3f5d4c4155f6c082d987085421c0949f govsoleurlab_a2026c3p59.pdf 76dcf59be83921c4998b1faf753ce9d0eabecf84 govsoleurlab_a2026c3p59.pdf b7fe367c5c295c3b863d51fed50b128c717f4eb17bd8d64deb03ed964f5053a3 govsoleurlab_a2026c3p59.pdf Title: Governing Solidarity in European Labour Markets: Atypical Employment and Minimum Wage Reform in Spain and Portugal Subject: Across Western Europe, the rise of atypical employment has deepened insiderâ••outsider divides. This book asks why two structurally similar countries â•• Portugal and Spain â•• pursued different routes to reduce labour market segmentation following the conclusion of the sovereign debt crisis. It argues that the composition of the governing social bloc drives the orientation of reform, while the choice of decision-making arena (parliamentary law-making versus tripartite social concertation) and the EUâ••s evolving social governance shape the breadth and depth of reform.Building on the distinction between competitive and inclusive solidarity, the book compares four domains: employment protection and collective bargaining; statutory minimum wages; regulation of ride-hailing platforms in passenger transport; and the regularisation of precarious public sector work. The analysis covers Portugalâ••s progressive cycle (2015â••2021) and Spainâ••s coalition years (2019â••2025), drawing on elite interviews, content analysis of parliamentary debates and media coverage, and official documents. The findings reveal a targeted, outsider-focussed strategy in Portugal and a more universal re-regulation in Spain.Governing Solidarity offers a fresh framework and rich evidence for scholars of political economy and industrial relations, as well as advanced students and policymakers confronting labour market segmentation. Keywords: Comparative political economy; Labour market solidarity; Platform work and precarious work; Labour market segmentation; Atypical employment; Comparative employment relations; Contemporary labour markets; "Employment protection, collective bargaining" Author: Edited by Paulo Marques, ; Rui Branco, ; Óscar Molina; and Renato Miguel Carmo Creator: Adobe InDesign 15.1 (Windows) Producer: Adobe PDF Library 15.0 CreationDate: Wed Mar 23 11:01:20 2016 CET ModDate: Mon Feb 16 17:43:36 2026 CET Custom Metadata: no Metadata Stream: yes Tagged: yes UserProperties: no Suspects: no Form: none JavaScript: no Pages: 31 Encrypted: no Page size: 442.205 x 663.307 pts Page rot: 0 File size: 14239918 bytes Optimized: no PDF version: 1.7 name type encoding emb sub uni object ID ------------------------------------ ----------------- ---------------- --- --- --- --------- KEOHCZ+SabonLTPro-Roman Type 1C Custom yes yes yes 443 0 XIAHCZ+SabonLTPro-Bold Type 1C Custom yes yes yes 453 0 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/wDgyf8AivYqnPkz/lD9B/7Ztn/yYjxVOsVdirsVdirsVdirsVdirsVdirsVdirsVdirsVdirsVd irsVdirDP+mn/wDBk/8AFexV/9k= application/pdf 9781032857954 10.4324/9781003519874 Governing Solidarity in European Labour Markets: Atypical Employment and Minimum Wage Reform in Spain and Portugal Edited by Paulo Marques, ; Rui Branco, ; Óscar Molina; and Renato Miguel Carmo 2026 9781032857954, 9781032858012, 9781003519874 Routledge Across Western Europe, the rise of atypical employment has deepened insider–outsider divides. This book asks why two structurally similar countries – Portugal and Spain – pursued different routes to reduce labour market segmentation following the conclusion of the sovereign debt crisis. It argues that the composition of the governing social bloc drives the orientation of reform, while the choice of decision-making arena (parliamentary law-making versus tripartite social concertation) and the EU’s evolving social governance shape the breadth and depth of reform.Building on the distinction between competitive and inclusive solidarity, the book compares four domains: employment protection and collective bargaining; statutory minimum wages; regulation of ride-hailing platforms in passenger transport; and the regularisation of precarious public sector work. The analysis covers Portugal’s progressive cycle (2015–2021) and Spain’s coalition years (2019–2025), drawing on elite interviews, content analysis of parliamentary debates and media coverage, and official documents. The findings reveal a targeted, outsider-focussed strategy in Portugal and a more universal re-regulation in Spain.Governing Solidarity offers a fresh framework and rich evidence for scholars of political economy and industrial relations, as well as advanced students and policymakers confronting labour market segmentation. © 2026 selection and editorial matter, Paulo Marques, Rui Branco, Óscar Molina and Renato Miguel Carmo; individual chapters, the contributors Comparative political economy Labour market solidarity Platform work and precarious work Labour market segmentation Atypical employment Comparative employment relations Contemporary labour markets Employment protection, collective bargaining True Adobe PDF Library 15.0 Unknown Comparative political economy; Labour market solidarity; Platform work and precarious work; Labour market segmentation; Atypical employment; Comparative employment relations; Contemporary labour markets; "Employment protection, collective bargaining" 1 26459 AAAAAA== Pages: Page: Sequence: 1 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: DOI: 10.4324/9781003519874-4 Rect: 230, 57, 385, 45 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: This chapter has been made available under a CC BY-NC-ND license. Rect: 84, 45, 385, 33 Page: Sequence: 2 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Chapter 2 Rect: 234, 420, 279, 408 ActionDest: null Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Afonso et al., 2022 Rect: 158, 300, 243, 288 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Crouch, 1993 Rect: 224, 240, 286, 228 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Molina and Rhodes, 2007 Rect: 293, 240, 385, 228 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Molina and Rhodes, 2007 Rect: 56, 228, 78, 216 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Andreotti et al., 2001 Rect: 223, 144, 319, 132 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 3 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Molina, 2006 Rect: 150, 588, 209, 576 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Ebbinghaus and Hassel, 2000 Rect: 60, 564, 195, 552 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Hancké and Rhodes, 2005 Rect: 203, 564, 324, 552 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Molina and Rhodes, 2007 Rect: 332, 564, 385, 552 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Molina and Rhodes, 2007 Rect: 56, 552, 116, 540 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Campos Lima and Naumann, 2011 Rect: 218, 432, 379, 420 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Campos Lima, 2019 Rect: 349, 372, 385, 360 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Campos Lima, 2019 Rect: 56, 360, 106, 348 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Lisi and Loureiro, 2022 Rect: 120, 252, 222, 240 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 4 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Eurofound, 1999 Rect: 60, 468, 135, 456 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 5 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Marques and Fonseca, 2022 Rect: 168, 588, 289, 576 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Marques and Salavisa, 2017 Rect: 60, 420, 182, 408 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Branco, 2022 Rect: 187, 420, 246, 408 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 6 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Table 3.1 Rect: 313, 444, 354, 432 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 7 Page: Sequence: 8 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Table 3.2). It retained the priority of firm‑level agreements and left unaltered the shortened deadlines for unilateral termination (three years) and the 12‑month validity of expired agreements. Employers in financial difficulty were, however, deprived of the unilateral right to suspend collective agreements. At the same time, the government resumed the use of the extension mechanism without the representativeness criteria introduced during the Troika period, once again allowing sectoral agreements to be extended by administrative deci-sion. The ability of collective agreements to derogate from statutory minima was curtailed: areas in which agreements could set terms less favourable than the law were restricted and individual employment contracts could only override collective agreements when providing more favourable conditions to workers.From the standpoint of the Socialist government, the reform represented a pragmatic compromise that responded to concerns about precariousness while preserving a degree of labour market flexibility. For the PCP, the BE, and the CGTP, it fell short of restoring pre‑crisis standards because it did not reverse the reduction in severance pay, nor restore the ultra-​activity of col-lective agreements. Conversely, employer organisations were reassured that the core liberalising features of the Troika reforms were left intact.Social Concertation: The 2018 Tripartite AgreementGiven the political composition of the Geringonça,1 Rect: 329, 516, 369, 504 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 9 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Table 3.2). It retained the priority of firm‑level agreements and left unaltered the shortened deadlines for unilateral termination (three years) and the 12‑month validity of expired agreements. Employers in financial difficulty were, however, deprived of the unilateral right to suspend collective agreements. At the same time, the government resumed the use of the extension mechanism without the representativeness criteria introduced during the Troika period, once again allowing sectoral agreements to be extended by administrative deci-sion. The ability of collective agreements to derogate from statutory minima was curtailed: areas in which agreements could set terms less favourable than the law were restricted and individual employment contracts could only override collective agreements when providing more favourable conditions to workers.From the standpoint of the Socialist government, the reform represented a pragmatic compromise that responded to concerns about precariousness while preserving a degree of labour market flexibility. For the PCP, the BE, and the CGTP, it fell short of restoring pre‑crisis standards because it did not reverse the reduction in severance pay, nor restore the ultra-​activity of col-lective agreements. Conversely, employer organisations were reassured that the core liberalising features of the Troika reforms were left intact.Social Concertation: The 2018 Tripartite AgreementGiven the political composition of the Geringonça,1 Rect: 282, 385, 286, 373 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Chapter 2 Rect: 181, 289, 225, 277 ActionDest: null Page: Sequence: 10 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Dray et al., 2016 Rect: 211, 468, 289, 456 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: CPCS, 2018 Rect: 153, 384, 207, 372 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 2 Rect: 382, 348, 385, 336 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 11 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Chapter 2 Rect: 145, 516, 189, 504 ActionDest: null Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 3 Rect: 233, 325, 237, 313 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 4 Rect: 343, 229, 347, 217 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 12 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 5 Rect: 77, 590, 80, 575 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Figure 3.1). The map displays relationships between key themes in the legislative process and political actors, as well as the intensity of those connections. The circles represent both the categories of analysis and the political actors; the lines represent the connections (the thicker the line, the stronger the connection). As regards the government, while it is connected to themes such as precariousness, segmentation, and collective bargaining –​ similarly to the left parties –​ it takes a different view of these issues. One of the most prominent points of contention was the pro-posal to extend the trial period from 90 to 180 days, presented as a way to limit the use of fixed‑term contracts, particularly for young workers.6 Rect: 196, 552, 241, 540 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Figure 3.1). The map displays relationships between key themes in the legislative process and political actors, as well as the intensity of those connections. The circles represent both the categories of analysis and the political actors; the lines represent the connections (the thicker the line, the stronger the connection). As regards the government, while it is connected to themes such as precariousness, segmentation, and collective bargaining –​ similarly to the left parties –​ it takes a different view of these issues. One of the most prominent points of contention was the pro-posal to extend the trial period from 90 to 180 days, presented as a way to limit the use of fixed‑term contracts, particularly for young workers.6 Rect: 361, 444, 364, 432 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 13 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 7 Rect: 382, 372, 385, 360 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 8 Rect: 382, 240, 385, 228 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Chapter 2 Rect: 168, 108, 211, 96 ActionDest: null Page: Sequence: 14 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Malo, 2012 Rect: 60, 264, 112, 252 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Molina, 2014 Rect: 118, 96, 177, 84 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 15 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Table 3.3 Rect: 323, 408, 365, 396 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 16 Page: Sequence: 17 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Table 3.4 Rect: 240, 260, 280, 248 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 18 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 9 Rect: 382, 80, 385, 68 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 19 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 10 Rect: 322, 504, 328, 492 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Molina, 2022 Rect: 98, 408, 157, 396 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 11 Rect: 131, 372, 137, 360 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Molina, 2022 Rect: 161, 252, 221, 240 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Europa Press, 2020 Rect: 353, 144, 385, 132 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Europa Press, 2020 Rect: 56, 132, 106, 120 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 20 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 12 Rect: 378, 372, 385, 360 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 21 Page: Sequence: 22 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Chapter 2 Rect: 299, 564, 344, 552 ActionDest: null Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 13 Rect: 378, 301, 385, 289 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 14 Rect: 119, 133, 125, 121 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 15 Rect: 378, 85, 385, 73 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 23 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 16 Rect: 378, 444, 385, 432 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Chapter 2 Rect: 147, 300, 191, 288 ActionDest: null Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Figure 3.2). As with the Portuguese map, it represents the connections between key themes in the legislative discussion and the political actors, and the intensity of those connections. Regarding the different levels of decision‑making, policy concertation and social dialogue appear to be of particular importance to the Government, while the EU and the parliamentary arena are salient for the PP and the regional left parties, respectively. Although regional right parties are also connected to the parliamentary arena, this concern was expressed more strongly by MPs from left parties, who favour Parliament over social concertation as the legitimate policymaking body. The stronger role played by the EU in the PP’s discourse is likely linked to the reform’s placement within a broader spectrum of measures under the Recovery and Resilience Plans, and to the fact that approval by the social partners was a necessary condition for access to European funds; this also led left parties to criticise some of the concessions made. Regarding party positions on the reform, the PP and regional parties (both right and left) opposed it, albeit for different reasons. The regional left parties considered that the tripartite agreement conceded too much to employers in key areas, most notably the limitation of temporary contracts and the precedence of regional collective agreements over national‑sectoral ones. The latter issue was also raised by regional right parties. The themes such as precariousness, collective bargaining, and tem-porality emerged as highly important to the left parties (both regional and Unidas Podemos-​PSOE) and to the Government (mainly precariousness and temporality).Comparative Assessment: Portugal (2019) and Spain (2021)The two reforms display distinct conceptions of how to rebuild labour‑market solidarity after a period of liberalisation and dualisation. In Portugal, the 2019 reform constitutes a partial and asymmetrical reversal: it substantially re‑regulates non‑standard employment while preserving the core liberalising pillars introduced during the Troika period for standard workers and the structure of collective bargaining. In Spain, the 2021 reform is broader in scope: it tightens regulation across several dimensions, notably temporary hiring and collective bargaining, whilst leaving in place some elements of the 2012 settlement for permanent contracts.In the Portuguese case, the thrust of policy reform is unambiguous on atypical work. Fixed‑term contracts were confined to genuine temporary needs, the cumulative duration of successive contracts was reduced, and the presumptive test against bogus self‑employment was strengthened. By con-trast, the reform leaves the priority of company‑level agreements over sectoral agreements unchanged and does not alter the shortened deadlines governing the expiry of collective agreements; the extension mechanism was, however, reinstated without representativeness thresholds. On permanent contracts, protection is broadly stable, albeit with a slight net commodification effect arising from the introduction of a six‑month trial period for first‑time job-​seekers and the long‑term unemployed. For temporary agency work, the net effect is best characterised as broadly neutral: the maximum assignment length was increased (from two to three years), but a cap on renewals was introduced, which offsets the deregulatory component. On balance, and as summarised in Table 3.5 Rect: 279, 240, 324, 228 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 24 Page: Sequence: 25 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Figure 3.2). As with the Portuguese map, it represents the connections between key themes in the legislative discussion and the political actors, and the intensity of those connections. Regarding the different levels of decision‑making, policy concertation and social dialogue appear to be of particular importance to the Government, while the EU and the parliamentary arena are salient for the PP and the regional left parties, respectively. Although regional right parties are also connected to the parliamentary arena, this concern was expressed more strongly by MPs from left parties, who favour Parliament over social concertation as the legitimate policymaking body. The stronger role played by the EU in the PP’s discourse is likely linked to the reform’s placement within a broader spectrum of measures under the Recovery and Resilience Plans, and to the fact that approval by the social partners was a necessary condition for access to European funds; this also led left parties to criticise some of the concessions made. Regarding party positions on the reform, the PP and regional parties (both right and left) opposed it, albeit for different reasons. The regional left parties considered that the tripartite agreement conceded too much to employers in key areas, most notably the limitation of temporary contracts and the precedence of regional collective agreements over national‑sectoral ones. The latter issue was also raised by regional right parties. The themes such as precariousness, collective bargaining, and tem-porality emerged as highly important to the left parties (both regional and Unidas Podemos-​PSOE) and to the Government (mainly precariousness and temporality).Comparative Assessment: Portugal (2019) and Spain (2021)The two reforms display distinct conceptions of how to rebuild labour‑market solidarity after a period of liberalisation and dualisation. In Portugal, the 2019 reform constitutes a partial and asymmetrical reversal: it substantially re‑regulates non‑standard employment while preserving the core liberalising pillars introduced during the Troika period for standard workers and the structure of collective bargaining. In Spain, the 2021 reform is broader in scope: it tightens regulation across several dimensions, notably temporary hiring and collective bargaining, whilst leaving in place some elements of the 2012 settlement for permanent contracts.In the Portuguese case, the thrust of policy reform is unambiguous on atypical work. Fixed‑term contracts were confined to genuine temporary needs, the cumulative duration of successive contracts was reduced, and the presumptive test against bogus self‑employment was strengthened. By con-trast, the reform leaves the priority of company‑level agreements over sectoral agreements unchanged and does not alter the shortened deadlines governing the expiry of collective agreements; the extension mechanism was, however, reinstated without representativeness thresholds. On permanent contracts, protection is broadly stable, albeit with a slight net commodification effect arising from the introduction of a six‑month trial period for first‑time job-​seekers and the long‑term unemployed. For temporary agency work, the net effect is best characterised as broadly neutral: the maximum assignment length was increased (from two to three years), but a cap on renewals was introduced, which offsets the deregulatory component. On balance, and as summarised in Table 3.5 Rect: 124, 432, 166, 420 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Table 3.5 as a strong positive change (+​+​) for fixed‑term contracts and ultra‑activity; a neutral to positive outcome (=​/​+​) for temporary agency work and for the company–​sector articulation; a strong positive change (+​+​) for extensions; and a neutral to positive outcome (=​/​+​) for permanent‑contract regulation.Taken together, the Iberian comparison underscores how similar political economies, operating under a more socially balanced European governance framework, can deliver different solidaristic settlements. Portugal resolved distributional conflicts by relying on social concertation to re‑regulate outsiders while maintaining the main competitive features of the post‑crisis regime for insiders. Spain, benefiting from a broader coalition and a later, post-​pandemic timing in the European ‘social turn,’ advanced a more encompassing recalibration that narrows the insider–​outsider divide and strengthens the capacity of collective bargaining to coordinate wage‑setting and working conditions. Table 3.5 Rect: 69, 288, 110, 276 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 26 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Table 3.5 as a strong positive change (+​+​) for fixed‑term contracts and ultra‑activity; a neutral to positive outcome (=​/​+​) for temporary agency work and for the company–​sector articulation; a strong positive change (+​+​) for extensions; and a neutral to positive outcome (=​/​+​) for permanent‑contract regulation.Taken together, the Iberian comparison underscores how similar political economies, operating under a more socially balanced European governance framework, can deliver different solidaristic settlements. Portugal resolved distributional conflicts by relying on social concertation to re‑regulate outsiders while maintaining the main competitive features of the post‑crisis regime for insiders. Spain, benefiting from a broader coalition and a later, post-​pandemic timing in the European ‘social turn,’ advanced a more encompassing recalibration that narrows the insider–​outsider divide and strengthens the capacity of collective bargaining to coordinate wage‑setting and working conditions. Table 3.5 Rect: 165, 444, 206, 432 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 17 Rect: 114, 408, 121, 396 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 27 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Chapter 2 Rect: 142, 600, 186, 588 ActionDest: null Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Scharpf, 2016 Rect: 188, 456, 249, 444 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Perez and Matsaganis, 2018 Rect: 255, 456, 379, 444 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: European Commission, 2017 Rect: 133, 432, 260, 420 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: European Commission, 2021 Rect: 112, 420, 238, 408 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Directive 2019 Rect: 225, 408, 291, 396 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Directive 2022 Rect: 269, 396, 334, 384 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Kyriazi and Miró, 2023 Rect: 200, 384, 303, 372 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Petmesidou et al., 2023 Rect: 309, 384, 385, 372 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Petmesidou et al., 2023 Rect: 56, 372, 78, 360 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: CJEU, 2016 Rect: 358, 360, 385, 348 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: CJEU, 2016 Rect: 56, 348, 78, 336 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: CJEU, 2020 Rect: 84, 348, 136, 336 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Table 2.2 Rect: 289, 288, 330, 276 ActionDest: null Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Chapter 2 Rect: 337, 288, 382, 276 ActionDest: null Page: Sequence: 28 Annotations: Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 1 Rect: 60, 540, 65, 529 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 2 Rect: 60, 529, 65, 518 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 3 Rect: 60, 518, 65, 507 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 4 Rect: 60, 485, 65, 474 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 5 Rect: 60, 463, 65, 452 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 6 Rect: 60, 452, 65, 441 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 7 Rect: 60, 441, 65, 430 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 8 Rect: 60, 419, 65, 408 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 9 Rect: 60, 397, 65, 386 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 10 Rect: 56, 375, 66, 364 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: www.lamonc​loa.gob.es/​pre​side​nte/​int​erve​ncio​nes/​Pagi​nas/​2020/​prsp0​4012​020.aspx Rect: 334, 375, 385, 364 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: www.lamonc​loa.gob.es/​pre​side​nte/​int​erve​ncio​nes/​Pagi​nas/​2020/​prsp0​4012​020.aspx Rect: 72, 364, 345, 353 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 11 Rect: 56, 342, 66, 331 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 12 Rect: 56, 320, 66, 309 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 13 Rect: 56, 298, 66, 287 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: 14 Rect: 56, 276, 66, 265 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Sousa et al. 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Rect: 56, 292, 114, 281 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Scharpf F. W. Rect: 56, 259, 106, 248 ActionDest: 1 Annotation: Subtype: Link Contents: Sousa J. B. Rect: 56, 226, 98, 215 ActionDest: 1 Page: Sequence: 31 Checksum: 1e58114f Type: CRC32 Checksum: 3f5d4c4155f6c082d987085421c0949f Type: MD5 Checksum: 76dcf59be83921c4998b1faf753ce9d0eabecf84 Type: SHA-1 Checksum: b7fe367c5c295c3b863d51fed50b128c717f4eb17bd8d64deb03ed964f5053a3 Type: SHA-256