR, 2020). No data is available ber States. Fishing is permitted and not regulated (Fig. 4). for each specific area and available data only refers to those Fig. 4  Nature 2000 Net- work area 3 Law 15/2010, of 28 May, on the declaration of the Montgrí, Medes 4 Islands and Baix Ter Natural Park, two partial nature reserves and an http://​agric​ultura.​gencat.​cat/​ca/​ambits/​pesca/​dar_​flota_​pesqu​era/​ integral nature reserve. dar_​estad​istiq​ues/​dar_​detall_​flota_​pesqu​era_​per_​ports/​anys-​anter​iors/ 13 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 901 Fig. 5  Cap de Creus zoning. Zones in blue light and blue dark, fishing is permitted. The zone in orange, fishing activities are banned recreational fishers with licenses. Furthermore, it is estimated fleet segments. Values issued from this process in which the that there are quite a few unlicensed fishers (Gómez et al., fishers expressed how they recognize and perceive themselves 2019). Artisanal fishers are polyvalent (using different com- as fishers, and in relation to others. Questions related to the binations of fisheries: GTR (Trammel Nets), GTN (combined information to be collected were formulated differently each Gillnets-Trammel Nets), FPO (Pots), LLS (Set longlines)). time and adapted to each interview scenario. Similarly, recrea- tional fishers were also asked to define themselves as fishers. Data Collection and Analysis Conflicts and perceptions about MPA regulations and man- agement were asked of both artisanal and recreational fishers. The data corresponds to a database generated through exten- Data is significant rather than representative following sive ethnographic fieldwork carried out in a number of studies the qualitative data analysis approach in social anthropology. spanning 2003, 2015, 2017, and 2018.5 These studies were Through a snow-ball sample, artisanal fishers were selected as mainly aimed at gathering data on the transformation of fish- informants, ensuring at least two fishers per fisheries per each eries over time, and conflicts arising from activities in marine port from the 8 fishing ports of Costa Brava (Roses, Cadaqués, spaces. Therefore, questions on values were part of a larger El Port de la Selva, L’Escala, L’Estartit, Palamós, St. Feliu de questionnaire. Ethnographic data was collected through face- Guixols and Blanes) (See Fig. 1). Interviews were collected from to-face semi-structured and in-depth interviews (59 interviews the same fishers throughout the different waves of data collec- in total) consisting of open and ended questions. As for the tion (2003, 2015, 2017, and 2018). Although in some cases it artisanal fishers, apart from socio-demographic data, techni- was not possible, and a similar profile of artisanal fisher was cal characteristics of the production unit, and biological data selected to complete the information. Note that throughout the referring to target species and seasonality, they were asked to years the decline of artisanal fishing has implied fewer active define themselves as artisanal fishers and in relation to other fishers working. As for recreational fishers, the interviews were collected in one wave (2018), and the informants belonged 5 Partial financial support was received from The Natural Park of to recreational fisheries organizations (IFSUA, GEN).6 The Cap de Creus (assignment nº 019,903 and PDR 46/2015) for the years interviews were recorded and lasted between 1 and 3 h. 2003 and 2015, the Catalan Government, Observatory of the Ethno- logical and Intangible heritage (OPEI) funding programme (reference nº CLT051/17/00020) in 2017, and Pharos4MPA Interreg Mediterra- 6 nean, grant number 3MED17-3.2-M3-066, in 2018. https://​ifsua.​net/​index.​php/​es/ and http://​www.​genro​ses.​cat/. 13 902 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 Results Between Bequest and Market: The Artisanal Fishing in the Cap de Creus MPA Artisanal fishing in Cap de Creus MPA has existed since “time immemorial”, according to artisanal fishers. In this area, trammel nets are used in combination with gill nets, although a few specialise in bottom long-line. Seasonally, some bonito is still caught using a traditional fishing net (“bonitolera”) in one particular area of Cap de Creus, where fishing for specific species (bonito) is still organised and regulated in the traditional way (Rahola y Tremols, 1904; Costa, 1915). This involves restraining access to the fish- ing grounds during the season (from January to March) by using a draw system. Fishers in Cap de Creus have a number of different strategies for season fishing. Those with other family businesses usually stop fishing for between two and three months per year. This is typical in this area, where since the 1960s and 70s, tourist businesses have replaced the cultivation of horticultural crops as part of a wider diversified livelihood strategy (Pi-Sunyer, 1977). During the tourist season, the sharp increase in recreational and tourist activities at sea disturb the fishing activities. This is a com- mon pattern throughout the Mediterranean (Guyader et al., 2013; Maynou et al., 2011), and another reason fishers give for stopping fishing during this season (Gómez, 2006, Fig. 6  Zoning of Natural Park of Montgrí, Medes Islands, and Baix 2018; Gómez & Lloret, 2017). Another constraint that regu- Ter. In blue dark, the Natural Park area is without regulations. In blue lates fishing days is the winter weather, which is especially light surrounding Medes Islands, the partial reserve, fishing is for- inclement in this area. Fishers feel that artisanal fishing in bidden. The external blue light is the peripheric zone of the partial Cap de Creus is culturally defined as a limited fishing imply- reserve, only artisanal fishing is permitted. In the integral reserve in grey, fishing activities are banned ing a low level of technology and a small length of the boat with characteristics specific to local environmental conditions, and this is also pointed out in several publications (Gómez The interviews gathered qualitative data on first-hand & Lloret, 2017; Gómez, 2018). Boat length (less than 9 m) is perceptions and values were identified by analyzing the tailored to suit the rocky coast, thus limiting loading capac- narratives (see Satterfield, 2001) while taking the contex- ity to between 12 and 60 units of nets at most, and two crew tual meanings into account. Statements and information maximum. This, together with motor power (also limited to extracted from the statements were compared, in order to boat size) seemingly limits fishing capacity. Despite some properly interpret the meaning and sense of each statement minor technological upgrades, fishers describe artisanal uttered. Some literature-based economic data is provided to fishing as a "manual technique" or using "simple technol- better understand the valuation framework in which state- ogy". This implies having to invest in knowledge regarding ments operate in the results section. Results are derived from the selection of the fishing gear chosen, constant interaction the process of abstracting the analyzed data by following with the environment, and carefully selecting the resource this process. In accordance with the object of study, and they aim to capture. This process involves knowledge of in line with Satterfield (2001) the qualitative approach is weather, sea currents, fishing grounds, and the seasonality particularly suited to the task of eliciting moral resonances, of fish species. and the narratives allow informants to provide a wider range The fishers state that only those who have the knowl- of assessments. Interpretations are contextualized according edge passed down through the generations can go fishing to data provided by literature and discussed in light of other in this area, and not all fishers from the areas adjacent to studies and the theory. Cap de Creus know how to fish it. 13 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 903 “Only poor and crazy people go beyond Falconera.7 From This leads to an increasing specialisation in species that are Falconera onwards it's bad country" "Cap de Creus is a place more highly valued, and have market demand, which exac- of "rom i rac",8 that is to say, a place where the net holds and erbates the pressure on highly marketable species. breaks” […] “moreover this type of fishing is expensive to “Before, it [fishing] was a world in which men worked do, there is a lot of expense and if you go fishing around Cap and women were left making nets, now that doesn't exist. de Creus, it is more difficult and riskier. They have to work You have to mend it yourself because paying to have it much harder” (Fisher, Roses). mended is very expensive” (Fisher, Roses) “(consider- The difficulties, which are exacerbated by strong meteoro- ing) the price of the net and what it costs to mend it, if logical conditions (it is a very windy area), the rocky bottom, you don't know how to do it yourself…. this is all lost!” and special orography circumstances require good knowl- (Fisher, Roses) “to make a living only from fishing you edge of the fishing grounds. This knowledge can even differ need a lot of dedication. Here in Port de la Selva there are from family to family, depending on their specific expertise people who only live from fishing, but of course, they have in Cap de Creus fisheries. grandparents who are still mending nets.” (Fisher, El Port Artisanal fishing is an economic activity involving a de la Selva). social organization that is embedded in the natural environ- A fishers’ average income was approximately €15,000 ment and local landscape through knowledge. The fishers gross in 2018 (for 10 months’ work), not counting invest- express this culture-nature symbiosis through their under- ment costs or net repairs etc. Over the last 15 years (counting standing of artisanal fishing in Cap de Creus, which they from 2022), fishing in the area has declined and fishers have refer to it as a behavior answering to a culturally inherited increasingly specialised in species such as octopus (Octopus way of relating to the environment, which they are respon- vulgaris9) that were traditionally unpopular with locals but sible for maintaining under a criterion of reciprocity that demanded by tourists. Another specialised target species tra- sustains optimal socio-ecological feedback. ditionally sought after is the common Mediterranean lobster In a way, this legacy defines artisanal fishing and shapes (Palinurus elephas). Some species, however, are not popu- the rights of fishing in Cap de Creus. Providing food is con- lar target species because of their cheap price (e.g., Horse nected to the social relationships that make up the social mackerel (Trachurus trachurus), Bogue (Boops boops), organisation of work; not an activity carried out in leisure Thickilp grey mullet (Chelon labrosus). As expressed by time, but a livelihood understood as a social and cultural the informants, the loss of food biodiversity goes hand to activity that experiences beauty and intersubjective relation- hand with the loss of knowledge about fish consumption ships interacting with nature. as well as potential local consumers (the older generation), This is the cultural value of sustainability that fishers refer while the increase in specialised consumption linked to more to when they demand their fishing rights in the face of other globalised standard consumption patterns can paradoxically extractive activities (e.g., large-scale fishing, recreational be seen in restaurants and hotels, even at the local level. fishing and spearfishing) and the effects of pollution and “Every time an old man from the village passes away, environmental degradation (mostly caused by the impact of a customer dies, and it is true that people used to know tourism activities). On the basis of these socio-ecological many more fish species” (Representative of Cadaqués interactions, a claim for legal linkage to inclusion and exclu- fishers’ guild). sion from access to resources is made. Simultaneously, they legitimate moral and social rights to subsistence and well- Changes in eating patterns have led to a drop in demand being that are defined by this historically defined human- for fish locally, where it is no longer part of the daily diet nature interaction that refer to a supposedly integrated, for local consumers. This directly affects its price. The most reciprocal, and balanced relationship between humans, the frequently consumed fish tends to be the best known and the environment, and non-humans. Notwithstanding, in recent most expensive, which has led to more specialised fishing years, fishing as a livelihood has undergone transformations. centred on the most highly prized species. Only families The unit of production is not based on the family anymore, with higher purchasing power can afford to consume these becoming more and more market relations dependent, and species, which is another factor lowering demand. Since the increasing costs that are difficult to compensate with the economic crisis in 2008, as pointed out by the informants, income generated from decreasing commercial fish stocks. being able to purchase cheap non-EU and frozen fish has 7 Falconera is the name of the geographic point on the coast where 9 Octopus vulgaris was popularized in Cap de Creus (particularly Cap de Creus begins. El Port de la Selva village) through tourist demand in the 1960s and 8 “Rom i rac” is a popular Catalan expression and is transcribed liter- 70s. Fishers mention that this species was usually thrown away at sea ally in the quote. as it was not valued by locals. 13 904 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 been a more affordable and simpler choice. Nevertheless, important point especially expressed by fishers from the most consumers eat fish less often as they prefer other foods adjacent areas to Medes Islands and Natura 2000 network such as meat. area. The historical background that defines artisanal fish- The main large-scale fishing customers tend to be local ing (as opposed to industrial fishing) on the Costa Brava fishmongers, large food chain wholesalers, and local family shapes the fishers’ self-identification and collective aware- businesses distributing fish. Artisanal fishers, on the other ness. Artisanal fishing involves constant interaction with the hand, mainly sell to local fishmongers and local restaurants environment without sophisticated technologies. This tests specialising in “quality fish”. The most direct effect of this their knowledge and challenges them, and in a way, it is a distribution of buyers by type of fish is purchasing power. "game" in which the fishers compete with fishery resources Obviously, wholesalers and distribution companies have a for income and livelihood, while at the same time testing much higher purchasing power than that of fishmongers and and challenging themselves as they rely on their knowledge restauranteurs. When these large and medium-sized compa- to interact with nature. nies purchase large volumes of fish caught on an industrial This creates uncertainty and a situation where sometimes scale at a price that is in some cases more or less stipulated the fishers win and sometimes, they lose. However, far from by the fishers’ guild, this lowers the auction price of the fish- generating a process of alienation, it creates bonds and emo- ers’ other products. However, it should be borne in mind that tions that make them feel alive. Artisanal fishing responds fish from artisanal fishing usually fetches a better price (2 or to the rhythms of daily life, time, and nature. It establishes 3 euros more) as it is considered high quality. a relationship between the fishers and the resource, putting Therefore, the lack of a "fish culture" leads to the elitisa- their capturing skills to the test. tion of fish consumption by restricting consumers and pre- “No two days are the same, there is no routine and… venting fish from being sold at a democratic price, which is apart from the fact that you are in contact with nature…it increasingly affected by the demand for high-priced market may be very cold but you have the sun that is …I don't know, products. Fisheries are therefore transforming their socio- you are in contact with nature even if you are going to kill ecological system by responding to new fishing criteria and nature, but it's…I don't know, you are very alive, you feel behaviours, while using the same ideological discourse that very alive, it's something that …it gives you a huge charge defines sustainable artisanal fisheries and claims the legiti- of euphoria"! I… very few things provoke this state of mind. macy of fishing rights as a matter of social justice. I think there are a lot of jobs, but in most jobs you don't Since the early 2000s, having to compete with other mari- have this euphoria. You have a routine, so you know exactly time activities has been undermining Cap de Creus fishers’ what you will earn at the end of the month, you practically perception of fairness and equity in fishing rights. Declining know what it will be, you always go out for breakfast at the artisanal fishing is observed with impotence and fear of its same time…not here, here you're living… you are living… disappearance. Changes affecting the fisher's daily access to you don't have a finishing time, there are usually schedules, fishing grounds or their right to benefit from the goods and but sometimes you finish earlier and sometimes later…there services of the sea are contested, and taken as a blow to their are days that you work a lot and you don't get paid, there culture, their family and their "reason for being". are days that are really dreadful, and there are days that are Fishing tenure rights are revealed in the socio-ecological fantastic, it's the whole accumulation of circumstances that interrelationship, which integrates economic and legal rela- makes you feel alive, makes you feel that you are alive, it's tionships to form a broad set of social relations with nature, very exciting, very exciting in both senses, good and bad" and the conflict surrounding rights to access resources that (Fisher, Blanes). new actors in the maritime space (recreational fishing, arti- Artisanal fishing also emphasises freedom, independ- sanal fishing, underwater fishing) have to confront. Artisanal ence and self-reliance. In fact, artisanal fishing is equated fishers claim their historically legitimated fishing rights vis- with the most essential and "primary" economic relation- à-vis other activities. ships, which one interviewee describes as "ancestral", and where the "survival" spirit is linked to constant unpredict- Inalienable Relationships: The Artisanal Fishing in ability, which continually tests their skills without the help Medes Islands and Natura 2000 Network Area and intermediation of advanced technology. Therefore, the material aspect (boat and fishing gear) is a vehicle for the Both the material aspect of fishing (boat and fishing gear) ideological aspect, which means that the human-nature rela- and the fishers’ labour relations signify and transmit the tionship is shaped by the ecological, socio-economic and ideological aspect (knowledge), which interacts with the cultural interaction expressed in artisanal fishing. This is natural environment. This relationship is perceived through what determines whether these fishers see it is artisanal fish- the degree of alienation expressed regarding the prod- ing or not (how they understand it, feel and live it). This rela- uct obtained from fishing as economic activity. This is an tionship is finally perceived through the expression of the 13 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 905 degree of alienation from the product derived from fishing another type of fish, you went for squid, …. Now It's become as an economic activity. Happiness, satisfaction, a life worth like a factory". (…) Now when I get up it’s just to go fish- living is expressed through this human-nature relationship ing, when I used to get up with enthusiasm". "I liked it a lot that is produced by fishing in this way, and is an issue that more before, because that's what there was—uncertainty! goes beyond money: Now I don't have the uncertainty, now I know that either I “I've earned a lot of money all my life,10 and more than catch Sand eel or I don't catch anything. The uncertainty earning money, I've been happy, you don't know how happy over whether you’ll break (the net) or whether you’ll catch I've been fishing… you can't even imagine! …it's more than them (the catch) here or there, or whether you will sell at just a job, it's a way of life" (Fisher, Blanes). "But when I get €10 or €5…". "Now you get back (to port), of course, yes, up in the morning and I don't know if I'll earn five euros, or you have a salary, and when you go out you catch a haul. At I'll earn 500, I don't know which key I'll play but… I have first, they are all small, and then you see that they fetch up several options and I don't know if the weather will be good to €24 and that you have made €1,500 with a bucketful, and or bad, and even though all the days are the same, they touch you say to yourself “Well done!” Before, maybe you earned each other, and there are no two days the same, that's what €500, but you enjoyed it more. Now I don't enjoy it so much makes me go out (fishing), it’s this spirit of survival, isn't (Fisher, Blanes). it? (…) it makes me feel alive". “It’s living from the natural Under the co-management scheme, specialising is an resource, isn’t it? It’s a way of life. It’s living from natural attempt to control the impact of fishing on the environment resources in the ancestral way, isn't it? Let's say, no advanced and secure the availability of stocks, while at the same time technologies, no big… it is simply the challenge that lies securing livelihoods. However, this makes fishing more between your mind, your ability with your hands, and your predictable, and means that fishers’ skills and abilities are purpose, right? (Fisher, L’Escala). not tested on a daily basis on the job. Thus, the "fishing Artisanal fishing represents 16.95% of the fishing indus- game" is restricted, and the thrill of the challenge to catch try, and it employs 170 fishers.11 However, the poor state of more diverse species and quantities than other fishers is commercial fish stocks, coupled with low economic returns lost. Ultimately, this has changed the way fishers experi- from fishing has led to overfishing (Maynou, 2020), and the ence the socio-ecological embeddedness of fishing, which need for specific fisheries and species to be regulated. Some is expressed as feeling less in touch with the environment of these are under co-management committees organised in their daily work, thus generating product alienation when by fisheries and fleet segments that indicate a trend towards market value outweighs non-market values. specialisation, or in other cases, towards changing fisheries and/or tactics. This transformation is limiting the flexibility Recreational Fishing: Reconnecting with Nature fishers can exercise in making fishing decisions. or Competing for Resources? On the other hand, as expressed by fishers of Sand eel a specie that is under a co-management plan, stocks are Since 2003, artisanal fishing has experienced a decline of recovering as a result of quota setting and/or restricting the almost the 50% of the fleet in various parts of the Medi- catch of a few sought-after species, and this has increased terranean (Guillou & Crespi, 1999; Colloca et al., 2004; the value of these catches. Fishers report a change in their Gómez et al., 2006). Recreational fishing, on the other relationship with nature and feel that industrialisation is dis- hand, has increased over the years. Currently, MPAs cover tancing them from the product whose only incentive is the 7.14% of the Mediterranean area, and are among the most good price of the catch. attractive destinations for recreational fishers (Gómez “Right now I see myself as a factory". "When it's time to et al., 2019). In Catalonia, this type of fishing generates 90 go to work …mine is an artisanal fishery. It's artisanal fish- million euros of indirect income per year, a third of which ing, minor…not minority, but sustainable. It is not industrial goes to local economies in the form of direct income. Rec- fishing. When I talk about the factory, I mean that right now, reational fishing coexists with artisanal fishing, both share of course, we go out, we catch what we have to catch, and we the same target species and often the same fishing grounds go back to the dock. There is no incentive. The only incen- (ICATMAR, 2020), and in some areas, the fishing pressure tive we have now is the price, or to get there before others it exerts is similar to that of artisanal fisheries (Gómez …., who are also there. There is still that in a way. It used to et al., 2019). Therefore, its potential for extracting fish be more fun, because you went for fish, you went to wait for cannot be ignored. Recreational fisheries embrace differ- ent fishing modalities whether these are coastal, offshore 10 or underwater fishing (boat fishing, shore fishing, shellfish Note that this fisher fishes for highly priced Sand eel (Gymnam- modytes cicerelus). gathering, spearfishing, competitive fishing) (Font et al., 11 http://​agric​ultura.​gencat.​cat/​ca/​ambits/​pesca/​dar_​estad​istiq​ues_​ 2012). Unlike professional fishers, who over the years pesca_​subha​stada/​dar_​captu​res_​modal​itats/ have organised themselves through long-standing social 13 906 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 institutions representing the fishing communities; recrea- Recreational fishers also highlight the socialisation tional fishers build a community through social media such involved in fishing, which as a leisure activity involves as YouTube, Facebook or Instagram (Maya-Jariego et al., "competition with nature" as well as a way of relating to 2021). These far-reaching social networks, which can also nature and socialising by spending time with friends, sharing provide training, have enabled an increasingly large num- a meal, cooking the catch whenever possible after the physi- ber of people with no previous experience of fishing to cal effort of fishing, and experiencing the beauty of nature. easily become fishers. The social value of fishing is the main driving force behind Recreational fishers claim that recreational fishing is recreational fishing. a centuries-old practice, and that it has less environmen- “And then comes the social aspect… I have been a recrea- tal impact than professional fishing. They say that it is not tional fisher for many years, nowadays I don't go fishing looking to profit from common resources in any way that for the sake of fishing, I go fishing to be with my friends, would deprive others of the public and moral right to the to share a day out with them. Having a laugh, and if we resources, or the health benefits reaped from contact with catch two fish and eat them, that’s great. If we don't catch nature. Artisanal commercial fishing uses the same selec- anything, then we go to have lunch, having done some sport, tive criteria as recreational fishing in that it follows a mar- after seeing some dolphins and filming them…you know? ket value criterion as it values species with a high market This social value, this interaction, do you know? That's what value, even though the fishers themselves do not consume gives me value and that's what makes me go fishing and not the fish in many cases. The target species for both artisanal just for the sake of catching fish. It's a tremendously impor- fishing and recreational fishing usually coincide. These are tant social and cultural activity” (Recreational fisher). mainly Dentex dentex, Diplodus sargus sargus, and Scor- paenascrofa, Phycisphycis, Mullus surmuletus, Coris julis, and Conger conger (Lloret & Font, 2013). These species Discussion are also on the IUCN Red List, and 30% of all species cap- tured by recreational fishers in the Mediterranean marine The narrative based on sustainable and/or harmless socio- protected areas are vulnerable (Lloret et al., 2020). This is a ecological rootedness appeals to non-material values, which significant amount, especially if we take into account that morally circumscribe resource access rights. This, however, recreational fishing catches make up almost 50% of the total draws the emphasis away from the principles of biodiver- fishing catches in some areas, one example of which is Cap sity. Despite the sustainable narratives, which on one hand de Creus (Font et al., 2012; Font & Lloret, 2014). legitimise artisanal fishing rights, and on the other, license This highlights how the market value substantiated in non-commercial, recreational fishing, emphasising its low some species interacts with non-market values such as the environmental impact, biologists have been warning about thrill of fishing for these species. Paradoxically, recreational the critical state of coastal resources for decades. The type fisher allege that the main objective of this type of fishing of relationship set up around “commons” has to do with the is not so much to kill fish (as is the main goal of profes- way both modes of fishing negotiate the meaning of “public sional fishers), but rather the challenge of understanding the resources”, which Boucquey (2017) refers to in her study dynamics of fishing in order to "control nature" in some way. of recreational and commercial fishing in North Carolina This is expressed as a competition, a challenge, or a fight- (USA). Through the lens of “moral economy”, Boucquey ing game, and understood as a process of socio-ecological explores the way in which “individuals and social groups interaction where there is a recognised winner or loser (the express a particular notion of resource use influenced by catch being the reward). how they are situated within particular histories, spaces and “The aim of spearfishing is not simply to kill, it is the political-economic processes” (Boucquey, 2017:140). The whole process, from the moment you put your head in the common pool resource theory, often used to claim rights water until you try to catch a fish. Spearfishing is a pro- to resources, still refers to “jurisdictional spaces” and the cess, sometimes you catch fish and sometimes you don't, but rights of users, whereas “rights of nature” as a value in its you always have a reward, and it is the interaction with the own right continues to be ignored. environment that moves you. I always say the same thing, Nevertheless, neither the “tragedy of the commons”, you take a spearfisherman and you put him in a jail full of motivated by the rationalization of economic ends has farmed sea bass or sea bream and he won't like it at all". It's changed commercial fishing, nor the neoliberal ethos of no longer a competition, or a challenge, it's interacting with open common pool resources for the social entertain- the environment, and trying to understand it, I'm here…I'm ment in nature claimed by recreational fishers shed light going to try to understand what's going on around me, to see on how socio-ecological interactions are established. In where I think the fish might be, how I think they will behave, both cases, socio-cultural values embedded in complex such and such” (Recreational fisher). socio-ecological feedback, underpinned by the historically 13 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 907 defined ontological human-nature relationship, are at stake and the “newer” ones who use much more social media but in claiming moral rights of access to resources. As Sholte have no previous knowledge or experience of fishing. et al. (2015) points out, desirables (values not retained by Paradoxically, the high selectivity of artisanal fishing gear the market), identified as identity, freedom, socialization, may be responsible for poor selection practices which are skills and knowledge, are not independent of market values induced by market forces attempting to match catches with (assigned market values) associated with the object of an demand. By eliminating the top predators of the more valued individual or social group in a specific context. species, selectivity can cause significant damage to ecosys- This is especially clear in recreational fishing where tems by altering biodiversity (Lloret et al., 2018). Loss of the target species have a market value. These species are knowledge about fish induced by standardisation of consump- the best known, they are valued for consumption, often tion patterns influences the production processes impacting offered in restaurants, and highly priced in fishmongers. ecosystems. Therefore, the loss of knowledge surrounding This reconnecting with nature by competing with it, and fish consumption affects specialization in a few specific spe- more specifically, fishing for “non-consumptive” species cies valued in the market, which in turn influences prices, with a high market value, and then sharing it on social and differentiates between those consumers who can afford to media, denotes a culture amongst recreational fishers akin pay high prices for fish and those who cannot. These factors to “market consumerism”. In the same way as conspicuous indirectly affect socio-ecological interactions, jeopardizing consumption, the non-market social and cultural values of the cultural legacy and accumulated knowledge of artisanal socialisation and exchange that satisfy hedonic expecta- fishing. In a study, García Rodrigues and Villasante (2016) tions encapsulate a post-Fordist-Keynesian 'moral value' already start to point out that by tracing the value chains fish- system. The progressive hegemony of neoliberal ideologies eries are entangled in, the underlying socio-ecological sys- in the last quarter of the twentieth century, which took hold tems are uncovered to reveal the paradoxes of fishing’s eco- of think tanks and policy makers, and spread through the logically embedded cultural values, which are undermined by media to the entire population, left the guarantees of wealth market-based decisions stemming from socio-economic driv- and social distinction in the hands of the growth of market ers (García Rodrigues & Villasante, 2016). Socio-ecological value through the consumption of goods valued at their system values need to be assessed throughout the value chain, exchange value. Thus, by determining "values", the market as social aspects also involve land-based fisheries-related system was able to classify the masses into distinct groups. activities that make up the social organisation (production For these value groups, an individual "lifestyle" involving relations, post-production activities, consumption) and eco- motivations and desires could be sold in an environment logical aspects (production embodied in fishing decisions of freedom of choice in the pursuit of well-being. Leisure according to the condition of the resource and other aspects activities, including recreational fishing, are part of this affecting species and ecosystems). Food system values should value system. Recreational fishing has social and cultural therefore be included in conservation management plans. aspects but involves an interaction with nature that is val- The poor state of commercial fish stocks has led to ued in keeping with prices, consumption patterns (includ- regulation systems being set up, most of them under co- ing the aesthetic landscape Walker and Fortman (2003) management, including quotas, day limits and restrictive point out), and welfare preferences based on a market-state- polyvalence systems. In other cases, consumer demand has society supported model. As Boucquey (2017) highlights, pushed fishers to tailor fishing strategies to a few specific the post-World War II economic boom became the starting overpriced species. According to the fishers’ perceptions, point for an activity that has continued to grow. Although this specialization implies transforming fishing in response social aspects are highlighted as the main objective of the to a process of market-driven economic rationalisation, akin practice of the activity, as something linked to fishing, to industrialisation, and which does not correspond to the showcasing the catch and/or other aspects of fishing, often artisanal fishing values they profess. While sustainability is through social media channels (Facebook, WhatsApp, or apparently assured, cultural and social values with moral and Instagram), posting what Boucquey (2017) has labelled ethical principles regarding the environment are increasingly “trophy photos”. However, depending on the recreational lacking. Specialising has changed the way fishers experi- anglers’ social profile, new variables in motivations and ence the socio-ecological embeddedness of fishing and is purposes could be added, incorporating new aspects of expressed as a feeling of being less interactive with the market and immaterial values at the crossroads of social environment in their daily activity. This limits their flexibil- divisions, ethnic groups and, ultimately, socio-cultural dif- ity in fishing decisions, as well as the skills and knowledge ferences that have not been explored in this study. Moreo- tested in the daily fishing tactics used by a “good fisher”, and ver, the fishers’ profile has not been taken into account which make them feel alive. The concept of “metabolism of through distinguishing between those who have a family labour” is taken from Marx, and refers to material aspects tradition and can be repositories of knowledge (Pita, 2020), (environmental conditions), as well as the intentionality 13 908 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 of human interactions with the environment, which is cur- case of commercial fisheries, can be done by examining the rently not alien to the structuring effect of political economy whole "value chain" and unravelling the political-economic and capitalist value relations. Howard (2018: 68) already processes that structure welfare in recreational fisheries. observed this in Scottish fishing trawlers, and states that “the Harden-Davies et al. (2020) pointed out that reciprocity, key disruption in human–environment relations in capitalism one of the pillars needed to guarantee the rights of nature, is the alienation of human labor, which is at the same time must be operationalised in each case by unveiling these the alienation of human labor from its environment and the values of socio-ecological systems. In this case study, reci- metabolisms that sustain it”. While fishing regulations may procity can be understood as a sustainable socio-ecological produce short-term results of viability of fishing enterprises feedback loop under ethical and moral principles that must and recovery of stocks, the loss of the values of “fishing be integrated into management decision-making. To do so, culture” and “fish culture” that participate in the same socio- as this study has shown, it is critical that the cultural knowl- economic-ecological cycle may produce the opposite effects edge of fishing and fish is recovered. As a recommendation in the long-term. Several studies warn that specialization for management, this would mean seeking innovation and and/or dependence on specific resources may lead to attach- transmitting knowledge through educational programmes, ments to a specific demand whose oscillation could result in which can be implemented by environmental managers, as market failure or considerable changes affecting the fishers’ well as creating information systems for recreational fish- vulnerability (Boonstra et al., 2019). ers, taking into account their local knowledge of ecology. The socio-ecological-embeddedness does not simply refer For example, in the vein of Ocean Literacy (OL) activities to fishing as an activity at the interplay of ecology, socio- which are defined as “fundamental means to enhance Ocean economics and culture, it implies that it must also be inte- knowledge, build connections in people's lives and support grated with a “fish culture” that provides knowledge about and encourage citizens and stakeholders to act in a positive species and supports consumption decisions, thus closing way for our Ocean”.12 the production-consumption cycle in a sustainable way. More weight should be given to wildlife watching (e.g., The political economy that promotes lifestyles on the basis dolphin-watching or whale-watching) as a trade-off for of exchange value supposedly ensures freedom of choice, management regulations, and to highlight the well-being although the loss of knowledge and the right to be informed effects of reconnecting with nature through recreational does not allow for a broadening of the spectrum of consumer fishing. This is to ensure that the social and cultural aspects choice. “Fishing rights” must be aligned with “food rights” of recreational fishing associated with well-being are and cultural knowledge as a way of ensuring environmen- maintained. tal protection and conservation by considering the rights Regulations must guarantee values without endangering of nature and its intrinsic values, within which social and the environment and be adapted to the characteristics of each cultural rights are ensured. activity. Instead of regarding recreational fishing as a tour- ist (non-consumptive) activity, it should be considered on a par with professional fishing in terms of its extractive capac- Conclusions ity. Therefore, the same restrictions face ecosystem erosion should be applied to both, especially in marine protected Socio-ecological relationships are established through activ- areas. Values must be translated into rights, and also into ities that interact with biodiversity in the flow of ecosystem duties, as they set the moral standards for judging whether goods and services, and which meet the needs and well- practices involving public goods are "bad" or "good". All being of humans, enabling them to sustain life and pursue stakeholders working in cooperation need to be involved in particular lifestyles. However, structural barriers can make the identification of those values that under the ethical and it difficult to align wants and needs in a way that they can moral prism ensure socio-cultural and economic needs are be met by laying economic, ecological and socio-cultural met in tandem with nature conservation. In addition, the foundations in a sustainable way, as intended. Biodiversity changing needs and values that may or may not be accepted protection needs to be integrated into the economy, ensur- according to the economic, social and political realities val- ing livelihoods, well-being and health, as well as providing ued by each social group need to be identified to ensure that equity between activities, and an ethical basis for environ- the rights of nature and society are respected. The effects of mental protection (Costanza, 2020). Market and non-market climate change, for example, should be incorporated in future values can emerge as paradoxes encompassing environmen- value assessments. tal, social and economic issues that should be considered alongside a thorough analysis of the socio-ecological sys- tems of fisheries as shown in this study. This requires unveil- ing the values undermining systems, which in the particular 12 https://​ioc.​unesco.​org/​our-​work/​ocean-​liter​acy 13 Human Ecology (2022) 50:895–910 909 Acknowledgements Partial financial support was received from Costanza, R., Arge, R., de Groot, R., Farber, S., Grasso, M., Hannon, The Natural Park of Cap de Creus (assignment nº 019903 and PDR B., Limburg, K., Naeem, S., Oneill, R. V., Paruelo, J., Raskin, R. 46/2015) for the years 2003 and 2015, the Catalan Government, Obser- G., Sutton, P., & van den Belt, M. (1997). 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