Local wh-subjects under Quem nunca? ellipsis
Dias, Tarcisio (University of Connecticut)

Data:	2023
Resum:	In this paper I show that there is an elliptical construction in Brazilian Portuguese involving nunca ('never') restricted to locally moved wh-subjects and provide an account of this peculiar restriction. The construction in question corresponds to the sequence Quem nunca? ('Who never?'), which is used as a follow-up comment to a declarative sentence such as Pedro beijou João ('Pedro kissed João'), meaning 'Who did never kiss João?'. Curiously, the wh-element in such cases must correspond to the locally moved subject. I argue that the construction in question provides evidence for Bošković's (2023) proposal regarding two different positions for wh-movement, in which local wh-subjects move to a position below CP and above TP, whereas other wh-elements all move to Spec,CP. I also show this approach provides evidence for the view in which a Spec-head relation is needed for ellipsis licensing.
Drets:	Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència d'ús Creative Commons. Es permet la reproducció total o parcial, la distribució, la comunicació pública de l'obra i la creació d'obres derivades, fins i tot amb finalitats comercials, sempre i quan es reconegui l'autoria de l'obra original.
Llengua:	Anglès
Document:	Article ; recerca ; Versió publicada
Matèria:	Ellipsis ; Wh-constructions ; Brazilian Portuguese ; Left periphery
Publicat a:	Isogloss, Vol. 9 Núm. 4 (2023) , p. 1-20 (Articles) , ISSN 2385-4138

Adreça original: https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/v9-n4-dias
DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.295

20 p, 296.0 KB

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