Received: 29 May 2023 Revised: 8 August 2023 Accepted: 25 August 2023 DOI: 10.1002/eet.2075 RESEARCH ARTICLE Governing intersectional climate justice: Tactics and lessons from Barcelona Ana Terra Amorim-Maia 1,2 | Isabelle Anguelovski 1,2,3 | Eric Chu 4 | James Connolly 5 1 Institute of Environmental Science and Technology (ICTA), Universitat Autònoma de Abstract Barcelona (UAB), Cerdanyola del Vallès, Spain Cities and local governments are important actors in the global governance of climate 2 Barcelona Lab for Urban Environmental Justice and Sustainability (BCNUEJ), change; however, the specific governance principles and arrangements that enable Barcelona, Spain urban climate plans and policies to realize commitments to social equity and justice 3  Catalana de Recerca i Estudis Institucio remain largely unexplored. This article uses the City of Barcelona, Spain, as a critical Avançats (ICREA), Barcelona, Spain 4 case study of emerging “intersectional climate justice” practice, where plans to build Department of Human Ecology, University of California, Davis, Davis, California, USA resilience to climate change are pursued in conjunction with efforts to tackle structural 5 School of Community and Regional Planning inequalities in accessing the built environment, health services, energy, housing, and (SCARP), University of British Columbia, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada transportation experienced by frontline communities. The study illustrates how Barce- lona and its community partners do this through four different categories of governance Correspondence Ana Terra Amorim-Maia, Institute of and decision-making tactics, which include: (1) experimenting with disruptive planning Environmental Science and Technology (ICTA), strategies; (2) working transversally across agencies and actors to institutionalize climate Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB), Edifici Z (ICTA-ICP), Carrer de les Columnes justice over time; (3) putting care at the center of urban planning; and (4) mobilizing s/n, Office Z-148, Campus de la UAB, 08193 place-based approaches to tackle intersecting vulnerabilities of frontline residents. Cerdanyola del Vallès, Spain. Email: anaterra.maia@uab.cat These tactics seek to redistribute the benefits of climate-resilient infrastructures more fairly and to enhance participatory processes more meaningfully. Finally, we assess the Funding information Agència de Gestio d'Ajuts Universitaris i de limitations and challenges of mobilizing these tactics in everyday urban politics. Barcelo- Recerca, Grant/Award Number: 2019 FI-B na's experience contributes to research on climate governance by challenging the 76RNV29TT; Maria de Maeztu Unit of Excellence, Grant/Award Number: notion of distinct waves of governance and revealing concurrent dimensions of climate CEX2019-000940-M urbanism that coexist spatially and temporally. Our research also illustrates lessons for fairer climate governance in the city, where different tactics are mobilized to address structural and intersecting socioeconomic vulnerabilities that exacerbate the experience of climate change of frontline residents. KEYWORDS Barcelona, climate governance, intersectional climate justice, social justice, urban politics 1 | I N T RO DU CT I O N climate emergency have been increasingly mobilized in conjunction with the fight for wider social justice (Bulkeley, 2021; Kotsila et al., 2022; Rice Cities play a strategic role in facilitating the global governance of climate et al., 2023). However, research has yet to shed light on the principles and change (Brundtland, 1987; Gordon, 2020). Recently, efforts to tackle the governance arrangements that allow for urban climate planning and This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which permits use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made. © 2023 The Authors. Environmental Policy and Governance published by ERP Environment and John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Env Pol Gov. 2023;1–19. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/eet 1 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 2 AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. F I G U R E 1 A schoolyard transformed into a climate shelter in F I G U R E 2 Superblock in Sant Antoni. Interventions include plant Barcelona. Interventions include a new garden with drought-tolerant beds with trees and shrubs, tables and seats, traffic-calming elements trees and herbs, unsealed pavement, a gazebo with a vine, water and play areas. Source: Ajuntament de Barcelona. points and seating arrangements. Source: Ajuntament de Barcelona. policymaking to translate climate-resilient development into justice- people who are unable to maintain their homes at an adequate tempera- centered actions on the ground. Despite greater explicit rhetoric on justice ture. These latter initiatives provide a helpful backdrop against which to in cities' climate plans and policies, there is little evidence to show how assess how the city is adopting governance principles that enable inter- this goal is effectively operationalized to improve the wellbeing of histori- sectional approaches to climate adaptation (Figures 1 and 2). cally marginalized communities (Anguelovski, Shi, Chu, Gallagher, Goh, In the next section, we contextualize Barcelona's evolving efforts Lamb, Reeve, Teicher, Anguelovski, et al., 2016; Chu & Cannon, 2021). to govern climate change at the local level, focusing particularly on the Recent research has showcased Barcelona as an early adopter of period from 2015 to 2023, during Ada Colau's tenure as mayor. We “intersectional climate justice” (Amorim-Maia et al., 2022) and has dem- employ Bulkeley's (2021) framework of the history of urban climate onstrated how the city is starting to integrate equity and social justice governance to situate Barcelona relative to three distinct waves and concerns into climate-resilient development to tackle differential social argue that the city's recent efforts relate to the so-called “third wave”— vulnerabilities (Ruiz-Mallén et al., 2022; Satorras et al., 2020, 2023). climate connected—in which the challenge of addressing climate change Barcelona may thus be seen as a “critical” case (Yin, 2009, p. 51) for ask- is recognized as intricately intertwined with broader concerns of social ing if and how intersectional climate justice efforts can be implemented justice. We relate this recent push to calls for applying an intersectional and governed in a city. In this article, we use this experience of Barce- pivot in urban climate governance to orient policy and action towards lona to specifically unpack the tactics, political choices, and governance justice-focused approaches that redress systemic inequalities (Amorim- arrangements that support the implementation of climate strategies Maia et al., 2022; McArdle, 2021; Perkins, 2018). Our results show that while also accounting for intersecting vulnerabilities among residents. Barcelona is beginning to operationalize intersectional climate justice We do so in order to derive the key dynamics shaping action in this through innovative and disruptive planning, transversal actions, care- case, but not to claim that Barcelona has realized climate justice, so we centered approaches, and place-based efforts to reduce intersecting also explore the constraints of achieving this outcome in everyday cli- vulnerabilities; however, in a departure from Bulkeley (2021), our find- mate politics and decision-making (Bee et al., 2015). ings show how Barcelona's successes defy the notion of distinct waves, To assess the governance principles and arrangements used in cli- instead revealing overlapping dimensions of climate action that coexist mate governance, we examine two key climate projects in Barcelona— both spatially and temporally. Barcelona's experience holds lessons on Climate Shelters (Refugis Climàtics in Catalan) and Superblocks the various challenges and opportunities for enhancing an intersectional (Superilles)—as well municipal initiatives to reduce energy poverty more approach to urban climate governance. broadly. Climate Shelters are urban adaptative infrastructures that aim to provide thermal comfort to vulnerable groups in public facilities, such as schools, libraries, and civic centers, as well as shaded outdoor areas, 2 | THE EVO LU TION OF CLI M ATE parks, and gardens. Superblocks are large-scale interventions that GOVERNANCE include street pedestrianization and landscaping, with the goals of reducing carbon emissions and noise pollution, improving air quality, and The concept of “governance” refers to the allocation of authority and increasing pedestrian and communal spaces (Barcelona, 2023a; Zografos resources necessary for coordinated action and control (Rhodes, et al., 2020). Barcelona's initiatives to reduce energy poverty include 1996). Building on this concept, Bulkeley (2005) adopted a definition projects to subsidize and finance building retrofits, promote community of urban environmental governance that situates local government solar energy generation, and provide information and technical advice to actors within a range of activities and authorities spanning multiple 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. 3 scales, including transnational and intermunicipal networks. Later, neglecting the needs and rights of the most vulnerable populations who Anguelovski and Carmin (2011, p. 169) defined urban climate gover- often lack the means to advocate for themselves, thus worsening and/or nance as the ways in which “public, private, and civil society actors creating additional inequities (Anguelovski et al., 2019; Kotsila and institutions articulate climate goals, exercise influence and author- et al., 2021; Shokry et al., 2020, 2023). At the same time, research has ity, and manage urban climate planning and implementation pro- increasingly emphasized the need to meaningfully involve communities cesses.” A more recent idea of “climate urbanism” reorients climate in planning for climate change (Chu & Michael, 2019; Kotsila policy to the local level and promotes cities as the most viable and et al., 2022; Shi et al., 2016). Thus, climate urbanism grew to involve a appropriate sites of climate action (Castán Broto et al., 2020; Castán more holistic social justice perspective through engagement with funda- Broto & Robin, 2021; Long & Rice, 2019). mental aspects of urban life—such as energy distribution, participation in Reflecting on the theoretical progression of climate urbanism over decision-making, and access to climate-protective infrastructure—across the last three decades, Bulkeley (2021) described three “waves of cli- multiple agendas simultaneously. However, while this third wave shift mate urbanism” which mark a shift in how climate politics (and associ- has created momentum for addressing multiple fundamental aspects of ated governance processes) has been understood and conducted by urban life with direct consideration for social justice, the actual process (and between) cities. The first wave, labeled as municipal voluntarism, through which this can be effectively achieved remains an area of ongo- defines a period where urban authorities voluntarily integrate climate ing exploration for practitioners and academics alike (Shi et al., 2016). change into their strategic priorities to enable economic and urban One promising advancement is through intersectional urban cli- development (Betsill & Bulkeley, 2004; Bulkeley, Davies, et al., 2010). mate justice. Intersectionality informs and analyzes how social catego- During this stage, cities' protagonism in addressing climate change rizations and positions intersect to create unique systems of grows largely coordinated by transnational organizations and municipal discrimination and oppression (Crenshaw, 1989). Recent studies have networks (Bulkeley, Betsill, & Betsill, 2010; Kern & Bulkeley, 2009). The proposed an intersectionality approach to climate justice and urban second wave originated in the late 2000s and was named strategic resilience, arguing that it supports a more comprehensive understand- urbanism. This wave is marked by greater institutionalization and main- ing of the drivers of climate injustices and historical inequalities expe- streaming of climate concerns into urban matters, shifting the role cli- rienced by marginalized populations as well as when adopting mate change plays in urban politics and planning (Chu et al., 2017; measures to respond to climate impacts (Amorim-Maia et al., 2022; Friend et al., 2014; Sharma & Tomar, 2010; Uittenbroek et al., 2013). It McArdle, 2021; Mikulewicz et al., 2023). Recent advancements in this is also marked by experimentation with climate policies and programs, direction include empirical efforts to measure intersecting climate vul- their formalization to strengthen policy legitimacy and support nerabilities (see, for instance, Cundill et al., 2021; Erwin et al., 2021; (Anguelovski & Carmin, 2011), as well as the rise of hybrid (Toxopeus Owusu et al., 2019) and theoretical contributions and frameworks to et al., 2020), adaptive (Juhola, 2021) and polycentric governance apply an intersectional lens to managing climate hazards (see, for models (Jordan & Huitema, 2023; Petrovics et al., 2022). Finally, the instance, Foran, 2020; Walker et al., 2019). Overall, this literature third wave—beginning in the mid 2010s and designated as climate-con- emphasizes the need to incorporate intersectional approaches into cli- nected—is characterized by cities' recognition that the issue of climate mate justice scholarship and public policy to achieve more equitable change is inextricably connected to broader concerns related to social and accountable climate action (Amorim-Maia et al., 2022). justice (Bulkeley, 2010; Vancura & Leichenko, 2015). Despite these advancements, recent scholarship has predominantly The “third wave” gives rise to new forms of urban politics that remained rhetorical in nature while the practical tactics and mechanisms position climate change as a systemic issue and recognizes that previ- through which intersectional climate justice can be operationalized ous climate initiatives have tended to privilege specific interests over remain unclear. Significant adjustments to urban governance arrange- others (Anguelovski, Shi, Chu, Gallagher, Goh, Lamb, Reeve, & ments are needed to both address climate and social issues, not to men- Teicher, 2016; Juhola et al., 2016). This results in the demand for cli- tion also meeting the goals of Bulkeley's (2021) third wave of climate mate actions that are both socially and environmentally equitable and urbanism through an intersectionality lens. Questions remain about those that encompass a range of social infrastructure systems beyond how this governance model is being developed in practice among those interventions in the urban built environment (Tenzing, 2020). These who are working on everyday climate politics and decision-making on include, for instance, the provision of critical social programs, housing the ground. Through this study, we seek to better understand how services, and the use of urban nature to promote new notions of increasing attention on intersectional climate justice is being translated urban resilience (O'Brien, 2016; Shi et al., 2016). into urban governance mechanisms, institutions, and processes. Third wave climate urbanism focuses on how climate action is addressing the distribution of the impacts and benefits of climate change, as well as the rights and obligations of those tasked with 3 | METHODS responding to this challenge (Armstrong et al., 2022). For instance, based on more developed notions of climate justice (Schlosberg & 3.1 | An overview of the Barcelona case and Collins, 2014; Shi et al., 2016) and resilience (Rockström et al., 2023; recent plans Ruiz-Mallén et al., 2022), researchers have documented how efforts to promote resilience of urban infrastructure and environments to climate Barcelona presents a critical case of progressive climate action as the change may prioritize areas of the city that hold the highest value while city has a history of proactively pursuing intersectional policies to 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 4 AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. respond to compounding crises. With a population of 1.6 million peo- Barcelona was also nominated as the first “World Capital of Time Use ple, Barcelona is one of the most densely populated cities in Europe Policies” by the Network of Governments and Regions for Time Poli- 2 (16.5 inhabitants/km ) but has a very low ratio of accessible green- cies for its efforts to democratize the right to time—a feminist spaces (6.82 m2 greenery/inhabitant) (Barcelona, 2020a). Barcelona is approach that recognizes and aims to rectify the gendered allocation one of the most visited cities in the world and close to 15% of its of time for work, family, socializing, resting, and caregiving responsibil- GDP comes from tourism (Barcelona, 2023b). The city experiences a ities. Moreover, the Superblock street-calming model, which according Mediterranean climate with hot summers, cold winters, and humidity to the City Council is “at the forefront of the world's greatest urban amplified by the nearby sea. Climate scenarios predict more frequent transformations” (Barcelona, 2023a), has been recognized by the and intense heatwaves (Altava-Ortiz & Barrera-Escoda, 2020). Barce- United Nations as an example for other cities to follow. lona's high population density and low availability of large green Since 2016, Barcelona has launched several initiatives to reduce spaces within the most populated and accessible neighborhoods energy poverty and improve thermal comfort in private homes, public accentuate the heat island effect. The city is especially susceptible to facilities, and public spaces. Climate Shelters, launched in 2019 in extreme heat, which has varying effects on different population indoor (e.g., libraries, schools) and outdoor spaces (e.g., parks), are groups according to age, gender, health, socioeconomic status, and spaces that provide vulnerable groups with thermal comfort during postal code (Ingole et al., 2020; Marí-Dell'Olmo et al., 2019). More- extreme heat and cold (Barcelona, 2021). As of August 2023, Barce- over, the average age of Barcelona's buildings is 65 years and approxi- lona had 219 climate shelters, which include a network of libraries, mately 60,000 buildings, or 85% of the city, were built before the civic centers, and schools. In addition to the broader municipal project, city's first building standard that made it compulsory for them to be Barcelona had previously received funding from the European Com- thermally insulated (Barcelona, 2023c). Consequently, with insulation mission through the Urban Innovations Actions Program to transform of buildings in Barcelona being generally poor, compounded by the 11 schools into Climate Shelters (UIA, 2022). These were accompa- fact that 12.4% of the population lives below the energy poverty line, nied by commitments to transform patios (Transformem Patis) and many residents cannot keep their homes at a comfortable tempera- traffic-calming strategies to enhance thermal comfort, street safety, ture in the winter or summer months (Tirado Herrero, 2018). This situ- accessibility, sociability, and playability in and around schools (Prote- ation is exacerbated for certain populations when data is gim Les Escoles). disaggregated by social class, gender, and age, revealing that older Lastly, the city is devising long-term strategies to improve the women and individuals from low-income countries face heightened energy efficiency of older public and privately-owned buildings. These vulnerability to energy poverty (Marí-Dell'Olmo et al., 2022; Oliveras include subsidizing home insulation and retrofit projects through et al., 2020). neighborhood improvement plans (Pla de Barris) and structurally reha- In recent years, particularly since Ada Colau from the left-wing bilitating buildings in socioeconomically vulnerable areas (Pla de fin- Barcelona en Comú party won the mayoral elections in 2015, Barce- ques d'alta complexitat). The city is also coordinating initiatives to lona has taken a leading role in creating a greener, more livable, and rehabilitate vulnerable buildings by improving the built structure, insu- inclusive city while working to reduce social and economic inequal- lating, installing photovoltaic panels, as well as improving accessibility ities. This has included plans to increase green coverage across the and the surrounding settings (Programa de regeneraci o urbana). city and development strategies with an explicit “feminist urbanism” Another noteworthy initiative is the opening of 11 district-level perspective, which entails designing urban environments that are Energy Advice Points (Punts d'Assessorament Enèrgetic, PAEs), which more inclusive and welcoming to caregiving and playing offer information and technical advice to avoid supply cuts and guar- (Barcelona, 2023a). Table 1 presents a selection of the city's planning antee residents' access to energy services (Barcelona, 2016). By mid documents released since 2015 around climate justice and resilience. 2022, the PAEs had avoided over 108,000 supply cuts, 65% of which These documents comprise one set of information used to triangulate requested by women (Barcelona, 2023c). In this study, we explain the findings presented in this article. how Barcelona is operationalizing efforts and governing intersectional Barcelona has gained wider recognition as a leader in environ- climate justice using Climate Shelters, Superblocks, and initiatives to mental protection and climate action. Its 2018 Climate Plan won reduce energy poverty. awards for best major European city initiative by the Covenant of Mayors for Climate and Energy and was recognized by C40 for its high ambition and compatibility with the Paris Agreement. In 3.2 | Primary data collection: Interviewing city November 2021, and in response to the 2020 Climate Emergency leaders addressing the climate emergency Declaration, the city launched the Climate Emergency Action Plan for 2030. The plan puts people at the center by focusing on reducing cli- To better understand the governance of these policies, we conducted mate risks for the most vulnerable groups, improving thermal comfort, 23 in-depth semi-structured interviews between October 2022 and and maximizing citizen participation through inclusive decision- February 2023 with municipal employees, technicians, and elected making. In recognition of these efforts, Barcelona became the first officials who work on various aspects of climate planning and/or European Capital for Democracy, bestowed by the Innovation in Poli- action in Barcelona. Residents, civil society, or private sector actors tics Institute, Council of Europe, and European Commission. In 2022, were outside the scope of our study and research question. We first 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. 5 TABLE 1 Official city plans, declarations, and commitments related to climate action and social justice launched since 2015. Year Document Code 2015 Barcelona's Commitment to the Climate D1 Govt Measure: Gender Mainstreaming in the Barcelona City Council (Mesura de govern: La Transversalitat D2 de Gènere a l'Ajuntament de Barcelona) 2016 2016–2019 Social and Solidarity Economy Promotion Plan (Pla d'Impuls de l'Economia Social i Solidària) D3 2016–2020 Gender Justice Plan D4 2016–2020 Neighborhoods Plan (Pla de Barris) D5 2016–2024 Strategy against the feminization of poverty and job insecurity D6 2016–2025 Right to Housing Plan D7 Creation of energy advice and basic supply guarantee centers D8 Govt Measure: Let us fill the streets with life—Establishing Superblocks in Barcelona D9 Govt Measure: Urban Resilience D10 2017  de la Cura) 2017–2020 Govt Measure for the Democratization of Care Work (Mesura de Govern per una Democratitzacio D11 2017–2022 Strategic Plan Against Sexism in the City (Pla Estratègic Contra el Sexisme a la Ciutat) D12 2017–2037 Trees for Life: Master Plan for Barcelona's Trees D13 Govt Measure: Urban Planning with a Gender Perspective (Mesura de Govern: Urbanisme amb Perspectiva de Gènere) D14 Govt Measure: Stimulus Program for The City's Urban Green Infrastructure D15 2018 2018–2030 Climate Plan D16  per Prevenir els Action Plan for Preventing the Effects of Heatwaves on Human Health (Pla d'Actuacio D17 Efectes de les Onades de Calor sobre la Salut) Cooperation for Global Justice Master Plan D18 Govt Measure: Plan for Play (Mesura de Govern: Estratègia Cap a Una Política de Joc a l'Espai Públic) D19 2019 2019–2024 Urban Mobility Plan (Pla de Mobilitat Urbana) D20 Climate Shelters in Schools (UIA) D21 2020 Barcelona Resilience Action Plan D22 Climate Emergency Declaration D23 Start of the deployment of the “Let us Protect Schools” Program D24 Start of the deployment of the Low Emission Zones D25 2021 2021–2024 II Neighborhoods Plan (Pla de Barris) D26 2021–2025 II Plan for Gender Justice D27 2021–2030 Climate Emergency Action Plan D28 2021–2030 Green Deal Plan D29 2021–2030 Nature Plan D30 Start of the deployment of the VilaVeïnas D31 2022 2022–2030 Change for the Climate Plan: Sustainability Culture Strategy (Pla Camviem pel Clima) D32 2023 Proposals of the Citizen Climate Assembly D33 Note: Plans presented in English only are available for consultation in English. For documents available exclusively in Catalan, we provide the English translation along with the original Catalan names in brackets. identified interviewees through the municipality's organization chart interviewed some representatives of the metropolitan area and one and then used snowball sampling to proceed with interviews until member of the government of Catalunya in response to recent schol- reaching data saturation. Participants represented diverse practices, arship suggesting that climate strategies—particularly those related to fields, sectors, and positions designing and/or implementing climate green infrastructure—do not strictly follow municipal boundaries action in Barcelona, as shown in Table 2. All participants provided (Castán Broto, 2019; Nalau et al., 2015; Shi & Bouma, 2023) but are informed consent for participation. For those who agreed, interviews instead influenced by metropolitan and regional politics and relations. were audio-recorded and transcribed. Interviews generally lasted 1 h Interviews were conducted using semi-structured guidelines (see and were conducted in Spanish. Appendix S1) which included specific questions about the following Interviewees provided their knowledge, expertise, and perspec- themes: government coordination and collaboration; conceptualiza- tive on city- or region-wide policy and planning processes. We tion of justice, equity, and vulnerability; conceptualization and 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 6 AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. TABLE 2 City personnel interviewed with office and role or responsibility. Office (alphabetical) Role/responsibility Code Area for Social Rights, Global Justice, Feminisms, and LGBT Affairs Director of Research and Knowledge I1 Barcelona Activa Responsible for Orientation in Socio-Economic Innovation I2 Barcelona Cuida Coordinator of the Barcelona Cuida Program I3 Barcelona Institute for Global Health (ISGlobal) Specialist Area for Environmental Health I4 Barcelona Regional Director Area of Environment and Energy Efficiency I5 C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group Inclusive Climate Action City Advisor for Barcelona I6 Climate Change and Sustainability Office Services Department Director I7 Councilor's Office for Climate Emergency and Ecological Transition Chief of Staff I8 Councilor's Office for Health, Aging, and Care Chief of Staff I9 Department of Participation (Urban Ecology) Director I10 Municipal Institute of Parks and Gardens Representative involved in the Biodiversity Program and I11 Nature Plan Municipal Institute of Parks and Gardens Director of Technical Services and Planning I12 Municipal Institute of Urbanism Director of Urban Regeneration and Director of European I13 Projects Office for Climate Emergency Service and Environmental Education (AMB) Technicians coordinating the Climate Shelters Program in I14 the Metropolitan Area I15 Office for Gender Services and Time Policies of the City Council Responsible for Gender Mainstreaming in Ecology and I16 Sustainability projects Office for the Chief Architect Technical Coordinator of International Relations Projects I17 (Climate Shelters in Schools) Office for the Chief Architect Superblock Technical Office Agent I18 Office for Urban Policy Development (AMB) Representative involved in the Urban Master Plan I19 Public Health Agency (ASPB) Head of the Area for Quality and Environmental Health I20 Public Health Agency (ASPB) Specialist in health impact of climate change and energy I21 poverty Public Space Promotion and Conservation Office (AMB) Director of the Parks Office I22 Technical Cabinet of the Department of Climate Action, Food and Rural Responsible for transversal policies and gender equality I23 Agenda of the Government of Catalonia implementation of climate strategies (with a focus on Climate Shel- information about the urban programs and interventions in question. ters, Superblocks, and energy poverty reduction initiatives); inspiration In all, the combination of interview and document data—coupled with and peer-learning; challenges; and future vision. informal in-person observations in the city of specific interventions such as Climate Shelters, Superblocks, and refurbishment of Finques d'Alta Complexitat (highly complex buildings)—enabled the analysis 3.3 | Secondary data sources: Policies and reports that supports this study. Primary data sources were complemented with relevant secondary data to enrich our understanding of local urban climate planning and 3.4 | Analysis to triangulate the case results reported in Section 4. Sources included climate policy and framework documents, reports, and other city plan- We coded the interviews using NVivo 12 (software release 1.7.1), ning documents published between 2015 and 2023 (Table 1). Also abstracting from the interviews a set of themes and processes that included were internal documents provided by interviewees, such as were aggregated to identify trends in how Barcelona is advancing pro- methodological toolkits (Quaderns Metodològics), selection criteria for gressive policies and operationalizing intersectional climate justice. implementation of urban programs (i.e., Climate Shelters in Schools, The materials, arguments, and quotes presented in the results build Urban Regeneration), reports, presentations, and articles published in directly on the interviews conducted and their thematic coding. These local journals and magazines. All documents were used to triangulate interview codes were then manually cross-referenced against the doc- and verify the accounts of interviewees and to identify specific umentation in the final analysis. 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. 7 TABLE 3 Barcelona's climate interventions: outcomes, beneficiaries, and lessons learned. # Intervention Description Outcomes and beneficiaries Lessons learned P1 Climate Shelters Climate-responsive indoor and 219 climate shelters; 95% Population unaware of the outdoor public spaces for population within 10-min network and not using it as vulnerable populations walk. Low-cost, no structural shelter. Public skepticism changes, use existing spaces. about the program. Transform patios, more Accessibility and inclusivity resilient schools. issues. P2 A. Urban Regeneration Program City-led retrofitting of vulnerable Energy-efficient buildings with Costly and complex project to B. Building retrofits buildings. Integrated actions improved insulation, structure, implement. Low visibility in C. Neighborhood Plan for safer, more functional, and and surroundings. city outskirts. habitable buildings. Goal: 10k/year homes. Major Time-consuming. Trust-building social gains in reducing energy with locals required. poverty and precarity. P3 A. Energy advice points Technical advice to reduce bills 100k+ supply cuts avoided, 65% Conflicting interests with energy B. Solar pergolas and public and avoid supply cuts. requested by women. providers. Massive productive rooftops Access to renewable energy 17 solar pergolas, 100+ investments required. Need C. PV panel subsidy from public pergolas and municipal buildings powering coordination with home buildings. poor communities. retrofit projects. Lifestyle Financial and technical support 25% bill savings; tax/work changes needed. for rooftop solar installation. permit discounts. 2000 families join in 2022. P4 Superblocks Street-calming, green hubs and 217 traffic-calmed school Benefits for health and wellbeing squares, spaces for meeting, environments; 900 play areas, can be tainted by playing 245 km bike lanes, 75% gentrification risks if not 30 km/h limit; lower air/noise addressed by housing and pollution. local economic development Green axes could boost greening policies. Distribution and benefits. procedural concerns. P5 Mobility Plan and Low Emission Expand walk and bike networks. Prioritize pedestrians, cyclists, Citizen rejection (especially Zones Promote sustainable, efficient, public transport. Reduce among lower-income car- safe, collective mobility. private vehicle use, regulate dependent workers). Can commercial and tourist conflict with personal interests mobility. Healthier city with and needs. lower emissions. P6 New Economic models: Socioeconomic measures that Provide fundings for SSE, Conflicting interests: big Doughnut Economics and prioritize satisfying humans promote local development, businesses, multinational Social and Solidarity Economy within planetary boundaries redistributive tax policies, corporations, hospitality and cooperative initiatives. Host tourism sectors. Entails citizen trainings and workshops for a habit changes. new economy. P7 A. VilaVeïnas Caring City initiatives. Resources Identify and connect caregivers, Democratization hard to achieve B. BCN Cuida and services for carers: support their wellbeing. in practice. Care remains C. Carer Card support groups, legal advice, Meeting spaces; shared feminized, precarious, community care projects, parenting; municipal childcare. invisible. Requires paradigm trainings. Democratize care, support shift in care role and women's caregiving and work- responsibilities. life balance. P8 Environmental Health Monitoring of climate indicators, Climate health impacts Health authorities consultative, air & water quality, monitoring key to combat not deliberative role. Limited temperature, mortality, energy climate vulnerability, health decision-making power. poverty. conditions, and energy poverty. 3.5 | Methodological limitations the sense that these respondents would be expected to express a generally positive portrayal of the city's projects and initiatives. We While our methodology was robust, it is important to acknowledge are aware of the potential risk of presenting an excessively commen- the limitations of our study. Our analysis is primarily based on inter- datory perspective and encourage the results to be read with this limi- views with city representatives, which may have introduced bias in tation in mind even while asserting the importance of extracting the 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 8 AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. lessons learned from those engaged as these processes unfold. To city available for international projects is perfect, because it is the way address this concern, we made deliberate efforts to incorporate criti- for us to move forward. The role of Barcelona as a demonstrator is cal viewpoints in our interview follow-up questions and discussion. very important.” This engagement with international research projects We recognize that the inclusion of a broader range of stakeholders, and networks enabled and validated innovation and experimentation including representatives from civil society and academia, would as transformative forces, thereby allowing the city to push boundaries enrich the understanding of our study findings and would comprise a and adopt disruptive approaches to climate governance. However, it suitable follow-up to this study. However, given our primary objective is important to acknowledge that while transnational networks and of understanding governing tactics and political arrangements from international research projects can have a disruptive character in chal- the point of view of municipal climate action, engaging with public lenging the status quo (Evans, 2000), they can also have a system- administration stakeholders at various levels provided valuable reinforcing effect when they express hegemonic norms supported by insights into the governance dynamics we sought to explore. international organizations. Thus, caution should be exercised as some of these initiatives may reinforce the established trajectory of, for example, smart, technological, and private-led adaptation and resil- 4 | RESULTS ience. This would potentially hinder the pursuit of intersectional cli- mate justice. Cities can also portray projects within those networks as This section explores the four categories of tactics employed by innovative, yet this innovation might have little to do with system Barcelona to govern and implement emerging intersectional climate transformation through climate adaptation or socially equitable goals. justice efforts, focusing particularly on the period between 2015 and Innovation is also enabled by leveraging transnational networks 2023. These tactics are disruptive, transversal, care-centered, that pushed Barcelona's government to embrace a culture of innova- and place-based, which work in concert to mobilize innovative policies tion driven by a willingness to learn from other cities. In other words, that challenge business-as-usual development models and this innovation comes from “trying hard to be a knowledge sponge,” approaches. These tactics are guided by an overarching commitment as attested by I8. This is confirmed by I9, who noted that “we are in to mainstream climate and incorporate a gender perspective into all constant search for references that we can apply and adapt to the municipal policies and to place care at the forefront of urban develop- Barcelona context.” Interviewees revealed, for instance, that ment. Furthermore, the policies aim at grounding justice in efforts to Barcelona drew inspiration from Paris to devise its greening and biodi- empower communities to make decisions and enable access to climate versity plans (D13) and progress the 15-min city locally (“proximity goods, services, and the built environment. In the following table, we model”); from Bogotá to develop its district-based care system outline the main interventions associated with what we consider to (VilasVeïna—P7); from Porto Alegre for participatory budgeting (P9); be the city's overarching climate strategies plus outstanding initiatives and from Milan and London for advancing low emission zones (P5). related to democratizing and valuing care work (Table 3). The Climate Shelters (P1) were also inspired by experiences in the US and Australia with cooling centers, air-conditioned spaces for individ- uals especially impacted by extreme heat to cool down. Participation 4.1 | Disruptive: Challenging the status quo in these networks was a mechanism for disruption in the Barcelona case because it allowed the city to learn from other cities, adapt and An essential element of Barcelona's ability to address intersectional experiment within its unique context, and gain insights from its own elements of climate justice relates to collective efforts to disrupt con- experiences, thus being a catalyst for continuous refinement of exper- ventional approaches to urban and climate planning. These actions imental approaches. occur at various levels of the governance system, but some can be The second and, according to interviews, most important tactic of mainstreamed into public policies and programs. Here we understand disruption involves a willingness to persist on unpopular policies disruption as policies and practices that actively drive change by chal- accepting that there will be contestation. Such policies likely generate lenging and transforming existing political structures and planning public resistance because they can interfere with people's daily habits norms, thus enabling the emergence of radically new policies, technol- and lifestyle. Some interviewees explain that resistance also happens ogies, and critical infrastructures. Our results show that Barcelona because some projects like the Superblocks (P4), which entail traffic- gained international visibility and legitimacy as a pioneer in climate calming strategies, interfere with people's perceived privileges (of, for action by showcasing experimental and disruptive climate practice in instance, using the car as and when they want), making them feel per- transnational networks (i.e., C40 and ICLEI) and fostering city-to-city sonally curtailed or attacked. This polarization can become strongly knowledge exchange. political, with residents taking sides on the ideological battleground of The first tactic of disruption involves enabling innovation through their desired urban model. In the words of I18, “the citizenry is very connection with research and transnational networks. Interviewees polarized among those who defend tooth and nail that a change is recurrently highlighted Barcelona's status as a “case study” city and necessary to reduce environmental issues, and, therefore, that active emphasized Barcelona's role as a “cradle for international research mobility be promoted… And there is a super radical sector that con- projects” that seek to utilize the city as a test site or living lab. This is siders it an attack against their freedom of mobility.” Because of this evidenced by a statement from I13 (see Table 2): “for us, making the divide, there is a central preoccupation with enshrining innovative and 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. 9 disruptive practices in public policies. As I1, explains “it is important to were not climate shelters, but climate hells. They had a horrible treat these actions as city policies, which cannot be waived by any behavior in the heat, with very high temperatures. When the children government actor.” Simultaneously, the city is striving to mitigate this go out to the patio [for recess], it is a track yard without a single tree.” polarization by extensively communicating the benefits (i.e., in health, While this problem had persisted for years, a rapid and disruptive wellbeing, and safety) of projects, with a particular emphasis on social push characterized what the city did with a “climate transformative media platforms, and broadening citizen participation in decision- intention.” (I17) The design and mobility actions in schools, inter- making, as further discussed in Section 4.4.2. viewees believe, have a transformative potential precisely because Barcelona's disruptive ecosystem is always operating in response the disruption has begun to become the norm. As I17 puts it, “the to the reality that measures which are not yet well established in the transformation will continue to happen. I think it is non-negotiable. existing legal framework are often being challenged in media, courts, Everyone wants it […] And the will is to transform all the courtyards or sector-specific meetings by influential private companies and of all the schools.” lobbies. This was seen in the case of the Low Emission Zone (P5), The broader Climate Shelters program (beyond the pilot which was blocked by judges after pressure from the car lobby.1 The in schools) has a lesser disruptive connotation as it was implemented Low Emission Zone, which restricted polluting vehicles from certain in existing public facilities and open spaces (such as libraries and parts of the city, was temporarily annulled in March 2022 due to “lack parks) without structural reworkings. Still, as interviewees suggested, of reports that support some restrictions, excessive geographic scope the underlying goal has a disruptive intent: to transform the role of of implementation, and excessive restriction of the type of vehicles public and quasi-public spaces in the city towards universal climate affected.”2 Similarly, resistance from stakeholders in the tourism and shelter access. Although climate shelters do not change the urban fab- hospitality sectors—including the airport and port—also merits ric, their functionality is changed for residents, opening up possibilities acknowledgement (Blanco et al., 2019; Morales-Pérez et al., 2020). In to previously unconsidered forms of using public spaces (e.g., for rec- response, the City Council has attempted to build on residents' resis- reation and shelter). Interviewees relate this to more and less visible tance to those lobbies to institutionalize more progressive counter- scales of action to tackle the climate emergency, as explained by I18: policies. In the words of I8, “everything goes much slower when it comes to approving disruptive policies now, because we know that Climate Shelters and the Superblocks are different the judges are going to try to overthrow them. So, we need to shield ways of acting. I believe that when you have a prob- them as much as possible and make sure that they are as robust and lem, you must do this, act at different scales. In other solid as possible.” Shielding policies from dismantlement includes get- words, the Climate Shelters are almost free, and there ting approvals from different sectors, relying on extensive scientific may be people who will benefit from them. The Super- data, publishing lengthy documentation for consultation processes, block is much more expensive. Here you need millions and encouraging participation in ways that the average resident is not of Euros. So, it's very spectacular, but you may go very burdened by the necessary paperwork for approving projects. slowly. Although the Superblocks (P4) initially faced significant citizen resistance due to an early abrupt and rather undemocratic implemen- Indeed, recent recognition in local media attests to the effective- tation (in Poblenou), the City Council remained committed to imple- ness of Superblocks as open-air climate shelters, for significantly menting the disruptive model, maintaining a steadfast conviction that changing the microclimate and reducing temperatures in public spaces Superblocks played a pivotal role in mitigating air and noise pollution, by over 20 C in relation to surrounding areas.3 calming traffic, and increasing greenspaces. As residents have become Finally, Barcelona's measures to reduce energy poverty have a more aware of the positive impacts and more involved in decision- disruptive nature because they have a transformational intent that making processes, the initial rejection has waned. However, new extends beyond building retrofits. These measures aim to enhance the concerns have surfaced regarding the equitable distribution of physical, environmental, and social infrastructure of vulnerable neigh- Superblocks throughout the city. Notably, they are currently primarily borhoods, leading to improved household energy efficiency, as well as located in the Eixample neighborhood, the city's affluent and touristy enhanced health, social cohesion, and quality of life for residents district. (EPAH, 2021). Notably, the Energy Advice Points have been recog- Furthermore, pilot efforts to transform schools into climate shel- nized by the EU Energy Poverty Observatory as a best practice for ters (i.e., spaces that provide thermal comfort to vulnerable popula- effectively reducing energy cuts in vulnerable households and training tions) challenged entrenched building and neighborhood norms about citizens facing unemployment to become energy advisors what can be modified in urban design or infrastructure. I13 explains (EPOV, 2019). the choice for working to improve schools: “We realized that schools Barcelona's disruptive model is a delicate balance between slow and fast action that leverages international research, transnational 1 https://www.publico.es/public/contaminacio-atmosferica-indignacio-cientifica-i-ecologista- networks, and local political will to withstand contestation and per-l-anul-lacio-zona-baixes-emissions-reduir-contaminacio-evita-morts.html. 2 3 Tweet by the Catalan High Court of Justice translated from Spanish to English by authors. https://www.elperiodico.com/es/eixample/20230721/microclima-superilla-barcelona- Available on https://twitter.com/tsj_cat/status/1505909339521007618?s=20. Viewed on examen-sorpresas-90125489?utm_source=twitter&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign= November 21, 2023. btn-share. 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 10 AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. confront powerful vested lobbies and private interests to generate a Aside from mainstreaming climate policies, since 2016, the city stream of more and less visible projects with a long-term transforma- has spearheaded an initiative to mainstream gender, incorporating a tive vision. feminist perspective into all its municipal policies and governance practices with the goal of reducing entrenched gender inequalities, including those related to climate impacts and benefits from climate 4.2 | Transversal: Mainstreaming climate and action. This is implemented by a designated department of “gender gender in all policies mainstreaming”—the Municipal Management Body for Gender and Time Policy Services. This department has put 38 gender mainstream- One of the main leaps of mainstreaming innovative and disruptive cli- ing units and 52 reference figures in place to ensure that the gender mate actions involved the launch of Barcelona's Commitment to the perspective reaches all municipal policies. Representatives from the Climate (D1) in 2015, which cemented links with other early plans agency overseeing climate policies, in particular, revealed how they (i.e., D3, D4, D5, D7, and D10) that aimed to change the political take part in climate-related steering groups in a consultative role and economy of the city. These plans sought to reconfigure the way the assess all climate plans and programs through a gender lens. This city regarded climate change from an “environmental matter” to an includes the Superblocks, climate shelters, and energy poverty reduc- issue that needed to be tackled at multiple levels, by multiple sectors, tion programs, all of which have been thoughtfully infused with a gen- and through transforming manifold existing systems and ways of gov- der perspective to tackle disparities in public space utilization and erning. At the same time, the “traditional” environmental agencies coping strategies to face extreme heat. The work of the department is (i.e., urban ecology, greenspaces) were also working to revamp their anchored in the Barcelona II Plan for Gender Justice (D27) as well as plans by incorporating a climate perspective, as seen, for instance, in several other guiding documents to consolidate feminist municipal D13 and D15 launched in 2017. These efforts culminated in the 2018 policies that combat inequality and discrimination against women. Climate Plan (D16), which encompassed comprehensive urban strate- However, interviewees noted several persisting challenges of gen- gies addressing mitigation, adaptation, and promoting citizen action. der mainstreaming with an intersectional perspective. For instance, Climate mainstreaming was accomplished by transversal work municipal staff shared ongoing efforts to incorporate different axes of across institutional sectors, which enabled different government inequality into their analysis (e.g., social class, age), but acknowledged actors to work on climate actions in a more integrated manner. Inter- that these efforts are nascent and may not be as effective in addressing viewees highlighted highly structured and internalized networking and intersectional inequalities. Notably, designing efforts that target specific coordination between governmental and non-governmental agencies racial or ethnic groups remains a taboo, as disclosed by one interviewee, (i.e., health agencies, academic institutions, and civil society) as a means to effectively integrate climate action into municipal gover- We do not talk about race because it is a protected and nance structures. As I12 puts it, “here, even though you have a title, political variable, but if we think about skin color, it is a all work is transversal.” “Transversality means working collaboratively very clear axis of inequality. It is usually the people who by project,” says I7, who leads the Climate Change and Sustainability are in an economically vulnerable situation, or migrants Office. Established in December 2020 in recognition of the need to and refugees. This axis should be made more visible. have a designated body to institutionalize efforts, this Office acts as the umbrella for climate-related projects. The Office spearheads Moreover, interviewees emphasized a pervasive implementation diverse steering groups that strategize, oversee, and monitor the city's gap, as highlighted by I11 who worked on the city's Nature Plan: “the key climate initiatives. The experiences from Barcelona demonstrate Plan proposes working with gender equity, and social justice in mind. that transversal endeavors necessitate the engagement and collabora- The thing is actually doing it. I believe that more professionals and tion of diverse stakeholders across the city, as well as centralized and experts are needed in the field.” This shows the need to integrate the structured coordination in ways that respond to the city's stated prior- gender perspective beyond policy design and into operationalization ity of responding to the climate emergency (Barcelona, 2020b). and monitoring, especially through the training and support of municipal Despite overall cooperation among most agencies, certain entities employees working on the ground. Despite these challenges, Barcelo- exhibit a reluctance to engage in more regular collaboration, even na's mainstreaming of climate and gender exemplify a proactive reshap- when confronted with mutually relevant and interconnected topics. ing of the dynamics of urban climate politics, institutionally restructuring Many express difficulty or limited motivation to move outside familiar it to effectively address pressing concerns—climate change and gender confines or strict mandates when considering the exploration of new inequality in particular—in a more integrated manner. practices, networks, and projects. This limitation is exemplified by the 2021 Green Deal Plan (D29), launched by the Area for Economy, Work, Competitiveness, and Finance. Despite the “green” in its name, 4.3 | Care-centered: Visibilizing the climate- there seemed to be no consultation or participation from “green”- health-care nexus related departments within the City Council. This indicates that while most departments exhibit effective collaboration, there is room for A main outcome of mainstreaming feminist principles into climate improvement in fostering transversal efforts. change policies is the elevation of care as a fundamental aspect of 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. 11 society and economy. As a self-proclaimed “Caring City,” Barcelona implications for public health in Barcelona. According to interviewees, has put everyday life and care work at the center and has taken a climate measures and actions are only launched after review by the localized approach to care—caring for people, for the city, and for the main local health authorities, who also ensure that actions and mea- climate. This is best exemplified by the VilaVeïnas (P7A), which serve sures are evaluated and monitored following specific health indicators. as local centers that support care needs and aim to align with the For instance, I21 revealed how the program Climate Shelters in Superblocks (P4) through environmental improvements (greening and Schools was monitored by tracking school environmental conditions traffic-calming) in the vicinity. However, interviewees point out that (e.g., temperature, air quality, and noise pollution), as well as student's effectively aligning VilaVeïnas with Superblocks remains challenging, wellbeing and opinion about the interventions. She explains that stu- due to disparities in terms of scope, budget, and complexity of each dents “asked for a lot more greenery, which they liked a lot. Some project. At the same time, the city is expanding its walking and cycling were bothered because they had bits of their sports courts taken. But network—a central measure of its climate mitigation and adaptation in general, it was very positive feedback.” goals—with a feminist perspective by focusing on everyday journeys Barcelona's focus on care and health shows that it is possible to carried out for reproductive and caring activities. In fact, the new sus- address climate change while acknowledging and tackling social tainable mobility plan (P5) characterizes “walking [as] taking care of inequalities, such as those reinforced by the invisibility and feminiza- yourself, of others, and of the environment” (Barcelona, 2022, p. 100, tion of care work. Furthermore, the case of Barcelona supports a cur- translated from Catalan). Apart from VillaVeïnas that have been rent trend that promotes a more comprehensive perspective on care, spread across all city's districts, Barcelona has one central hub to offer which encompasses caregiving, receiving, self-care, and caring for the services, information, and resources to carers, the “Barcelona environment, thus recognizing care as a pervasive and multifaceted Cuida” (P7B). element of human life, and working to make it more democratic and Putting care at the fore entails not only addressing the needs of rewarding. care recipients but also attending to the wellbeing and support sys- tems of carers. This is in recognition that “caregivers are the people that no one takes care of […] Who takes care of the person who cares 4.4 | Place-based: Promoting community for the sick? Nobody. Us.” (I3). To further address this, the city intro- empowerment and redistribution duced in 2022 the Carer Card (P7C) with the goal to identify care- givers and provide them with resources, training, and support related The fourth tactic guiding Barcelona's approach to climate governance to care. The resources range from artistic and entertainment activities is an initiative to ground justice in efforts to enable access to climate that promote emotional wellbeing to trainings focused on mitigating goods, services, and the built environment and empower communities the health impacts of heatwaves. They also include visa services and in decision-making processes. As attested by I9, “we are beginning to legal advice for immigrant cardholders to obtain contracts as domestic create a very, very accurate symbiosis of the binomial ‘social justice— and care workers, thereby aiming to regularize an often irregular and climate justice’, because there used to be a lot of resistance there.” In invisible occupation. As explained by I3: “Care is very invisible this final subsection, we divide these efforts between (i) actions and very little valued. […] It's typically done by women and people related to a more equitable distribution of climate goods and services, who don't have many resources. So, what the Carer Card does is to and (ii) actions to advance representative, procedural and recogni- identify these people and value their work.” These initiatives reflect tional justice through enhanced participatory processes. the city's commitment to prioritizing care and fostering a more demo- cratic and equitable distribution of domestic and care work, with inequalities in the private sphere increasingly visibilized and tackled. 4.4.1 | Distributive: Regenerating to better Putting care at the center also means placing an emphasis on distribute climate goods and services attenuating climate impacts on human health and supporting vulnera- ble groups (Barcelona, 2021). For instance, Barcelona's Public Health While large-scale projects such as the Superblocks (P4) and Climate Agency (ASPB) participates in all climate- and environment-related Shelters (P1) offer promising solutions for climate resilience, their working groups and in the decision-making and monitoring processes effectiveness is contingent on distribution and accessibility. Paradoxi- of flagship projects such as the Superblocks (P4), the Low Emission cally, those most in need—marginalized populations grappling with Zone (P5), and the Climate Shelters (P1). Furthermore, the Agency precarious living conditions and energy poverty—often face barriers conducts significant research on energy poverty, with dedicated pro- to accessing these interventions. Consequently, there is an imperative fessionals overseeing this area and investigating its connections with to protect these communities by retrofitting their homes and ulti- health disparities in the city. This research is carried out collabora- mately reducing the need to seek shelter elsewhere. As I14 said, “I tively with municipal agencies and civil society organizations, including envision a city that is so pleasant and thermally comfortable that the the Human Rights Observatory (DESC), the Alliance Against Energy network of climate shelters becomes obsolete.” To that extent, Barce- Poverty (APE), and the Platform for People Affected by Mortgages lona has created an Urban Regeneration Program (P2A) to improve (PAH). Together, they produce comprehensive assessments and people's living conditions, their comfort at home, and access to public reports on the state of energy poverty, housing rights, and its spaces. The program involves a broad definition of “regeneration” that 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 12 AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. F I G U R E 3 Map of Barcelona showing the Superblocks (existing and in construction), as well as the green axes and hubs in the Eixample district. Source: Ajuntament de Barcelona. goes beyond building rehabilitation to include greenspaces in general market, as explained by I8, “we need other measures beyond municipal as well as public spaces for leisure and recreation. While various policy to limit housing prices. That is why we ask the state to regulate initiatives—including the Superblocks (P4) and the Urban Mobility Plan rents.” Interviewees also mentioned efforts to increase the stock allo- (P5)—are now encompassed under the umbrella term of “urban cated for public housing (currently at 1.7%) with a feminist approach that regeneration,” much of the program focuses on retrofitting highly vul- aims to allocate at least 20% of public housing for women and single- nerable buildings in poor neighborhoods. Besides, the city offers parent families. The city is also buying and rehabilitating existing build- diverse financing options and subsidies to support low-income house- ings to turn into public housing, as in Eixample, the district with most holders in retrofitting and facilitating a just energy transition, ranging Superblocks4 (see Figure 3). Other councilors, however, believe that a from comprehensive building rehabilitations (P2B) and neighborhood change in the way the Superblocks are conceived and implemented is renewal plans (P2C) to incentives for installation of solar panels (P3C). what can best address gentrification issues. In this direction, I18 Moreover, the creation of Energy Advice Points (P3A) has helped pre- describes how the city has adjusted the original Superblocks from a vent power cuts for vulnerable consumers by prohibiting supply com- “9  9 model” to a new “Green Axes” model to distribute the benefits panies from disconnecting services to households who can of the project more homogenously in the city: demonstrate social exclusion or an inability to pay. While progressive climate initiatives improve human health and Many people criticize us under the concept of ‘green quality of life, they can affect housing prices and contribute to real estate gentrification’. That is one of the reasons why we have speculation and green gentrification. In response, the Superblocks changed the way of implementing the Superblock pro- (P4) are now associated with a Land Use Plan that regulates the local ject, from blocks to axes. In other words, we don't housing market and “prevents commercial monocultures,” (I18) another want a super cool neighborhood next to an uncool illustrative instance of the city's efforts to counter vested interests stem- ming from commercial hospitality ventures and global corporate retail 4 https://ajuntament.barcelona.cat/eixample/es/noticia/mas-vivienda-protegida-con-la- chains. However, the city has limited ability to regulate the economic compra-de-dos-fincas-en-el-eje-verde-del-eixample_1250278. 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. 13 one. It is a program throughout the city, so that every- To diversify participation beyond well-established associations, one has green spaces within 200 m […] With that, we she explains that Barcelona is “try[ing] to design strategies to reach manage to reduce car traffic in a more affordable way. groups that haven't usually participated because they don't feel called We get much more powerful pedestrian routes upon to decide or think about their own city.” Actions to increase par- because we can go from one end of the city to the ticipation include reaching out to specific collectives and trusted focal other. So, we spread the benefit faster and avoid creat- people within communities; offering translation services and assis- ing ghettos. Rather, we are creating a new green infra- tance to people who are hearing or vision impaired; and adapting ses- structure throughout the city. sion locations to diversify spaces of socialization. As I10 explains, “we are looking for the spaces where they are, rather than waiting for A final distributive effort is a push towards new economic models. them to come to ours.” Other actions crafted with a gender perspec- This is exemplified by the city's longstanding commitment to develop- tive include providing childcare services during participatory sessions ing a Social and Solidarity Economy (SSE) and recent work towards and offering financial remuneration for participation. The Citizen's Doughnut Economics (P6). The push towards SSE has a distinctive Assembly is a notable endeavor in fostering civic participation within feminist approach by addressing gendered job insecurity and provid- the city. Designed to mirror Barcelona's diverse demographic compo- ing support to women-led entrepreneurship projects. To this end, the sition, the initiative engaged 100 residents to deliberate on climate- city has established Barcelona Activa, an agency dedicated to reviving related issues and generated 34 proposals to change energy, mobility, the city's economy with a focus on proximity, environmental care, and and consumption models (D33). social justice. As I2 explains, “social economy entities offer products The implementation of Climate Shelters in schools exemplifies and services that have certain added values, such as caring for the participatory processes with pedagogical and place-based gains. As environment, strengthening territorial roots, and incorporating put by I13: workers who are at risk of social exclusion, as well as principles such as horizontality, plurality, and cooperation.” These actions reflect an We wanted to make children aware of climate change understanding that, beyond alterations in the urban landscape, firsthand. So, a professional training in climate addressing the climate crisis requires substantial transformations in change was carried out. And then the entire educa- our current economic models. tional community, including children, was compelled to be part of this process. So, the solutions implemented came from an internal participatory process of children 4.4.2 | Representative: Striving to improve and teachers and were unique for each school, based recognitional and procedural justice across historically on their local needs and preferences. excluded groups Similarly, the new generation of Superblocks, like those in Horta, A final enabler of governing intersectional climate justice relates to the Sagrera, and Sant Gervasi, serves as recent attempts of participatory ways in which the city is striving to maximize participation in climate urban innovation. The process is led by a steering group comprising politics, recognizing that mere provision of participatory spaces is insuf- neighborhood associations, civic centers, and community members ficient to ensure representative and meaningful participation. The most who collaborate to prioritize transformation proposals for street- important tool for public participation in Barcelona is the online plat- calming and urban greening. Residents participate in ranking actions form DECIDIM. Launched in 2016, this free and open-source digital and co-creating implementation roadmaps which then receive feed- platform allows residents to consult, vote, and comment on city pro- back from the broader community via in-person sessions and online jects, programs, plans and budgets. Interviewees pointed out that channels. DECIDIM has proved particularly valuable for individuals who lack time These experiences show that beyond offering spaces and plat- or feel uncomfortable participating in in-person sessions. However, forms for participation, cities must take proactive steps to improve they also acknowledged limitations due to pervasive digital divide. To representation in decision- and city-making, fostering a greater sense counter that, the city council is seeking to provide technology support of community, ownership, and belonging. in neighborhoods that have higher levels of digital divide, as well as considering new methodologies to enhance participation of women, immigrants, and youth. This need came upon the recognition that those 5 | DI SCU SSION: L ESSONS FROM who typically participate both in online and in-person participatory pro- C O N C U R RE N T W A V E S OF CL I M A T E cesses generally have a similar profile: predominantly older men with URBANISM high levels of education, who are members of existing environmental entities or neighborhood associations. As noted by I9, some groups Our results show that Barcelona is governing and implementing inter- might also be unaware that their opinion matters as “in the end, since sectional climate justice through efforts that are disruptive, transver- they are subjected to so much discrimination, they don't understand sal, care-centered and place-based. These governance arrangements that they are active subjects in building the city.” define a new model of climate urbanism (Castán Broto, 2017), that 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 14 AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. F I G U R E 4 Concurring waves of climate governance (based on Bulkeley's model), Barcelona's climate governance tactics, and the practical implementation of governing tactics. aims to be more socially just and tackle other social concerns. We dismantling. Furthermore, in this first wave, we also find that disrup- relate Barcelona's approaches to the three waves of climate gover- tive initiatives are often driven not only by elected officials but also nance (Bulkeley, 2021) and zoom in on the links between the “third- by practitioners and technicians within the city council. Armed with wave” and intersectional climate justice (Amorim-Maia et al., 2022). extensive interconnected networks and a shared ethos, these indi- Our research uniquely highlights the fact that Barcelona's climate gov- viduals play a crucial role in both resisting dismantlement and cham- ernance tactics do not conform to distinct waves, but rather manifest pioning disruptive initiatives, even in the face of changing overlapping dimensions that concurrently coexist spatially and tempo- governments. Yet, while participating in transnational networks and rally in order to institutionalize them. Barcelona's experience there- international research projects can result in disruptive governing tac- fore supports calls for engaging multiple stakeholders in a coordinated tics, it could potentially reinforce the agenda of technological, manner to lock in plans, programs, and actions to ensure the deploy- private-led climate adaptation and resilience, raising the need for ment of efforts that enable climate resilience over time. This manifests such collaborations to be thoroughly scrutinized to ensure they through grand, large-scale projects as well as less visible, smaller-scale effectively elevate intersectional climate justice within urban physical and social projects (Figure 4). contexts. Through innovation and disruption, Barcelona navigated the first Then, by breaking institutional silos, Barcelona leveraged and wave of urban climate governance—municipal voluntarism—to posi- continues to consolidate efforts in the second wave of urban climate tion itself and consolidate its role as a leader in climate action. This governance—strategic urbanism—by incorporating climate and gender was and continues to be accomplished through city-to-city learning, considerations into public policies with the goal of advancing climate partnerships in international research projects, and leadership in action and social justice. During this process, the city integrated work- transnational municipal networks, which conferred the city interna- plans across different jurisdictions and sectors, turning climate action tional support and recognition. Barcelona is still using its interna- into a central transformative driving force for urban change tional reputation to reinforce its progressive leadership and justify (Chu et al., 2019). Barcelona also utilized the climate-mainstreaming disruptive planning approaches, including those that require shield- movement to promote urban experimentation (Bulkeley et al., 2014). ing from vested commercial interests and threats of judicial The Superblocks and the Climate Shelters in Schools exemplify the 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. 15 city's ongoing emphasis on experimentation as a means to implement meaningful participation without a genuine political will to transfer various ways of thinking and designing the urban environment. decision-making power to residents. Notably, participatory mecha- Last, the city has embarked on the third wave of urban climate nisms have, at times, been exploited by undemocratic regimes to con- governance—climate-connected—by prioritizing climate concerns ceal their lack of freedoms (Ortega, 2022). Nascent initiatives are alongside a commitment to social justice, particularly issues pertaining being undertaken to improve recognitional justice by making partici- to care. For instance, our results show how the city has integrated the patory processes more accessible and flexible to appreciate a greater notion of care within urban regeneration efforts, incorporating local- diversity of voices, knowledges, and experiences. To increase partici- ized and personalized care strategies (i.e., VilaVeïnas) into large-scale pation, the city could benefit from innovative approaches, such as urban transformations (i.e., Superblocks) and aligning social and envi- investing in visual tools for participatory scenario planning and future ronmental services (such as healthcare, mobility, housing, and public visioning approaches to support visualizing plausible and desired spaces) around the notion of “everyday life.” However, challenges  pez-Rodríguez et al., 2023; Nalau & Cobb, 2022; Oteros- futures (Lo arise in integrating projects with such diverse scopes and in reconcil- Rozas et al., 2015). ing conflicts with residents' personal interests and habits. The city's Lessons from Barcelona demonstrate that to address intersecting commitment to valuing care is also reflected in its efforts to support systems of inequalities in climate governance, it is necessary to act at and visibilize carers, though obstacles persist in shifting entrenched different scales concurrently and challenge dominant epistemologies gendered roles and relations. Barcelona's actions align with a growing through diverse forms of political action and channels for participa- trend that recognizes the importance of care in achieving justice in cli- tion. These different scales of action can range from projects with mate change planning and governance (Bond & Barth, 2020; prominent exposure like the Superblocks to retrofitting projects in  n-Argelich et al., 2023) and the need to focus on the wellbeing Caldero often-overlooked peripheral areas. The transformative potential of of carers in addition to those that are cared for (MacGregor such interventions relies on their equitable distribution and accessibil- et al., 2022). The focus of climate action on health impacts also ity. As simpler measures that do not require major infrastructural reflects a recognition that climate change is not a standalone equaliz- transformations, it appears that Climate Shelters could be positively ing threat, but rather intertwined with historical injustices that con- impactful in protecting residents who are vulnerable to extreme tem- tribute to unequal health impacts of climate change at local levels peratures because of their extensiveness and connection throughout (Jurgilevich et al., 2023; Kotsila & Anguelovski, 2023). the city (219 are currently in operation). However, recent research Barcelona's efforts to regenerate the city with a focus on tackling has shed light on concerns and equity implications associated with pre-existing urban vulnerabilities—especially those related to poor school selection criteria for the Climate Shelters in Schools program, quality and low energy-efficient housing—and avoiding exclusionary as well as challenges linked to the co-design process and subsequent land use planning acknowledge historic legacies of social and environ-  et al., 2022). Besides, the population project implementation (Baro mental injustices. However, we are cautiously optimistic about Barce- remains largely unaware of the network of Climate Shelters, and there lona's green distributive efforts: while recent studies show the is a degree of skepticism among residents about their effectiveness potential for the green axes to transform disconnected urban green and potential to address intersecting vulnerabilities (Amorim-Maia areas into a more interconnected infrastructure system (Magrinyà et al., 2023). Moreover, it is crucial for these spaces to be inclusive et al., 2023), research in Barcelona has shown that environmental sus- and culturally adequate to ensure that diverse populations feel wel- tainability initiatives may sometimes prioritize elite interests at the comed and comfortable when utilizing them. Thus, future research expense of providing essential services (Anguelovski et al., 2018). could benefit from a better understanding of climate shelter's accessi- The implementation of Green Axes (the new iteration of Superblocks) bility and inclusiveness, as well as the extent to which they are in Eixample—Barcelona's wealthiest and most touristy neighborhood— addressing the intersecting needs of the city's most vulnerable raises questions about the city's commitment to democratizing the populations. benefits of green interventions. Despite Eixample experiencing poor air and noise pollution levels and a lack of green space, focusing efforts on less-privileged neighborhoods could lead to more environ- 6 | CONC LU SION mentally and socially transformative outcomes (Anguelovski et al., 2023). Our study explains the emerging tactics and mechanisms implemented The city's efforts to expand local participation refer to the need by Barcelona to govern and operationalize intersectional climate jus- to adopt place-based approaches to planning that recognize local tice, with a particular focus on the period between 2015 and 2023, knowledge and include marginalized residents in decision-making. Our when Ada Colau held the mayoral position. The findings show how results showcase different ways in which the city is advancing proce- the city concurrently adopted the three waves of climate urbanism, dural justice by establishing diverse channels and means for citizens acting disruptively, challenging preexisting norms, and breaking insti- to participate in climate governance. However, there is a lag in efforts tutional silos to address climate change and tackle enduring inequal- towards recognition and representation, as current participation ities. A clear intention to center care in climate action and disseminate efforts still tend to involve the same individuals and groups repeat- the benefits of climate interventions was observed, along with place- edly. This shows that simply offering a platform is insufficient for based efforts to redistribute climate services and enhance 17569338, 0, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/eet.2075 by Readcube (Labtiva Inc.), Wiley Online Library on [26/09/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 16 AMORIM-MAIA ET AL. representative participation. We connect empirical findings with the- Amorim-Maia, A. T., Anguelovski, I., Chu, E., & Connolly, J. (2022). Inter- ory, contributing to contemporary scholarship on climate urbanism sectional climate justice: A conceptual pathway for bridging adaptation planning, transformative action, and social equity. Urban Climate, 41, and urban climate governance, and provide tangible outcomes and 101053. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.uclim.2021.101053 on-the-ground reflections on the tactics implemented to operationa- Amorim-Maia, A. T., Anguelovski, I., Connolly, J., & Chu, E. (2023). Seeking lize climate-resilient development while attending to intersectional refuge? The potential of urban climate shelters to address intersecting justice. vulnerabilities. Landscape and Urban Planning, 238, 104836. https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.landurbplan.2023.104836 While the tactics, mechanisms, and governing principles identified Anguelovski, I., & Carmin, J. A. (2011). Something borrowed, everything in Barcelona may not be entirely generalizable, they can serve as valu- new: Innovation and institutionalization in urban climate governance. able insights for future research and cross-city assessments of prac- Current Opinion in Environment Sustainability, 3, 169–175. https://doi. tices on intersectional climate justice action. We recognize, however, org/10.1016/j.cosust.2010.12.017 Anguelovski, I., Connolly, J. J. T., Masip, L., & Pearsall, H. (2018). Asses- that by studying Barcelona we may have reinforced a pervasive trend sing green gentrification in historically disenfranchised neighbor- to focus on global cities as the primary sites of governance, neglecting hoods: A longitudinal and spatial analysis of Barcelona. Urban medium-sized and smaller cities that may have fewer resources but an Geography, 39, 458–491. https://doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2017. equal need for change. We encourage future research to investigate 1349987 Anguelovski, I., Honey-Rosés, J., & Marquet, O. (2023). Equity concerns in these tactics and mechanisms in different urban contexts, including transformative planning: Barcelona's superblocks under scrutiny. Cities “ordinary cities” (Castán Broto, 2019) or those outside the global, Heal. early-adopter spheres. We also suggest future studies to focus on the Anguelovski, I., Irazábal-Zurita, C., & Connolly, J. J. T. (2019). Grabbed distribution and perception of climate action on residents' wellbeing urban landscapes: Socio-spatial tensions in green infrastructure plan- through, for instance, documenting lived urban experiences to better ning in Medellín. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 43, 133–156. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.12725 identify local needs and vulnerabilities. Anguelovski, I., Shi, L., Chu, E., Gallagher, D., Goh, K., Lamb, Z., In conclusion, this study contributed to a nuanced and analytic Reeve, K., & Teicher, H. (2016). Equity impacts of urban land use plan- understanding of the tactics employed to operationalize climate- ning for climate adaptation: Critical perspectives from the global north resilient development while considering principles of justice and and south. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 36, 333–348. https://doi.org/10.1177/0739456X16645166 equity. We shed light on the mechanisms and rationales behind cli- Anguelovski, I., Shi, L., Chu, E., Gallagher, D., Goh, K., Lamb, Z., Reeve, K., mate strategies that aim to also address social injustices, and & Teicher, H. (2016). Towards critical studies of climate adaptation bridged theory and practice by providing practical insights within a planning: Uncovering the equity impacts of urban land use planning. broad theoretical framework. 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