Local wh-subjects under Quem nunca? ellipsis
Dias, Tarcisio (University of Connecticut)
Fecha: |
2023 |
Resumen: |
In this paper I show that there is an elliptical construction in Brazilian Portuguese involving nunca ('never') restricted to locally moved wh-subjects and provide an account of this peculiar restriction. The construction in question corresponds to the sequence Quem nunca? ('Who never?'), which is used as a follow-up comment to a declarative sentence such as Pedro beijou João ('Pedro kissed João'), meaning 'Who did never kiss João?'. Curiously, the wh-element in such cases must correspond to the locally moved subject. I argue that the construction in question provides evidence for Bošković's (2023) proposal regarding two different positions for wh-movement, in which local wh-subjects move to a position below CP and above TP, whereas other wh-elements all move to Spec,CP. I also show this approach provides evidence for the view in which a Spec-head relation is needed for ellipsis licensing. |
Derechos: |
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Lengua: |
Anglès |
Documento: |
Article ; recerca ; Versió publicada |
Materia: |
Ellipsis ;
Wh-constructions ;
Brazilian Portuguese ;
Left periphery |
Publicado en: |
Isogloss, Vol. 9 Núm. 4 (2023) , p. 1-20 (Articles) , ISSN 2385-4138 |
Adreça original: https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v9-n4-dias
DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.295
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Registro creado el 2023-12-17, última modificación el 2024-05-04