The Extractive Industries and Society 13 (2023) 101211 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect The Extractive Industries and Society journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/exis Original article Gendered violence martyring Filipina environmental defenders Dalena Tran 1, * Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Institut de Ciència i Tecnologia Ambientals (ICTA-UAB), Spain A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T Keywords: This article contributes to discussions of extractive violence by exploring how gender influences violent cir­ Women cumstances under which women were assassinated during environmental conflicts. Partnership with local ac­ Environmental conflicts tivists facilitated the reporting of cases of martyred Filipina women environmental defenders on the Philippines Environmental Justice Atlas (EJAtlas). Twenty cases from the EJAtlas involving thirty-one women environmental EJAtlas Violence defenders martyred for their activism were analyzed qualitatively examining why and how differences and similarities emerge based on intersectional factors with special attention to gender. Findings suggest that 1) impoverished, rural, Indigenous, and otherwise multiply marginalized women were at high risk of vulnerability and retaliation in environmental conflicts because of their loss of agency and status; 2) mining and logging were deadliest partly because such industries institutionalize and exacerbate violent, gendered subordination 3) the circumstances of their murders were subtly gendered, including their exposure and vulnerability to conflicts, mobilization opportunities, and experienced violence. 1. Introduction Especially for rural areas, the government’s neoliberalism diminishes communities’ livelihoods, which require access to increasingly degraded Corporations and governments often forcefully take land and re­ natural resources (Holden, 2015). Broad and Cavanagh (1993) recount sources from marginalized communities for large-scale extractivism. the history of neoliberalism in the Philippines wherein, since Marcos Environmental defenders are those who mobilize for these communities’ Sr.’s presidency, the government has prioritized free market trans­ environmental and human rights (Simbulan, 2016; Singh and Camba, formations characterized by deregulation, privatization, and trade 2016). Such dissent, however, is often violently repressed through liberalization, ultimately leading to aggressive extractivism in the human rights abuses and extrajudicial killings (Delina, 2021; Tran et al., resource-rich nation. Allowing corporations to control land also has 2020). There is a worldwide pattern of environmental defender assas­ given them leeway to displace communities and violate human rights. sinations, though the murders are a small portion of other less reported Even without considering the increase in climate disasters, the rural violence leading up to killings, such as evictions or militarization poor receive no benefits from extractive pursuits (Holden, 2015). (Moreano Venegas and van Teijlingen, 2022). Former Special Rappor­ For years, the Philippines has been one of the world’s deadliest teur on human rights and the environment John Knox stated that “for countries for environmental defenders (Global Witness, 2021). As every 1 killed, there are 20–100 others harassed, unlawfully and Dressler (2021) illustrates, although the Philippines has long been lawfully arrested, and sued for defamation, amongst other in­ murdering activists, Duterte’s authoritative regime emboldened politi­ timidations” (UNEP, n.d.). Extractive violence is also overlooked in cal elites, para/militaries, police, and hitmen to violently target oppo­ understudied countries such as the Philippines (Delina, 2021; Sifris and nents to extractivism, often falsely “red-tagging” them as Communist Tanyag, 2019; Wayland, 2019). terrorists. A declaration of martial law in 2017 has since criminalized Across the Philippines, private corporations backed by the state have defenders under the guise of fighting against terrorism, dismantling civil been increasingly pillaging the commons in pursuit of extractivism liberties with militarization through curfews, monitoring, arrest, and (Broad and Cavanagh, 1993). This has led to inequality concentrating permission to execute with impunity. Martial law, especially in rural wealth and power among elites while the majority live in poverty. areas, legitimizes intensifying brutality against environmental defenders * Corresponding author. E-mail address: dalenale.tran@gmail.com. 1 Dalena Tran is a member of the EnvJustice project at ICTA-UAB, as well as received the support of a fellowship from “La Caixa” Foundation (ID 100010434). The fellowship code is LCF/BQ/DI19/11730049. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2023.101211 Received 19 July 2022; Received in revised form 10 January 2023; Accepted 10 January 2023 Available online 23 January 2023 2214-790X/© 2023 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by- nc-nd/4.0/). D. Tran The Extractive Industries and Society 13 (2023) 101211 (Dressler, 2021). Indeed, Kreuzer’s (2019) analysis of deadly police Accordingly, one main framework informing the methods and analysis is brutality during Duterte’s campaign reveals a dramatic increase in the Hooks’ (1984; 2013) definition of feminism wherein, beyond fighting magnitude and frequency of such violence compared to predecessors. for gender equality, movements must also consider interconnected op­ Hundreds of defenders have consequently died in protest against pressions such as racism, classism, colonialism, and more because extractivism over the past several decades (Dressler, 2021). The neglecting some oppressions maintains the basis informing all oppres­ Philippines’ future for political violence remains shaky under new sions. Oppression means removing a person’s ability to make choices, president Marcos Jr., son of former dictator Marcos Sr. and there are two kinds: silencing those who never learned their rights, Such violence also differs across factors such as gender. Veuthey and and forcefully silencing those who dared to voice their rights (Hooks, Gerber (2011) argue that delegation of women to activities and spaces 1984). Power operates differently in various contexts, and consequently, sensitive to environmental conditions informs how ecological mobili­ women’s expressions of agency appear differently. As the other side of zations are often spearheaded by women. Indeed, across Southeast Asia, oppression, agency is the ability to share in power structures controlling women are increasingly at the frontlines of environmental conflicts one’s circumstances (Hirschmann, 1998). External restrictions on (Morgan, 2017). Women also use distinct forms of resistance owing to women constructed by the patriarchy such as violent practices gendered experiences of oppression influencing the tools, opportunities, (harassment, rape, discrimination, etc.), however, limit their abilities to and agencies they have (Brickell and Chant, 2010; Resurreccion, 2006; live freely. This study then considers agency in examining power re­ Tran, 2021). Yet women environmental defenders (henceforth WEDs) lations rendering WEDs vulnerable to violent oppression (Parker, 2012). are disproportionately vulnerable to extractive consequences and Attention must also be paid to intersectionality, or how race, class, violence owing to multiple marginalizations (Nguyen, 2019; Tran, gender, location, and other identifiers interact to create complex, 2021). However, not only do few studies draw attention to gender in intersecting experiences of structure, politics, and representation deadly conflicts, and fewer still research the Philippines as an over­ (Crenshaw, 2016). Such positionalities create contextual differences of looked violence hotspot (Tran et al., 2020). privilege and marginalization within interlocking systems of power and Despite the Philippines’ reputation for being one of the most gender- oppression, typically causing women of color to be disproportionately egalitarian countries in Asia, discriminatory hegemonies still disad­ vulnerable (Hernández & Hernández Reyes, 2019; Lugones, 2014). vantage women (Ramalho, 2019). Pre-colonization, women had higher Moreover, mainstream literature often homogenizes diverse women’s social positions than men valuing them as doctors, political advisors, experiences (Hernández & Hernández Reyes, 2019; Leopeng and Langa, conservationists, and more. However, colonization introduced patriar­ 2020). Stereotyping women as environmental victims or caretakers chal systems not only subordinating women and stripping away their often obscures distinct experiences of violence and resistance (Cirefice agencies, but also paving the way for environmental destruction and Sullivan, 2019; Resurrección, 2013; Tran, 2022). (Gabriel et al., 2020). Stereotypical gender roles now construct women as caregivers performing unrecognized, uncompensated work as 3. Methodology mothers and wives wherein they must make life as normal as possible in environmental conflicts. Traditional gender norms of feminine altruism Twenty cases from the EJAtlas involving thirty-one women envi­ were then co-opted into extractivism, creating a feminization of re­ ronmental defenders martyred for their activism were analyzed quali­ sponsibility unevenly burdening women with social and ecological tatively examining why and how differences and similarities emerge consequences as well as care work. Mobilizations also perpetuate these based on intersectional factors with special attention to gender. This dynamics in normalizing Filipina WEDs’ sacrifices (Ramalho, 2019). By study collaborates with civil society actors in the Asia Pacific Network of connecting gender to extractive violence, this article thus explores how Environment Defenders such as Kalikasan People’s Network for the gender influences circumstances leading to Filipina environmental de­ Environment (Kalikasan PNE) and the Center for Environmental Con­ fenders’ killings using all 20 known cases. cerns Philippines to enrich the data with perspectives from those on the ground. NGO partnership facilitated the reporting of cases of martyred 2. Theoretical framework Filipina women environmental defenders on the Global Environmental Justice Atlas (EJAtlas, www.ejatlas.org), currently the largest online Although the gendered aspects of murders of environmental de­ database of environmental conflicts. Each case contains, in a standard­ fenders in the Philippines is still a burgeoning inquiry, a considerable ized format, a map pinpoint, the source of conflict, project details, amount of work has already covered women’s vulnerabilities to violence conflict type and mobilization forms, impacts, outcomes, and references. in conflict scenarios. For example, in Sifris and Tanyag’s (2019) study of The sheer size of the database (around 3800 cases as of January 2023) Indigenous Moro women, findings indicate that on top of the brutality facilitates comparative analysis of conflict actors and their forms of and discrimination the entire community faces in conflict scenarios, mobilization, the companies involved, and forms of violence. The Moro women also face gendered violence and uneven burdens. More­ EJAtlas serves as a tool for activism documenting environmental in­ over, some authors on gender and disaster in the Philippines suggest that justices, encouraging knowledge exchange, and more (Temper et al., conflicts exacerbate and increase vulnerabilities with the breakdown of 2015, 2018). Accordingly, the EJAtlas has already been helpful by social, political, and legal structures in what is called multilayered making mobilizations more visible, providing documentation activists violence (Aolain, 2012; Enarson and Chakrabarti, 2009; Neumayer and have used in litigation, highlighting claims and testimonies, and calling Plümper, 2007). In the Philippines, such violence tends to be patriarchal for accountability (Martinez-Alier, 2021). The EJAtlas thus not only il­ as influenced by conservative Catholic teachings, colonial legacies, and lustrates findings in this study, but also calls for action against impunity extractivism (Angeles, 2015; Brickell and Chant, 2010; Lee, 2004; in ongoing cases. Nguyen, 2019; Reese, 2010). Gendered vulnerability then occurs within The process of working with EJAtlas cases went as follows. First, contexts producing structural and physical violences that mutually Kalikasan PNE identified cases of WED martyrs needing documentation. reinforce each other (Nguyen, 2019). Structural violence occurs when The cases are all known incidences of Filipina WED killings according to political, economic, and institutional structures as well as social in­ civil society collaboration and thorough perusal of various databases equalities such as corruption or poverty impede individual wellbeing such as Global Witness, Frontline Defenders, and more, making the (Galtung, 1990). This often informs and enables direct violence, or sample as representative as possible as of 2023. Three cases, however, physical brutality (Tran et al., 2020). that of Rechely Luna, Lolita Pepito, and Rita Gascon, were excluded for This study contributes to theories of violence in environmental not having enough documented information. To establish a baseline for conflicts in the Philippines by adding feminist perspectives in investi­ data consistency, cases indeed were only included if there was at least gating connections between gender, vulnerability, and assassinations. enough information to fully fill out all fields in the EJAtlas factsheets. 2 D. Tran The Extractive Industries and Society 13 (2023) 101211 The organization, from networking and keeping up with news, already coded by reading EJAtlas cases line by line to sort conflict types and had been maintaining a list of names of WED martyrs and rudimentary incidences of violence such as murders, arrests, evictions, legal harass­ information such as conflict types, affiliations, dates of murders/dis­ ment, or police brutality. Codes were generated by case rather than by coveries, involvement, and locations wherever available. The term frequency. Coding was then used to identify patterns specific to the “martyr” was requested by Kalikasan PNE out of reverence for WEDs’ Philippines, expanding upon previous global analyses of WED violence lives and contributions as well the political nature of their assassina­ and killings (Tran, 2021; Tran et al., 2020). Owing to the underreported tions. We define martyrs as those persecuted and killed for speaking out and obscure nature of many of the conflicts, some EJAtlas cases addi­ against injustices. Because Kalikasan PNE did not have further knowl­ tionally did not have enough detail to draw conclusions about gender edge about the cases they had listed, they then requested the perusal of relations or other intersecting factors. Subsequently, academic sources online resources to fill in missing information. Secondhand data from were used to provide the missing contexts where possible. See Fig. 1 for a news and academic articles was then used to report the cases on EJAtlas. map of WEDs. Informants requested using only already published materials to avoid exposing activists in ongoing danger. Because of the difficulty in 4. Findings obtaining such scarce information, there was less consistency of included data in less-documented cases compared to high-profile cases, 4.1. Demographics of martyred Filipina WEDs especially for those whose assassinations never made it to court. Indeed, according to organization representatives, many extractive perpetrators Among those whose descriptions in either the EJAtlas cases or in in the Philippines also own or are major financiers of media corpora­ media articles included such information, the women defenders were tions, and cases are often censored domestically. mostly rural low-wage and/or informal workers with few exceptions, A theoretical thematic analysis was then conducted with the EJAtlas and 10 were also explicitly identified as Indigenous. Indeed, all Indig­ cases with feedback from civil society actors. In a theoretical thematic enous women were at the intersections of poverty and rurality, and all analysis, coding is informed by themes identified in other similar the peasant non-Indigenous women were also rural except two (Morales studies. Coding then focuses on how these themes appear in the present Jose and Capitan). The only two better-off WEDs were specialist sup­ data (Braun and Clarke, 2006). In this study, cases were coded line by porters of environmental justice movements: a lawyer (Mascarinas- line in NVivo to identify data fitting themes related to violence against Green) and a social worker (Salvador). The few urban cases had distinct women defenders in environmental conflicts such as demographics, conflict types only found in such spaces, namely hotel development conflict circumstances, violent incidences, and mobilization tactics. (Mascarinas-Green), post-typhoon relief corruption in a heavily-hit First, EJAtlas cases were uploaded into NVivo and case files were created metropolitan area (Morales Jose), and coal-fired power plants (Cap­ for each woman or group of women in the EJAtlas cases. Next, attributes itan). Meanwhile, rural cases were overrepresented because land rights were assigned to each WED with values recording demographics only for inequalities were the main drivers of violence. This aligns with an those women whom the reports explicitly described using labels for overall boom in environmental defender harassment and homicides in indigeneity, occupation, and so on. Incidences of violence were then major commodity frontiers such as Mindanao (the site of 12 cases killing Fig. 1. Map of women killed during environmental conflicts (credit: Arielle Landau). 3 D. Tran The Extractive Industries and Society 13 (2023) 101211 17 WEDs, see Fig. 1) owing to violent repression paving the way for such projects (Dressler, 2021). Furthermore, Indigenous WEDs were approximately a third of those martyred and nearly all of the rural and the poor, which is disproportionate given that Indigenous populations make up 10–20% of the Philippines’s total population (IWGIA, 2022). Indeed, Indigenous peoples are at higher risk of killings because they not only have historically been displaced to commodity frontiers, but also suffer systemic discrimination and rights violations (Butt et al., 2019; Hanaček et al., 2021; Scheidel et al., 2018) (Fig. 2). Among the WEDs with such information available, 12 were move­ ment leaders, 2 were specialist helpers (social worker Salvador and at­ torney Mascarinas-Green), and 17 were movement members/protestors. The impact of their roles on the violence they experienced, moreover, was that whereas members were more often killed during mass violence breaking out during protests or raids, WED leaders and supporters were often singled out and individually assassinated. Source materials the EJAtlas cases cited also often depicted a majority of 16 women as wives, mothers, and grandmothers in explaining their movement contributions and motivations. This reflects the gender nuances behind WEDs’ de­ cisions and opportunities to mobilize (Fig. 3). Fig. 3. WEDs’ mobilization roles. peasants. In the Philippines, as Holden et al. (2011) explain, the gov­ 4.2. Violent patterns across conflict types ernment’s mining interests target the Indigenous because of their his­ torical settlement in mountains where there are high concentrations of Violence was higher among mining (10 cases killing 16 WEDs) and minerals and ease with which corporations can cheat legislation. Even biomass (logging/plantations/fishing) cases (4 cases killing 8 WEDs) for the two cases with partial success, legislation initially recognizing which have distinct contextual legacies in the Philippines. Because of communities’ land rights were later violated anyway. Moreover, every these legacies, there were near-universal patterns in how various types mine deployed armed troops to brutally evict people without repercus­ of extractive projects began and the ensuing violence against WEDs and sion. Additionally, armed groups use mining and related corruption as their communities. The less-represented conflict types (two urbanization opportunities for extortion and recruitment, often militarizing mines in cases, one each for climate disaster, dams, and fossil fuels; 1 WED killed southern regions such as Mindanao (Holden, 2014), where many cases per case) also were rooted in the same inequalities. occurred. Mindanao consequently has the nation’s highest levels of In every mining case, corporations violently displaced communities armed conflict, environmental injustice, and gender injustice (Dwyer without consent. According to international news coverage of corre­ and Cagoco-Guia, 2011) (Table 1). sponding court cases cited by the EJAtlas, perpetrators were trans­ Biomass conflicts follow patterns of illegal encroachment enabled by national corporations financed by banks in Canada, China, Japan, the U. and intertwined with colonial histories. In the two cases of communities S., Switzerland, and more, some with known ties to government au­ encroached upon through colonization, one of the main reasons the thorities. Some exceptions were illegal mines run by paramilitary United States annexed the Philippines was for deforestation and plan­ groups, which the government turned a blind eye to. Affected pop­ tations. As the economy became export-oriented, a new land ownership ulations were mainly Indigenous, sometimes including non-Indigenous Fig. 2. Distribution of WEDs by location, occupation, and racialization. 4 D. Tran The Extractive Industries and Society 13 (2023) 101211 Table 1 Circumstances behind primarily mining-related conflicts. EJAtlas case Affected population Encroachment method Perpetrators Case outcome Andap Valley Complex coal mining, Surigao del Indigenous groups Land sold to foreign investors by government; Transnational Impunity Sur militarization; violent forced displacement corporations Didipio Gold and Copper mine, Nueva Vizcaya Indigenous groups Land sold to foreign investors by government; violent Transnational Impunity forced displacement corporations DiwalwalMineral Reservation on indigenous land, Indigenous groups Illegal entrance with no government intervention; Transnational Partial Mindanao violent forced displacement corporations success Glencore Xstrata Tampakan Copper-Gold Project, Indigenous groups Land sold to foreign investors by government; Transnational Impunity South Cotabato militarization; violent forced displacement corporations Human rights and environmental defenders killed Indigenous groups; Land sold to foreign investors by government; violent Transnational Impunity in 2017, Compostela Valley peasant farmers forced displacement corporations Killing of anti-mining activists in Mindanao Indigenous groups; Land sold to foreign investors by government; Transnational Impunity peasant farmers militarization; violent forced displacement corporations King-King Copper and Gold Mine, Mindanao Indigenous groups Land sold to foreign investors by government; violent Transnational Impunity forced displacement corporations Mining and logging operations in Pantaron Range Indigenous groups Land sold to foreign investors by government; Transnational Impunity militarization; violent forced displacement corporations Mining and murders on indigenous land, Mindoro Indigenous groups Land sold to foreign investors by government; bribery; Transnational Partial Oriental violent forced displacement corporations success Open pit mining in Ucab Indigenous groups Land sold to foreign investors by government; violent Transnational Impunity forced displacement corporations system concentrated land among the elite few (Cherniguin, 1988). The The other conflict types (urbanization, climate disaster, dams, and creation of agrarian laws privatizing communal peasant-occupied lands fossil fuels) followed land-grabbing patterns that varied depending on for large-scale agribusinesses continues today. Since the Comprehensive location. The rural cases of Hacienda Looc and the Jalaur dam followed Agrarian Reform Programme was introduced in the Philippines in 1988 patterns similar to mining conflicts wherein corporations took advan­ during the Marcos Sr. regime, agribusiness elites have been exploiting tage of lax regulation to forcefully displace communities. Meanwhile, the laws to retain ownership of large estates or illegally appropriate the cases affecting the urban poor were the only ones without peasants’ and Indigenous groups’ lands (Diprose and Mcgregor, 2009). displacement. Instead of the introduction of new extraction efforts dis­ State agencies also commonly criminalize poor farming communities, placing people at commodity frontiers, communities were made to suffer scapegoating them for the environmental degradation associated with consequences of intensifying polluting projects in already-industrialized biomass conflicts (Mostafanezhad and Dressler, 2021). Consequently, areas. The perpetrators were a mix of domestic and transnational cor­ biomass cases were perpetuated by severely weakened regulation porations, though with more presence of wealthy domestic business allowing for illegal exploitation of the poor and rural then and now with tycoons and politicians directly named in the cases, possibly facilitating near-total impunity for corporations. The one exception was of a fishing the total impunity (Table 3). community that was able to create new legislation protecting against large-scale illegal fishers, but this was done at the cost of the late WED Gerlie Menchie Alpajora and her rare success in managing collaboration 4.3. Circumstances behind Filipina WEDs’ assassinations with the police to investigate and prosecute perpetrators (Table 2). Most of the WED martyrs were shot dead, with many of them being targeted by hitmen on motorcycles. This aligns with a pattern Holden (2014) identifies for environmental defenders generally wherein the Table 2 nature of such extrajudicial killings indicates a lack of fear of police Circumstances behind primarily biomass-related conflicts. intervention. Meanwhile, 8 WED martyrs were assassinated during EJAtlas case Affected Encroachment Perpetrators Case military and police raids on protests and/or communities. Such mass population method outcome violence included arson, bombing, property damage, and gassing. Sex­ Banana Indigenous Colonization Transnational Impunity ual assault also commonly occurred during raids. The circumstances plantations groups corporations and logging during which the individual shootings occurred also matter. In 14 cases, in Mount WEDs were not only themselves attacked, but so were others accom­ Apo Natural panying them in clustered serial killings or crowd violence. Further­ Park, more, the killers had total impunity. Police and courts often delayed and Mindanao covered up murders as well as did not investigate them properly. Illegal fishing Peasant Illegal entrance Domestic Success in Bicol farmers/ with no corporations Obstruction of justice was also observed for the conflicts as a whole in fishers government that communities were not able to obtain any kind of retribution for intervention; environmental crimes. bribery In many cases, the State and the corporations sent military and/or Murders of Peasant Illegal entrance Transnational Impunity UMAN farmers with no corporations police to crack downs on environmental defenders frequently veiled as leaders over government terrorist rebels under red-tagging. Indeed, militarization of areas mining, intervention; accused of housing communist rebels is often used to suppress Indige­ logging, and militarization; nous and local peoples’ opposition to harmful projects or coerce them plantations violent forced into consenting. Paramilitary groups likewise violently take over com­ near Butuan displacement City munities to control extractive projects (Holden et al., 2011). Reflecting SagayM Peasant Colonization Domestic Impunity such national patterns, most of the violence in the cases was associated assacre of farmers corporations with increased militarization and police presence during environmental Sugar conflicts. For instance, soldiers forcefully evicted Lumad communities Farmers from the disputed land marked for the Andap Valley Coal Complex. The 5 D. Tran The Extractive Industries and Society 13 (2023) 101211 Table 3 poor contexts as well as disproportionately among Indigenous groups. Circumstances behind other conflict types. Poor communities were most negatively affected by extractivism owing EJAtlas case Affected Encroachment Perpetrators Case to the Philippines’ shift toward foreign export markets and deregulation. population method outcome Rural commodity frontiers additionally became marginalized as places Coastal and land Peasant Land sold to Domestic Impunity to exploit in service of urban centers (Holden et al., 2011). Conse­ grabbing for farmers/ domestic corporations quently, a large proportion of these cases involved dubious or no prior tourism in fishers investors by consent, especially among Indigenous land rights cases. Dubious consent Hacienda government; may reflect gendered power imbalances and status degradation Looc, violent forced Batangas displacement concentrating decision-making power among men that corporations Environmental Urban poor Land sold to Domestic Impunity designate as spokespersons for the entire community. This was exem­ lawyer killed domestic corporations plified by the Jalaur dam’s bribery of assigned male spokespeople to in Bohol, investors by access Indigenous Tumandok land despite resistance from community Visayas government members and Julie Catamin, whose leadership and perspectives went Islands Jalaur River Indigenous Land sold to Transnational Impunity unheeded despite her position as barangay captain. Moreover, corpo­ Multi-Purpose groups foreign corporations rations often discredit poor, rural, typically Indigenous peoples as un­ Project investors by educated, backwards, and against economic development, a pattern (JRMPP) government; common in the Philippines and among Southeast Asian conflicts Phase II Dam, bribery; violent Iloilo forced generally (Cabunilas, 2019; Großmann et al., 2017). WEDs at the displacement intersection of rurality, poverty, and Indigeneity are particularly prone Resistance to Urban poor Land sold to Domestic Impunity to such dehumanization in gendered ways, as observed in the case of coal domestic corporations Lenie Rivas’ sexual assault and killing in the wake of Duterte’s orders to stockpiling investors by “shoot female rebels in the vagina” and dismissal of the violence as leads to Gloria government Capitan’s “collateral damage” in the Andap Valley case (Peoples Dispatch, 2021). murder, Her humanity was disregarded owing to her sexual and intersectional Bataan inferiority and disposability as a poor rural Manobo woman. Women’s Typhoon Boph Urban poor n/a Domestic and Impunity exclusion from decision-making has not only marked a loss of status but a´sp transnational has also contributed to a loss of agency. ost-disaster corporations climate Regarding agency as one’s ability to participate in shaping one’s injustices and circumstances and live freely, poor, rural WEDs lost agency when relief corrup violence was institutionalized by various forms of structural violence. tion, Comp Firstly, juridical bodies, police/military, and other institutions used so­ ostela cial structures such as selective enforcement of policies/laws to facilitate the entry of unwanted extractive projects. Indigenous WEDs experienced military and police justified evictions by claiming that the communities additional intersectional loss of agency. The cases recount how gender had to be suppressed because they were full of NPA sympathizers. relations worsened when new legal, administrative, and market struc­ Meanwhile, they brought in coal mining machinery and fuel trucks tures concentrated power among men in businesses, police/military, and while torturing and killing protestors such as Lenie Rivas. more upon land-grabbing and the subsequent implementation of In cases without red-tagging, companies hired thugs to repress extractive projects (Großmann et al., 2017). Alternative, more egali­ dissent, though hitmen were often suspected military personnel. In state- tarian gender roles have long been well-documented among Indigenous backed violence perpetrated by military, police, and/or guards during groups in the Philippines. However, colonization introduced discrimi­ specific protesting incidences, highly visible mass attacks publicly nation and violence that were previously uncommon and erased previ­ terrorized and smeared the entire community. Whereas red-tagging ous gender dynamics (Gamboa et al., 2021; McSherry et al., 2015). deems WEDs communist enemies of the state, criminalization uses Extractivism then exploited such gender inequalities to support further trumped-up charges. Meanwhile, the cases involving hitmen and thugs industrial growth and exploitation through enforcing unfair gendered targeting a specific person were less formal and less visible. Martyrs divisions of labor. Consequently, new gendered power imbalances su­ were usually killed through drive-by shootings blocking them from ac­ perseded the agencies women previously had according to Indigenous tion, such as two hitmen suspected of being militia shooting Jessybel gender relations and land ownership (Großmann et al., 2017). The cases Sanchez in transit from a meeting about her community’s petition and illustrate the continuing development of such patterns in how WEDs legal battle against logging firm Alcantara & Sons. Such killings typically faced uneven burdens managing increasingly difficult care work and involved death threats prior to the murder, such as in the case of Gerlie taking on wage labor demands upon men’s absorption into extractive Menchie Alpajora. Alpajora was intimidated for a week discouraging her work and/or migration (Angeles, 2015; Tran, 2021). Moreover, struc­ from her advocacy against illegal fishing in Bicol. She was shot dead tural violence formally sanctioned direct brutality against WEDs in sleeping next to her sons at home after her reports led to the arrests of giving legal rights and preferences to companies granting impunity for several culprits. Although her killer was never apprehended, her death violent entry, extraction, and extermination methods. Rurality, poverty, sparked a successful campaign jailing large-scale fishers and introducing and Indigeneity thus may subject WEDs to conditions diminishing their protective measures in the local legislation (Table 4). agency and status because governments and corporations violate their rights, reducing their decision-making opportunities, and reinforcing 5. Discussion unequal gendered divisions of labor. 5.1. Filipina WEDs at the intersection of rurality, poverty, and indigeneity 5.2. Mining and biomass industries’ bloody legacies As the results indicate, impoverished, rural, Indigenous, and other­ Mining and biomass conflicts may have been deadliest because of an wise multiply marginalized women were at high risk of vulnerability association with industries and violent, gendered subordination. Mining and retaliation in environmental conflicts associated with a loss of status is “an exceptionally masculinized industry in terms of the composition of and agency. Indeed, WED martyrdom occurred mostly among rural, its workforce and its cultures of production as well as symbolic exploi­ tation of feminized nature” (Großmann et al., 2017, p. 16). Various 6 D. Tran The Extractive Industries and Society 13 (2023) 101211 Table 4 Circumstances behind WED assassinations. EJAtlas case WEDs Assassins Murder Other victims Justification Outcome type Andap Valley Complex coal mining, Lenie Rivas Military; Military Fellow mobilizers; Red-tagging Impunity Surigao del Sur hitmen raid family/children Banana plantations and logging in Mount Bae Milda Ansabu Celis Hitmen Home Family/children None Impunity Apo Natural Park shooting Coastal and land grabbing for tourism in Chai Lemita-Evangelista Military Serial Family/children Red-tagging Impunity Hacienda Looc killings Didipio Gold and Copper mine, Nueva Cheryl Ananayo Hitmen Drive-by Fellow mobilizers; None Impunity Vizcaya shooting family/children Diwalwal Mineral Reservation on Florita Caya Hitmen Drive-by None None Impunity indigenous land in Monkayo, shooting Compostela Valley Environmental lawyer killed in Bohol, Mia Mascarinas-Green Hitmen Drive-by Family/children None Impunity Visayas Islands shooting Glencore Xstrata Tampakan Copper-Gold Juvy Capion Military; Home Family/children Red-tagging Impunity Project in South Cotabato police shooting Human rights and environmental Leonila Pesadilla Military; Home Family/children Red-tagging Impunity defenders killed in 2017, Compostela hitmen shooting Valley Illegal fishing in Bicol Gerlie Menchie Alpajora Hitmen Home Family/children None Impunity shooting Jalaur River Multi-Purpose Project Phase Julie Catamin Military; Drive-by None Criminalization Impunity II Dam, Iloilo hitmen shooting Killing of anti-mining activists in Cora Molave Lina, Arlyn Almonicar, Carolina Military; Serial Fellow mobilizers; Red-tagging Impunity Mindanao Arado, Jeanni Rose Porras, Jean Labial, hitmen killings family/children Beverly Geronimo King-King Copper and Gold Mine, Teresita Navacilla Military; Drive-by None None Impunity Mindanao hitmen shooting Mining and logging operations in Jessybel Sanchez Military; Drive-by None Red-tagging Impunity Pantaron Range hitmen shooting Mining and murders on indigenous land, Manuela Albarillo Police Home Fellow mobilizers; Red-tagging Impunity Mindoro Oriental shooting family/children Murders of UMAN leaders over mining, Emelda Torralba Hitmen Drive-by None None Impunity logging, and plantations near Butuan shooting City Open pit mining in Ucab Delle Salvador Military Work Fellow mobilizers None Impunity shooting Resistance to coal stockpiling leads to Gloria Capitan Hitmen Drive-by Family/children None Impunity Gloria Capitan’s murder shooting Sagay Massacre of Sugar Farmers Angelife Arsenal; Morena Mendoza; Marcelina Military Military Fellow mobilizers; Red-tagging Impunity Dumagult; Marchtel Sumicad raid family/children Typhoon Bopha´s post-disaster climate Cristina Morales-Jose Military Military Fellow mobilizers Criminalization Impunity injustices and relief corruption, raid Compostela scholars (Bradshaw et al., 2017; Großmann et al., 2017; Jenkins, 2017; inequality/violence is also the case for biomass conflicts owing to Kopusar, 2002; Sinclair, 2021) concur that mining disproportionately exploitative land policies, namely elites manipulating the nation’s affects women because of gendered roles as subsistence providers. All Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program for agribusiness (mostly the mining cases also featured high rates of WED repression by militia in monoculture plantations, but also livestock) and logging (typically in raids or as suspected hitmen. Many of the mining cases were forced upon tandem with plantations). Several scholars have previously observed communities through militarization. The government’s low tolerance how across Southeast Asia, such projects lead to major changes in land toward anti-mining protests means that many mining hotspots are ownership regimes, which in turn introduces or intensifies violent militarized for “security” (Holden, 2014). Consequently, as the cases gender stratification (Elmhirst et al., 2017; O’Shaughnessy and Krog­ show, conflict brutality often escalated owing to militaristic violence. man, 2011; White and White, 2012). These conflicts affected WEDs Militarization possibly institutionally excludes women from participa­ especially because, as other scholars have also found in the Philippines tion in decision-making owing to the military and extractivism and Southeast Asia, such projects profit off land-grabbing and entrap­ centralizing power among men, leaving women with less agency and ment of local communities. This limits resources available for local uneven burdens (Angeles, 2015). For example, in the Glencore Xstrata households and widens pay gaps owing to gendered divisions of labor in case wherein Indigenous B’laan Juvy Capion was martyred, community biomass industries (Appelt et al., 2022; Hirsch, 2020). As with other tensions increased as Sagittarius Mines Inc. unequally granted employ­ conflict types, ensuing disputes are then rooted not only in concentra­ ment, bribes, and political power to certain men they designated as tions of power shifting in favor of elite men, but also in burdening decision-makers. Military camps may also reduce women’s mobility and women with managing subsequent displacement and environmental therefore agency because of increasing dangers of sexual abuse among consequences. other violences without recourse, especially among the Indigenous (Holden et al., 2011). Furthermore, all hitmen and military/police ag­ gressors were explicitly male. Men’s appointment into such violent roles 5.3. Gendered circumstances behind Filipina WED martyrdom during extractive conflicts may be rooted in male-dominated structures promoting dominance over marginalized peoples (Angeles, 2015). The circumstances of WEDs’ murders were subtly gendered, The possible connection between industries and worsening gender including their pre-conflict vulnerability, mobilization opportunities, and experienced violence during conflicts. Firstly, gender informed 7 D. Tran The Extractive Industries and Society 13 (2023) 101211 vulnerabilities putting the WEDs at additional risk, such as the social and Filipina environmental defender assassinations. The Philippines is one of economic conditions contributing to the martyring of Cristina Morales the world’s deadliest countries for environmental defenders, especially Jose in the aftermath of Typhoon Bopha. As Nguyen (2019) writes, in mining and biomass conflicts. The contribution of this study was unstable conditions aggravate pre-existing gender and social tensions. empirical data showing gendered, intersecting vulnerabilities WEDs Conflicts thus become the trigger exploding underlying preconditions faced leading up to martyrdom. Many of the WED martyrs were a into violence (Aolain, 2012; Enarson and Chakrabarti, 2009; Neumayer combination of working-class rural Indigenous people, which reflects and Plümper, 2007). Such was the case with Morales Jose’s assassina­ historical inequalities targeting these demographics for extractive tion on her way to file a lawsuit during militarization of relief opera­ violence. Such vulnerability was institutionalized by structural violence tions. She was intersectionally marginalized as a poor woman in an taking advantage of gendered disempowerment to facilitate extractive urban space long-degraded by industrial activity. She already faced encroachment. How women decide to and can get involved in mobi­ gendered vulnerability and restricted agency facing uneven burden lizing is also subtly gendered. On one hand, women often mobilize in living in a place physically and socioeconomically unable to withstand response to increased vulnerability and burdens from environmental disasters in a context rife with corruption and structural inequalities. consequences connected to hegemonic gender roles. On the other hand, The typhoon’s devastation of land and resources triggered violence and environmental conflicts aggravate underlying preconditions for violence killings that would not necessarily have occurred had the prerequisite that had been building up. Furthermore, cultural violence, especially intersectional inequalities, government corruption, censorship of red-tagging, made it unsafe for many WEDs to move and speak freely. corporate culpability, and military impunity not already made her life so Yet women’s increased suffering from mass brutality indicates their disposable in the eyes of her killers. increasing representation at frontlines as WEDs are now recognized as Regarding mobilization opportunities, violently blocking WEDs from powerful albeit threatening. Acknowledging their roles as community mobilizing and widespread fear restricted women’s agency to enter and movement lynchpins, however, meant that a large proportion of public spheres by making it unsafe for them to move and speak freely. WEDs were not only themselves attacked, but so were others associated This restrained WEDs to certain spaces as well as in some cases, forced with them in clustered attacks. While hitmen and armed forces shoot them to evacuate or hide themselves and their families. WEDs’ mobili­ anyone they deem as threats, this carries a different weight for women zations often centering around motherhood themes also reflects the shot in front of their children. Filipina WEDs loss of agency and gender nuances behind WEDs’ decisions and possibilities to mobilize. martyrdom in conflict scenarios thus perhaps stems from the use and Many WEDs additionally mobilized in response to increased burdens interpretation of intersecting marginalizations across gender, race, class, from environmental consequences owing to gendered division of labor, location, and more to feed into and support agendas developed by and such as Juvy Capion and other B’laan women’s difficulties with food for elite men to serve extractive interests. While there is now enough insecurity when mining degraded and blocked their access to the land. cultural recognition for women’s leadership in environmental conflicts Capion, among some other WEDs, also described themselves as mothers to deem them threats that need to be controlled, there is not enough to to justify their activism as an extension of maternal duty when scruti­ give them safe, respected platforms to voice concerns. nized for protesting. WEDs both constrain and enable parts of their identities within cultures that predetermine which practices and spaces are legitimate for whom. Some Filipina WEDs thus shaped their advo­ Declaration of Competing Interest cacy using motherhood tropes because as intersectionally marginalized people facing loss of agency, their mobilizations were constrained to The author declares no known competing financial interests or per­ what was socially acceptable and safe. sonal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work re­ As for violence during conflicts, although all genders of defender are ported in this paper. killed, there are gendered nuances in women’s killings. For instance, 12 of the WEDs were killed while at home and accompanying family Acknowledgements members. Shooting mothers and grandmothers in front of their children and grandchildren in such a vulnerable space carries different meanings I am deeply grateful to Kalikasan PNE, the Center for Environmental and consequences for the entire community. Beyond the loss of com­ Concerns Philippines, anonymous sources, as well as Joan Martinez- munity lynchpins, such terror tactics may carry additional emotional Alier, Ksenija Hanaček, Teresa Sanz, and Arielle Landau for gener­ impact from violently disrupting the sanctity of family and home life. ously taking the time to share their insights. This study would not have Moreover, certain forms of violence such as sexual assault typically been possible without their thoughtful feedback and kind encourage­ occur specifically against women, preying on cultural narratives of ment. Much appreciation and respect as well to all environmental de­ women’s bodies as embodying shame and symbolic of a community’s fenders risking their lives. I hope that this article contributes at least a sanctity (Taylor, 2018). 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